POLEMICS.

1. Nature, Place and Function.

Polemics is that department of theology which is concerned with the history of controversies maintained within or by the Christian Church, and with the conducting of such controversies in defense of doctrines held to be essential to Christian truth or in support of distinctive denominational tenets. It is, however, a question whether polemics belongs to the special departments of dogmatics, ethics, or practical theology, or whether it constitutes an independent branch of study. Christianity has had, from the first, to battle with scientific weapons against Jews, heathens, heretics, and sehismatics, so that a rich and varied controversial literature was early developed in all branches of theology; though the means and the methods have varied according to the nature of the subject under discussion and the persons engaged.

Theoretically there is no distinct department of theological polemics; but practically there is a very real need of an independent branch of this nature. Theological polemics, therefore, scientifically combats erroneous conceptions and mistaken attitudes toward Christianity in its various phases, with the aim of defending the position of the communion to which the controversialist belongs. As the ancient Church had to fight against the classes of opponents already named, so modern polemics must defend the spirit of Christianity against nonChristian philosophies, sectarianism, indifferentism, and separatism. The problem next arises as to what place is occupied by polemics in the general field of theology. Schleiermacher divided theology into "philosophical," "historical," and "practical," and subdivided "philosophical theology" into " polemics " and " apologetics," apologetics being directed outwardly, and polemics inwardly. This division, however, is unsatisfactory. In the first place, polemics is applied dogmatics, for the polemic starts with certain dogmatic presuppositions. Again, it is applied symbolics, since dogmatic conceptions develop best in the orderly growth of a communion fully conscious of its distinctive organization. Theologically, therefore, polemics finds a place after dogmatics and apologetics. If, in addition to questions of doctrine, it takes into consideration the conduct of life, it becomes related to ethics, and may extend to organization and law, as well as to liturgics, missions, science, and art. The limits of the subject depend upon practical circumstances, the needs of the period, and the disposition of the controversialist.

2. Pre-Reformation and Roman Catholic Polemics.

False doctrines were combated by the apostles, and the Church Fathers followed along the same lines, so that polemic literature has existed since the time of Justin Martyr (q.v.) though his work "Against all Heresies " has been lost. Extant polemic literature begins with the "Against Heresies" of Irenaeus (q.v.). The  and De pr�scriptione h�reticorum of Tertullian (q.v.) followed; and Hippolytus (q.v.) continued in the third century with his work on heresies. The dogmatic theology of the Greek Church was strongly polemic from the fourth to the eighth century; and during the same period the theology of the west assumed a polemic character through its strife with Donatism, Pelagianism, Semipelagianism, and Manicheism, a large number of Augustine's writings being of this character. The polemic literature of the Middle Ages against heretics, Jews,

and philosophical freethinkers was dogmatic in character from Agobard of Lyons to Savonarola's Triumphus crucis. Then came, in the sixteenth century, the controversy between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. The writings of the Jesuits especially were polemic. Alfonso de Castro wrote Adversus omnes h�reses libri quatuordecim (Paris, 1534), being followed by Franciscus Coster's Enchiridion controversiarum (Cologne, 1585) and Gregorius de Valentia's De rebus fidei hoc tempore controversis (1591). The chief work here, however, was the Disputatianes de eontroversiis Christian� fedei (3 vols., Rome, 1581-91) of Bellarmine (q.v.), who was followed by Martin Becan (d. 1624) with his Manuale controversiarum hujus temporis (Mainz, 1623). Jesuit polemics against Protestantism have continued without intermission, one of the most noteworthy works of this character in recent years being the Il Protestantesimo a la regola di fede (3 vols., Rome, 1853) of G. Perrone (q.v.). More popular circles had already been reached by Bossuet' Exposition de la doctrine de l'�glise catholique sur les mati&egave;res de controverse (Paris, 1671).

3. Protestant Polemics

The Protestants, in their turn, were no less active polemically from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Here special mention may be made of Martin Chemnitz, Examen concilii Tridentini (Frankfort, 1565); Konrad Schl�sselburg, H�reticorum catalogus (1597-99); Nicolaus Hunnius (d..1643), Diaskepsis de fundamentali dissensu doctrin� Lutheran� et Calvinian� (Wittenberg, 1616); Abraham Calovius, Synopsis controversiarum (1685); and Johann Georg Walch, Einleitung in die polemische Gottesgelehrtheit (Jena, 1752). Interest in polemics ceased with Friedrich Samuel Bock's Lehrbuch f�r die neueste Polemik (1782). In the Reformed wing mention should be made of Rudolf Hospinian, Concordia discors (Zurich, 1607); Daniel Chanier, Panstratia catholica (4 vols., Geneva, 1626) ; Johann Hoornbeck, Summa controversiarum, (Utrecht, 1653); Francesco Turretini, Institutio theologise elenchtic� (Geneva, 1681-85); and various writings of Friedrich Spanheim, the elder and the younger (qq.v.).

4. The Modern Phase.

Polemics entered upon a new phase with Schleiermacher, whose classification of polemics among the branches of theology has already been described. He was followed by Karl Heinrich Sack, with his Christliche Polemik (Hamburg, 1838), who defined polemics as that branch of the ology which detects and refutes errors that endanger Christian faith and the purity of the Christian Church; and by Johann Peter Lange, whose Christliche Dogmalik (3 parts, Heidelberg, 1849-52) calls polemics and irenics "applied dogmatics." Theoretically, since the middle of the nineteenth century, polemics has not been regarded as a distinct department of theology. Practically, however, a new era in polemics was begun by the sharp critiques of Protestantism by Roman Catholic scholars of recent times. This movement was inaugurated by Johann Adam M�hler's Symbolik (Mainz, 1832), essentially a polemic against Protestantism from an idealistic Roman Catholic point of view; and this work was followed by the great historical polemic of Johann Joseph Ignaz von D�linger, Die Reformation, ihre innere Entwickelung und ihre Wirkungen /I> (3 vols., Regensburg, 1846-18). The ultramontane spirit there displayed was equally manifest in Johannes Janssen's Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (8 vols., Freiburg, 1877-94; Eng. transl., Hist. of the German People, 12 vols., St. Louis, 1896-1907), and Heinrich Suso Denifle's Luther und Luthertum in der ersten Entwickelung (2 vols., Mainz, 1904-10). The Protestants replied vigorously to these attacks with Ferdinand Christian Baur's Gegensatz des Katholicismus and Protestantwmus nach den Prinzipien and Hauptdogmen der beiden Lehrbegrife (T�bingen, 1834), Carl Immanuel Nitzsch's Protestantische Beantwortung der Symbolik Dr. M�hlers (Hamburg, 1835), and a number of other works. While the books just mentioned are necessarily limited in scope, a thoroughgoing, though purely negative, discussion of the chief points of difference between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism was supplied by Karl August von Hare's Handbuch der protestantischen Polemik gegen die romisch-katholische Kirche (Leipsic, 1862, 7th ed., 1900, Eng. transl., London, 1906) which discusses the Church (clergy and papacy), salvation (faith, works, sacraments), and accessories (ritual, art, science, literature, politics, nationality). Paul Tschackert followed this with his Evangelische Polemik gegen die r�mische Kirche (Gotha, 1885; 2d ed., 1888), which not only criticizes the Roman Catholic system in detail, but also affords a substitute for each point criticized by presenting the Protestant teaching on the tenet in question. Finally, mention should be made of the anti-Roman Catholic propaganda carried on by the Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte (Halle, 1883 sqq.) and by the Evangelischer Bund zur Wahrung der deutsch-protestantischen Interessen (founded in 1886).

(PAUL TSCHACKERT.)

5. In great Britain and America.

In Great Britain and America polemics has taken a different course from that which it assumed on the continent. Several causes have contributed to this. Theological encyclopedia has been far less exact in its divisions, and and where polemics has not been recognized as a separate discipline, it has been in corporated into the body of theological construction. There has, moreover, been but little interest in the history of this branch of theological discussion. Again, toleration has been a marked feature of English and American religious thought (cf. Milton, Areopagitica; and Jeremy Taylor, Liberty of Prophesying, which unfortunately he did not exemplify later). Still further, the edge of the controversial spirit has been dulled by the practical nature of the Anglo-Saxon mind, the disposition to compromise, the lack of thoroughgoing intellectual consistency, together with a rationalizing tendency which has tempered criticism of the positions of others. Polemics has appeared quite as often in apologetics as in doctrinal discussions. Only a few of the historical occasions of polemics and names of the chief persons involved are here indicated. (1) The deistic controversy (1648-1775; see DEISM), in which among the pamphleteers and

dignified defenders of supernatural religion appear Richard Bentley (q.v.), Remarks upon a Late Discourse of Free Thinking (London, 1713), a reply to Anthony Collins, Discourse of Free Thinking (ib. 1713); Thomas Sherlock, Trial of the Witnesses of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ (ib. 1729), against Woolsen, Discourse on Miracles  (ib. 1727-24); and W. Warburton, Divine Legation of Moses (ib., vol. i., 1737-38, vol. ii., 1741). (2) Against the Arminians--also including the Arians-of whom were Daniel Whitby, Discourse concerning . . Election and Reprobation (ib. 1710); Samuel Clarke, Boyle Lectures, 1704-05, and Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity (ib. 1712); and John Taylor, The Scripture Doctrine of Original Sin (ib. 1740), which gave rise to many rejoinders by D. Waterland (cf. Works, vol. i. "Life" by Van Mildert, Oxford, 1823) and others in Great Britain, and in New England by Jonathan Edwards (q.v.), Inquiry into the Freedom of the Will (Boston, 1754). (3) The Unitarian controversy in New England was ushered in by the election of Henry Ware as Hollis professor of divinity in Harvard College in 1805. The principal writers from the side of orthodoxy were Moses Stuart (q.v.), professor of sacred literature in Andover Theological Seminary, Letters to Rev. William E. Channing, D.D., on the Divinity of Christ (Andover, 1819); Samuel Worcester, Letters to Rev. Dr. William E. Channing (three pamphlets, Boston, 1815); and Leonard Woods (q.v.), also professor in Andover, Letters to Unitarians (Andover, 1820), Reply to Dr. Ware's Letters to Trinitarians and Calvinists (ib. 1821), and Remarks on Dr. Ware's Answer (ib. 1822). (4) The Tractarian Movement in Great Britain (1833-41; see TRACTARIANISM), brought to a crisis by John Henry Newman's Tract No. 90, provoked a steadily rising storm of opposition first from the Christian Observer (Mar., 1834), and at last from Archibald Campbell Tait (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1868-1882) who, with three other Oxford tutors, signed a protest against Newman's tract. Owing to the violent controversy which ensued the series was "discontinued." (5) The Liberal Movement in the established church centered in Frederick Denison Maurice (q.v.), whose Theological Lectures (ib. 1853) was vehemently opposed by R. W. Jelf, principal of King's College; and by Henry Mansel, Man's Conception of Eternity (ib. 1854); Maurice's What is Revelation? (ib. 1859) was subjected to severe criticism by Mansel's Examination of the Strictures on the Bampton Lectures, 1868 (ib. 1859). (6) In America the (N. W.) Taylor- (Bennet) Tyler controversy (see NEW ENGLAND T) involved the questions of depravity, the self determining power of the will, regeneration, and the divine permission of sin. (For Taylor, cf. The Quarterly Christian Spectator, New Haven, 1832-1833; also, G. P. Fisher, Discussions in History and Theology, New York, 1880. For Tyler, cf. The Spirit of the Pilgrims, Boston, 1832-33; also, Letters on the New Haven Theology, ib. 1837.) (7) In 1835-1837 there culminated in the Presbyterian Church a heated discussion, in which a fierce attack was made upon Albert Barnes and Lyman Beecher, occasioned by their view of the atonement and related subjects. (8) In the latter part of the last century (1882-93) the so-called "Andover heresy," originating in a chapter in Progressive Orthodoxy (Boston, 1886), advocated probation after death for those who had been deprived of probation in this life. The controversy focused on the policy of the A. B. C. F. M., whether those who maintained this view were eligible to appointment as missionaries of the board. It was permanently settled in 1893 by instructions to the prudential Committee to commission one who held to this position. It is possibly significant that Andover Theological Seminary, which was founded in part to combat Unitarianism. among other heresies, celebrated its centennial, 1908, by affiliation with the Harvard Divinity School whose history had been identified with the Unitarian body.

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. B. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology, pp. 437 eqq., New York, 1894; P. Schaff. Theological Prop�deutic, pp. 411-412, ib. 1904; J. B. R�hm, Protestantiaehe Polemik, Hildesheim, 1882; W. G. T. Shedd, Dogmatic Theology, i. 15, New York, 1891; S. J. Hunter, Outline of Dogmatic Theology, 6, 84, ib. 1894; A. Cave, Introduction to Theology, pp. 521 sqq., Edinburgh, 1896 L. Emery, Introduction a l'�tude de la theolopie protestante, pp. 182-183, Paris, 1904; and the literature under THEOLOGY AS A SCIENCE.

POLEHZ, GEORGE OF. See GEORGE OF POLENZ.

POLIANDER, JOHANNES (JOHANN GRAMANNN, GRAUMANN): German Reformer; b. at Neustadt on-the-Main (42 m. s.e. of Frankfort) July 5, 1487; d. at Kbnigsberg Apr. 29, 1541. Educated at the University of Leipsic (B.A., 1506; M.A., 1516), he was first teacher and then rector at the Thomasschule in the same city. In 1519 he acted as amanuensis of Eck at his disputation with Luther and Carlstadt, and in consequence of Luther's argument he went to the University of Wittenberg in the autumn of the same year, where he was intimately associated with Luther and Melanchthon. Returning to Leipsic in the following year, he lectured on the Bible on the Wittenberg model. His success as a scholar and teacher brought Conrad, bishop of W�rzburg, to cause his appointment as cathedral preacher at W�rzburg in 1522, where he came into conflict, in 1524, with the monastic preachers because of his views on the veneration of the saints with the result that he was relieved of his position. He was then preacher to the Poor Clares (see CLARE, SAINT, AND THE POOR CLARES) at Nuremberg and preacher at Mansfeld. In 1525 he accepted the call of Duke Albrecht of Prussia to K�nigsberg, where he became pastor of the Altatadt, and together with his friends Paul Speratus and Johann Briesmann (qq.v.), the two other "evangelists of the Prussians," he established Protestant foundations in Prussia. Besides preaching he lectured publicly on the Bible. He also composed "Nun lob mein Seel den Herren" and probably the " Fr�lich muss ich singen," thus being one of the first Protestant hymn-writers. It is probable that he took part in compiling the first two collections of Protestant hymns for K�nigsberg (1527). In consequence of his pedagogical experience, Albrecht entrusted him with the organization of the new Protestant schools; and in 1531 he was one of

the general ecclesiastical visitors who divided the country into parishes, regulated the income of the ministers and the new ecclesiastical conditions. At the same time he was active in combating the sectaries brought from Silesia by Schwenckfeld. At the colloquy of Rastenburg in 1531 Poliander was the decisive factor in the victory over the Anabaptists. Until his death he stood in intimate relations of counselor and friend with Albrecht.

(DAVID ERDMANN�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY. For sources consult: T. Kolde, in Beitr�ge zar bayerischen Kitchengeschiehte, vol. vi., parts 2 and 5, Erlangen, 1899; P. Tsahackert, Pubtikationen aus den k�nigl. preuss. Saatsarchiven, vols. aliii.-zlv., Leipsic, 1890-91. Consult farther: F. W. E. Rost, Memoria Poliandri. Leipsic, 1808; idem. Was hat die Leipsiger Thomasschule f�r die Reformation gethan ib. 1817; J. C. Cossck. P. Speratus Leban and Liedar, pp. 77 sqq., Brunswick, 1881.

POLITI, LANCELOTTI See CATHARINUS, AMBROSIUS.

 

POLITY, ECCLESIASTICAL.

I. Introduction. The Prince and the Consistory (� 2). Essentials; Divine Right: Church and State (� 2).
II. Monarchical Type (Roman Catholicism). V. Episcopal Type (Church of England, Protestant Episcopal Church). VIII. Eclectic Types (Methodist Churches).
Papal Authority Absolute (� 1). VI. Presbyterian Type. Constituent Elements (� 1)
Roman Doctrine of Church and State (� 2). Rise and Extension (� 1). Resultant Forms of Government (� 2).
III. Aristocratic Type (Eastern Church). Divine Right; Characteristics (� 2). IX. Conclusion.
IV. Consistorial Type (Lutheran). VII. Congregational Type.  
Luther's Doctrine of the Church (� 1). Distribution (� 1).  

 

 

I Introduction:

The emphasis in this discussion falls upon the developments which have occurred within the modern period, and upon the grounds of induction relative to the probable future of a church polity which are supplied by these developments. The Roman and Greek types in their pre-Reformation form were the product of a lengthened historical evolution, and only by sweeping dogmatic assumptions can they be identified with the primitive constitution of the Church. Some germs of them doubtless were on hand at an early date, but as they appeared at the opening of the sixteenth century they were remote from anything that was outlined by Christ or known to his immediate followers. It is to be noted that, while forms of polity may appropriately be named after certain leading characteristics, they are not likely to be adequately described by the titles thus affixed. In a theoretical point of view it makes a great difference whether a given polity is supposed to subsist by divine right, or simply on the basis of human discretion. Practically it is of large account whether a given polity is operated independently, or in close connection with the State. Furthermore, it is of consequence in judging a given polity to observe whether it is appreciably modified by the incorporation of some element from a different type. The subject is obviously one of great complexity.

 

II. Monarchical Type (Roman Catholicism)

1. Papal Authority Absolute

Since the promulgation of the decrees of the Vatican Council (q.v.) and the acceptance of those decrees as having ecumenical authority, it can not be denied that the constitution of the Roman Catholic Church is emphatically monarchical. Prior to the Vatican legislation it was permissible to assume that in the general body of the episcoIn pate there resided an authority at least coordinate with that of the pope. This assumption was widely current in the early part of the nineteenth century. But reaction from the disintegrating work of the French Revolution, powerfully seconded by pope and Curia, prepared for the enthronement of the opposing ultramontane theory. This result was consummated at the Vatican Council. The two decrees of that council relative to the papal office the one declaring that the pope possesses the fullness of the supreme power of jurisdiction over the universal Church, together with the right of immedlate exerciseof it over all the faithful and the other asserting his indendent infallibility together constitute a formidable declaration of undivided and irresponsible rule. In the light of these decrees" one may express the outcome in the equation: In point of authority the pope plus the Church equals the pope minus the Church. As complete in itself and exempt from all lawful restriction or arrest, the authority of the pope rules out the very notion of a supplement. Roman apologists, it is true, disclaim the application of the term " absolute " to the papal monarchy. By divine ordinance, they say, bishops have a place in ecclesiastical administration. The pope is bound by this fixed element in the constitution. Furthermore, he is bound by the ex cathedra decrees of his predecessors on matters of faith and morals. Consequently, the papal moarchy is not of the absolutist type. But while the pope must consent to the existence of bishops, no bishop can enter upon his office without the permission of the pope, from whom, or through whom, comes all power of jurisdiction, and who has also the right either to appoint bishops or to determine the mode of their appointment. No bishop in office can go counter to the expressed will of the pope without being guilty of a misdemeanor. No bishop can remain in office against the will of the pope. No council of bishops can be assembled contrary to the will of the pope, and no assembled council can pass any authoritative decree against his judgment. As respects the ex cathedra decrees of predecessors the pope alone interprets them with full authority, and no one has the legal pre-rogative to gainsay his interpretation. The pope is absolute in the same sense in which the divine head would be absolute if visibly enthroned over the militant Church. Roman orthodoxy accepts in their full significance these words of Palmieri, "The jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff is the vicarial jurisdiction of Christ.

2. Roman Doctrine of Church and State.

Roman Catholic deliverances in recent times on the proper relation between Church and State show a very scanty abatement from the medieval platform (see CHURCH AND STATE, �� 3-8). The separation of Church and State is declared to be normal. The most that is conceded is that the scheme of separation can be condoned for the time being where the conditions are such as to make it practically necessary. " The Church," says Philipp Hergenrdther, " rejects on principle the system of the separation of Church and State "; and in saying this he but expresses the plain import of the Syllabus of Errors of Pius IX., the encyclical on the Christian Constitution of States of Leo XIII., and the encyclical, Pascendi gregis of Pius X. Recent teaching promulgated by pontiffs, canonists, and theologians pronounces that Church and State are not related as equals, but that the Church, as representint the supernatural order and being the infallible guardian of morals, has a preeminence of rightful authority. The authority of the Church, it should be observed in this connection, means the authority of the hierarchy. As Phillips wrote near the middle of the last century, "the clergy is the sanctifying, the teaching, the ruling Church; the laity is the Church to be sanctified, to be taught, to be ruled." Very recently Pius X. in his encyclical against Modernism (q.v.) has strongly emphasized this sentiment by classing among reprehensible errors the contention that a "share in ecclesiastical government should be given to the lower ranks of the clergy and even to the laity," and by ordaining, as a condition of the assembling of congresses of priests, " that absolutely nothing be said in them that savors of Modernism, Presbyterianism, or Laicism." Herein the pontiff undoubtedly speaks in perfect conformity to the postulates of the Roman system.

In the practical exercise of ecclesiastical sovereignty the Roman Congregations constitute an important factor. At a recent date they numbered nineteen. The scheme of reorganization put forth by Pius X. in 1908 provided for reducing them to eleven.

III. Aristocratic Type (Eastern Church):

In one point of view it is more appropriate to speak of the Orthodox Eastern Churches than of the Orthodox Eastern Church (see EASTERN CHURCH, I.). While those who claim the title of " Orthodox " hold a common creed, make use of the same liturgy, and acknowledge bonds of intercommunion, they constitute in respect of government a number of independent bodies (in 1907, sixteen, namely, the churches of the four patriarchates of Congtantinopie, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem: the national churches of Russia, Greece, Servia, Montenegro, Roumania, and Bulgaria; the church of Cyprus; the churches of Carlowitz, Hermannstadt, Czernowitz, and Bosnia-Herzegovina within the Austro-Hungarian monarchy; the monastery of Mount Sinai). The model of church constitution which the Orthodox Eastern Church brought down to the modern period was that recognized by the ecumenical councils of the fourth and following centuries, which knows no eccelesiastcal monarch. The highest dignitaries are patriarchs set over the major provinces of the Christian world. The sole legitimate authority standing above them is the ecumenical council. Among the patriarchs of the. eastern division the one resident at Constantinople was understood to be vested by conciliar decrees, especially those of Chalcedon, with a certain primacy. Mohammedan conquests interfered not a little with the working of the patriarchal constitution, but in its general framework it survived to the modern era. The power which has wrought most effectively to modify this constitution has been the example and the influence of Russia. Since more than four-fifths of the entire membership of the Orthodox Eastern Church is included within that empire, naturally the ecclesiastical scheme espoused and supported by Russia claims the right of way. The Russian state has eliminated within its territory the jurisdiction of an outside party like the patriarch of Constantinople. In 1589 it instituted the patriarchal office at Moscow. In 1721 it did away with the patriarchate and organized the Holy Synod (made up now of eight or nine bishops with the addition of two priests) to serve as the supreme ecclesiastical authority, being entrusted with oversight of doctrine, worship, and matters of administration. Again, the policy of the Russian state was to keep a firm hand upon the managment of church affairs. And this is done through provisions which secure that the Holy Synod shall not antagonize the will of the sovereign. The czar appoints a part of the members and controls in no small degree the selection of the rest. In the meetings of the synod he is represented by a lay official styled the chief procurator. The Russian code recognizes him as the overlord in preserving good order in the Church and directing its legislation. While he is not credited with power to make dogmas, it falls within his prerogative to bring measures before the synod, and the conclusions of that body are subject to his judgment. In Greece and the other national churches in the domain of Eastern Orthodoxy both of these features-the independent relation to the patriarch at Constantinople and the prominence of State authority-the Russian model is largely followed. In all the branches of the Eastern Church the former feature is exemplified. Outside of his patriarchate proper in European Turkey and Asia Minor the patriarch of Constantinople enjoys at most some trivial tokens of an honorary primacy.

The hierarchy of the Orthodox Eastern Church is not widely distinguished as to its enumeration of ranks from the Roman Catholic, except that it stops short of monarchy. It includes patriarchs, metropolitan bishops, ordinary bishops, priests, and deacons. Below the deacon are the four minor orders of subdeacon, reader, exocist, and door keeper. A distinguishing feature is that the title "metropolitan" is in most instances simply honor-ary. Only a few metropolitans have suffragans. Another point of contrast with the Roman system is that the diaconate is not treated as a mere stepping-stone to the priesthood. Many deacons remain such all their lives and serve as curates in the parishes.

IV. Consistorial Type (Lutheran):

1. Luther's Doctrine of the Church.

While divine right is claimed both in Roman Catholic and in Orthodox Eastern theory for prominent features of the hierarchical system, Luther repudiated the notion of the jus divinum in the domain of church polity. He was disposed to regard polity as resting upon human election and having its sanction in practical demands. It was contrary to his emphasis on the universal priesthood of believers to exalt the pastor over the congregation as either a necessary medium of grace or embodiment of sovereignty. Aptness to teach he rated as the great pastoral cedential, and the ministration of Word and sacrement as the great pastoral function. Ordination meant for him simply a solemn public recognition of ministerial standing. On these points-the optional character of church polity and the non-sacerdotal standing of the Christian minister-Luther supplied a permanent standard to his followers (see CHURCH, THE CHRISTIAN, IV., � 2; LUTHER, MARTIN, �1 6, 14). With his stress upon the primacy of the Evangelical message in the Church Luther could easily have reconciled himself to any form of external arrangements compatible with normal opportunity for that message. He had no objection to episcopacy as such. Had a larger proportion of the bishops been friendly to the Evangelical movement, episcopacy might have had a fair chance to survive in the Lutheran domain. As it was, it maintained only a transient existence in any part of Germany. The Scandinavian countries took an exceptional course in uniting Lutheranism with the episcopal form of administration.

2. The Prince and the Consistory.

It was not long before Luther's somewhat idealized conception of the Church as essentially a teaching institute, governing and molding men by the power of the Word, submitted to practical modification under the presure of circumstances. The disturbances wrought by the Peasants' War, the ignorance and wildness of the people, and the readiness of the nobles to make spoil of church property emphasized the need of a directing and disciplining power. The one power available for the exigency seemed to be the Evangelical prince, the secular ruler who had espoused the Reformatation. So he stepped into the position of control, and theory was speedily accomodated to his actual standing by his being rated as heir, within his own territory, to the old episcopal authority. The resulting type of polity was distinctly Erastian. The government of the Church became very largely a matter of territorial sovereignty. The prince was not indeed expected to assume the spiritual office of administering the Word and the sacraments, but in the general ecclesiastical management he was accorded a preeminent function. The foremost organ of administration, under the temporal ruler, came at an early stage to be the consistory. Composed of theologians and jurists appointed by the State this body served as a constant tribual to pass on disputed points of administration, to supervise property and educational interests, and to render judgement in the major cases of discipline. In the next grade of official importance came the superintendents who were usually pastors, selected by the secular government to exercise a species of oversight over neighboring pastors. In the settlement of the pastors the deciding voice belonged to the State and to the local patron. The prerogative of the congregation was usually limited to the right of objecting to a presented candidate. The development, on the whole, may be described as being toward an emphatic preponderance of State, athority, it being understood that the consistory was very largely the instrument of the State. Such germs of presbyterial or synodal organization as were witnessed by the first generations of Lutherans were in no wise fostered and brought to maturity.

A serious and partially effective attempt to modify this consistorial polity was first made in the later part of the nineteenth century. An incentive in this direction was derived from the wide-spread movement toward the principle of constitutional rule which was started in 1848. Enlarged prerogative on the part of the general body of citizens naturally suggested enlarged privilege on the part of the membership in the government of the Church. The result was an extension of the rights of the local congregation in the management of its own affairs, and the granting of more or less important functions to representative bodies or synods meeting at stated intervals.

V. Episcopal Type (Church of England, Protestant Episcopal Church)

Among the communions which emerged from the Reformation movement the Established Churrch of England was specially distinguished by the extent to which it conserved the medival polity . It retained the hierarchical constitution, only cutting off the papacy at one end of the official line and the orders below the diaconate at the other rend. Also in the scheme for the parishes, the cathedral chapters, and such aids to diocesan administration as archdeacons and rural deans much of the old system was retained. It is noticeable, however, that English Churchmeen did not in the earlier period claim divine right, or exclusive validity, for their polity as against that of other protestand communions. The statements of such eminent representatives as Jewel, Hooker, and Whitgift amount to a disclaiming of that right. The wide currency which is now accorded to the theory of a necessary episcopal organization and apostolical succession is attributable in large part to Laud and other Carolinian divines, to the Nonjurors (q.v.), and to the Tractarians (see TRACTARIANISM). The royal "supremacy " over the Church of England as originally asserted in the reign of Henry VIII. included a full complement of substantial prerogatives. In the succeeding period also, so long as the Court of High Commission subsisted, the sovereign was capable of interposing very efficiently in the management of the Church. For the most part since the revolution of 1688 the royal supremacy has signified little else than a chief share in dispensing ecclesiastical dignities. As for the lay body in general, outside of the function of parliament in relation to the establishment, it has had very scanty recognition in the plan of government of the Church of England. It has been wholly shut out from the houses of convocation (q.v.), which however cannot perform any real work of ecclesiastical government without being favored with "letters of business" from the sovereign. In the view of not a few thoroughly devoted members of the Church of England the situation calls for remedy. It is urged that in order to be inspired with due interest in the Church laymen must be associated with the clergy in the management of affairs in parish councils, diocesan councils, and the houses of convocation. Only when the lay element comes to this measure of recognition, it is argued, will the nation have any disposition to grant the Church due autonomy by enlarging the prerogatives of its own proper assemblies. This feature has become well-established in the daughter communions. In the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States the laity has been representedd from the start in the house of deputies, which, with the coordinate house of bishops, forms the General Convention, which constitutes the hihgset legislative authority in that Church (see PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH). Laymen have seats also in the diocesan conventions with equal right of voice and vote. Usually laymen help to make up the diocesan committee which serves the bishop as an advisory body; they have also a large function in the settling of pastors and in determining the period of their incumbency. Thus in the polity of this communion episcopalianism has been united with a considerable Presbyterian element. Partly owing to the influence of the American example a similar politv has gained wide curreny in, the churches afiliatated with the Church of England. Laymen have been members of the governing assemblies of the Episcopal Church of Ireland- since 1871. The same has been true of the Scottish Episcopal Church since the revision of its constitution in 1876. The principal colonial churches--in Canada, South Africa, and Australia-as they enjoy practical autonomy have adopted in like manner the plan of governing assemblies composed Jointly of clergy and laity.

VI. Presbyterian Type:

1. Rise and Extension

This form of polity, which received its initial impulse from Calvin and the Genevan model, was represented before the end of the sixteenth century in Poland, various parts of Germany, Holland, France, and Scotland, and gained a standing later as an appreciable factor throughout the English-speaking world. The Calvinian conception of the Church from which the Presbyteriaan type proceeded has some points of distinction from the original Lutheran conception. In the former a less exclusive stress was placed upon the Church as a channel of grace through the saving ministry of the Word. Prominence was also given to the office of the Church as an ms rumen or promoting the rule of God in the world. Proceeding from this standpomt; the Calvinian communions naturally made larger account of discipline than did the Lutheran, and were somewhat more ready to carry, a militant spirit into their religion. The training of the elect to give practical effect to God's sovereign right was relatively a conspicuous feature in their ecclesiastical scheme. In the Calvinian theory State and Church were rated as coordinate powers, having each its own province.The extent of the alliance which might be consummated be tween them was regarded as determined by the possibilities of mutual serviceableness. At Geneva Calvin thought it appropriate to give considerable scope to the prerogatives of the State in ecclesiastical management as being best suited to achieve the aim of the Church the practical rule of God over the community. In Holland also Presbyterianism made connection with the State, and in Scotland it has held the status of an "established" religion. It received legal establishment in England under the Long Parliament, but did not have opportunity to enter largely into the standing assigned in the legislation. Generally. a rather Jealous attitude toward State interference has been characteristic of Presbyterian bodies. In the American versionof the Westminster Confession the legitimate function of civil mazistrates in relation to ecclesiastical matters is defined to be the impartial protection of all denominations of Christians.

2 Divine Right; Characteristics.

The claim of divine right for their plolity has had considerable currency among Presbyterians. Its advocates, however, have never meant by this claim what is asserted for the papal constitution in the bull Unam Sanctam (see BONIFACE VIII.) and implied in the anathemas of the Vatican Council. It has not been held at any period that the acceptance of presbyterial rule is a condition of salvation. In the Westminster Assembly there were stanch Presbyterians, and enough of them to constitute a respectable minority, who opposed the theory of the jus divinum In later declarations it has often been affirmed that the presbyterial form of church government is agreeable to and founded on the Word of God. But no violence is done in construing these statements in the sense of this declaration in the Book of Church Order of the Presbyterian Church South (1879): "The scriptural doctrine of presbytery is necessary to the perfection of the order of the visible Church, but is not essential to its existence." The central feature of Presbyterian church constitution is a series of governing assemblies constituted on the principle of representation in which series the decisions of a lower assembly are subject to revision by a higher, up to one vests with sureme jurisdiction though not free in its exercise from certain consitutional restrictions. A second prominent feature is the parity of ministers, or the exclusion of all hierarehirel graduations. A third feature is the union of ministers and Iaymen in the governing assemblies. According to a typical arrangement the governing assemblies are of four kinds, namely, church session, Presbytery, synod, and general assembly. The first, which is entrusted with the supervision of the spiritual interests of the local church, is composed of the pastor and the lay

officials called ruling elders. In the mode of instituting these officials, a congregational element comes into play. Both the pastor and the ruling elders, as is also the case with the board of deacons, are elected by the members of the local church. In respect of the pastor elect, however, the approbation of the presbytery must precede his installation, and the like sanction is requisite in connection with the transfer of a minister to a new pastorate. Within the group of churches, between which it serves as the immediate bond of connection, the presbytery fulfils a highly important and responsible function. It has been characterized as being the most important unit in the presbyterian system. Ministers and elders make up the presbytery as they do also the synod and general assembly.

The presbyterian type obtains in the Dutch Reformed and the German Reformed communions (see REFORMED [DUTCH] CHURCH; REFORMED [GERMAN] CHURCH) as well as in the numerous bodies bearing the Presbyterian name. The polity of Lutheran communions in this country is essentially Presbyterian. There is some distinction, however, as respects the legal authority of the highest assembly. While in the Iowa Synod it may approach the Presbyterian standard, it is very much below that standard in the Synodical Conference, and also below it in theory in the General Synod, the General Council, and the United Synod of the South. In the "Meetings" of the Friends-yearly, quarterly, and monthly-the scheme of a hierarchy of assemblies is illustrated. Still the divergence of their polity from the usual Presbyterian type is by no means slight, since they have no general assembly, and all the meetings are democratic in composition.

VII. Congregational Type:

1. Distribution.

While the distinctive features of the Congregational polity were anticipated in some measure by the Anabaptists (q.v.) on the continent, was in England at the extreme of the Puritan reaction against prelacy that this polity began in the more positive sense its record in modern history. From the days of Robert Browne, Jeremiah Burroughes, John Greenwood, and John Robinson (qq.v.), in the latter part of the sixteenth century, it has had a continuous succession of earnest adherents. The pilggrims brought it to Plymouth in 1620, and it remained the distinctive form of church order in blew England during the entire colonial period. The Baptists in all fields have been almost universally its stanch advocates. It is represented furthermore by the Disciples of Christ , the Christian Connection, the Unitarians, and most branches of the Adventists (qq.v.). The polity of the Universalists lies between the Congregational and the Presbyterian form.

2. Essentials; Divine Right of Church and State.

The most pronounced feature of Congregationalism is the autonomy of the individual church. The various churches of a communion may- have, very appropriately, means of fellowship and interaction, such as councils associations, or conventions. But none of these are properly accorded any legislative or judicial authority over the local church. They are assemblies for conference, and their action is ever advisory rather than mandatory. Ecclesiastical sovereignty begins and ends with the local church. [Congregationalists hold as a second fundamental of their polity the fellowship of the churches as exercised in the conventions, associations, and councils referred to.] Within the individual congregation, according to the original Church New-England scheme, the proper officers were the pastor, the teacher, the ruling elders, and the deacons. The second and third, however, were not long retained. At present, within communions of the Congregational order, the regular officers are very commonly enumerated as simply pastors and deacons. The principle of the separation of Church and State was contained in initial Congregationalism as represented by the teaching of Robert Browne (q.v.). Baptists have always been earnest advocates of that principle. The peculiar conditions, however, in New England, where at first the company of citizens and that of church members were substantially identical, led to a somewhat intimate connection between Church and State. While in important respects the churches continued to exercise the functions of self-governing societies, State patronage and control ran through no insignificant range (cf. W. Walker, in American Church History Series, iii. 249, New York, 1894). The last remnant of this scheme of Congregational "establishments" disappeared in 1833.

In recent years there has been relaxation in the advocacy of the divine right of Congregational polity. Representative writers of the Congregationalists repudiate the notion that an exclusive right can be asserted for any given form of church constitution, and affirm that their own polity is happily conformed to New-Testament principles. Among Baptists the teaching is not uniform. The question occurs whether communions which adhere to the Congregational polity have been able to maintain the scheme of direct democracy, or autonomous local churches, without substantial modification. One indisputable fact is that within the last century instrumentalities for giving expression to the collective sentiment and enterprise of the whole group of churches of like name have been greatly multiplied. Very frequently the advocates of the Congregational polity declare that the style of collectivism which has thus been evolved works no detriment to the -Congregational principle, since the councils or associations which have been instituted are engaged to respect the autonomy of the local church. On the other hand, some admit that the introduction of these bodies and the enlargement in various respects of their functions amount to the intrusion of a Presbyterian element into the actual administration.

VIII. Ecelectic Types (Methodist Churches)

1. Constituent Elements.

Among commnunions which illustrate a union of Presbyterian and Episcopalian elements a prominent place is occupied by the Methodist Episcopal Churches (see METHODISTS). There is also a union of Presbyterian and Episcopalian elements in the church order of the -United Brethren in Christ, of the Evangelical Association, and of the Unity of the Brethren (qq.v.). The Congregational element (in certain features of local self-government) discoverable in the churches mentioned is relatively inconspicuous. Recent developments in these comumnions have been largely in the direction of enlarging the sphere of popular government. By the last part of the nineteenth century all had come to include laymen in the higher governing assemblies. The same kind of development has been illustrated in non-episcopal Methodism, as, for instance, among the English Wesleyans (see METHODISTS, I., 1, �� 6, 8). In the Methodist Protestant Church lay delegation has been a feature from the start (see METHODISTS, IV., 3).

2. Resultant Forms of Government

Within the principal Methodist churches the list of assemblies includes quarterly, annual, and general conferences. Between the first and the seconcd the district conference is often interposed. Where existing it assumes various functions which otherwise would fall to the quarterly conferences. The latter are made up of the officials of the individual church--its resident ministers, local preachers, trustees, stewards, class leaders, Sunday-school superintendent, etc. The district conference consists of Ministerial and lay delegates. The annual conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church is (1910) a ministerial body; that of the Methodist Episcopal Church South includes, besides the ministers, four laymen from each presiding elder's district. The general conferences of both churches are made up of ministers and laymen in equal numbers. Among the United Brethren in Christ (q.v.) laymen are accorded a place in all the governing assemblies. The general conference is the supreme trbunal in the entire group of communions under consideration. Within certain constitutional limitations it exercises full legislative and judicial authority. A special feature in the constitution of the Methodist Episcopal Church South is the provision that the board of bishops may challenge the constitutionality of a rule or regulation passed by the general conference, and hold it suspended until it has been approved in the use of the regular method for amending a "restrictive rule" (that is, one of the cardinal limitations imposed by the constitution). As a Presbyterian element finds illustration in the governing assemblies of the Methodist economy, so an Episcopalian element is exemplified in its ministerial ranks. In that economy deacon and elder (or presbyter) are related much as they are in the Church of England and in the Protestant Episcopal Church (q.v.). Methodist episcopacy, on the other hand, has a special character as being non-diocesan. It is also free from the aristocratic assumptions often connected with the episcopal form of organization. Methodist bishops are simply the formost executives in their respective communions. In the Book of Discpline of the Methodist Episcopal Church a note prefixed to the form of episcopal consecration implies that bishops represent a distinct office rather than a distinct order. It remains true, nevertheless, that in the larger Methodist bodies very weighty official (executive, not legislative) responsibilities are devolved upon the bishops. The legal prerogative is with them to station all the ministers (outside the limited circle of general conference appointees), though the advice of the presiding elders and the preferences of the individual churches are practically of great moment. Methodist communions generally which have an episcopal organization, as also the United Brethren in Christ and the Evangelical Association (qq.v.), make use of a kind of subepiscopate embodied in presiding elders or district superintendents, who are placed over divisions of the territory of the annual conferences. Among the Unity of the Brethren the Presbyterian feature is prominent, the bishops, aside from the function of ordaining, having ex offcio no administrative significance, and coming in practise to possess such significance only as being customarily elected to the governing boards and conferences.

Connection with the State has been foreign to Methodist history, and the same is true of the doctrine of the divine right of a specific form of ecclesiastical polity. On this theme Methodists stand with Lutherans, and only insist that in its spirit ecclesiastical administration is obligated to be conformable to the demands of the New-Testament conception of Christian citizenship.

IX. Conclusion:

In view of the enthronement of an extreme dogma as respects ecclesiastical monarchy in the Roman Catholic Church, and the propagation of a radical type of sacerdotalism through a considerable section of the Church of England, it can not be said that recent movements in the field of church polity have been uniformly in a single direction. There has been an undeniable advance in the line of the most pronounced Highchurch assumptions. But some rather significant tokens of reaction are already apparent. The universal movement toward constitutional rule in the secular sphere tends to make men restive under the demands of a pretentious sacerdotalism. In the ecclesiastical sphere generally, outside of the specified domains--not to mention the comparatively stationary Orthodox Eastern Church--the development in recent times has been almost uniformly in favor of popular government. Whether it has been in the interest of the specifically democratic form of ecclesiastical polity, with its emphasis on the autonomy of the local church, is a question which is likely to elicit different answers. Probably the balance is not on that side, but rather on the side of some form of representative government, though in constructing this form it may not be out of place to give a larger scope to the proper Congregational element than is done ordinarily in Presbyterian communions or in those which combine Presbyterian with Episcopalian characteristics.

On a couple of points the development has been quite pronounced. The doctrine of divine right, in anything like a stringent form, has been consigned to a diminishing constituency. A close union of Church and State, or one which makes either essentially a dependency of the other, has become through a widening circle a matter of distinct opposition.

HENRY C. SHELDON.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Richard Hooker, Eclesiasical Polity, London, 1594-1982, best ed. by J. Keble, 3d ed., 3 vols., 1845 (frequently republished); Bingham, Origines (these two books are standard and with their constant citation of historical sources may not be overlooked). Consult further the works on church law (Kirchenrecht) by P. Hergenr�ther, Freiburg, 1905; G. Phillips, Regensburg, 1845-89; J. Winkler, Lucerne, 1878; R. Sohm Leipsic, 1892; J. B. Sllgmtiller, Freiburg, 1904; and E. Friedberg. 8th ed., ib. 1909 (contains an extensive and classified list of works, pp. 5-12) Also: S. Davidson, Ecclesiastical Polity of the N. T. Unfolded and its Points of Coincidence or Disagreement with Prevailing Systems Indicated, London, 1850; F. Wayland, Notes on the Principles and Practices of Baptist Churches, New York 1857; T. Harnack, Die Kirche, ihr Amt, ihr Regiment, Nuremberg, 1882; W. Cunningham; Discussions on Church Principles, Edinburgh, 1883; O. Meier Die Grundlagen des lutherischen Kirchenregiments, Rostock, 1864; W. L. Clay, Essays on Church Polity, London, 1868; T. Witherow, The Apostolic Church, which is it? An Inquiry . . . whether any existing Form of Church Government is of Divine Right, new ed., Belfast, 1869; G. A. Jacob, Ecclesiastical Polity of the N T., London, 1871; W. Pierce, Ecclesiastical Principles and Polity of the Wesleyan Methodist., ib. 1873; E. M. Goulburn, The Holy Catholic Church; its divine Ideal, Ministry, and Institutions, New York, 1875; C. Hodge, Discussions in Church Polity, ib. 1878; E. Hatch, Organisation of the Early Christian Churches, London, 1881; G. T. Ladd, The Principles of Church Polity, New York, 1882; A. A. Pelliocia, The Polity of the Christian Church of Early, Mideval, and Modern Times, London, 1883; E. D. Morris, Ecclesiology, ib. 1885; W. D. Killen, The Framework of the Church; a Treatise on Church Government, Edinburgh, 1890; D. Palmieri, Tractatus, de Romano pontifce, Rome, 1891; F. Markower Die Ver assung der Kirche von England, Berlin, 1894; W. J. Seabury, An Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical Polity, New York 1894; A. Leroy-Beaulieu, The Empire of the Tsars and Russians part 3 ib. 1896; C. Gore, Essays in Aid of the Reform of the Church London, 1898; K. Ricker, Grunds�tse reformierter Kirchenverfassung, Leipsic, 1899; E. L. Cutts, A Handy Book of the Church of Enqland, London, 1900; G. M. Boynton , The Congregational Way, New York, 1903; H. Gallwitz, Die Grundlaqen der Kirche, Eisenach, 1904; J. J. Tigert, A Constitutional Hist. of American Episcopal Methodism, Nashville, 1904; E. C. Dargan, Ecclesiology, Louisville, 1905; H. H. Henson. Moral Discipline in the Christian Church, London, 1905; A. Fortesque, The Orthodox Eastern Church, ib. 1907; W. F. Adeney, The Greek and Eastern Churches, pp. 132-146, 325-354, 404-433 New York, 1908; H. C. Sheldon, Sacerdotalism in the 18th Century, ib 1909. For the details of polity the reader is referred to the Books of Discipline and Church Order issued by the various ecclesiastical bodies, and to the literature under the articles to which reference is made in the text, especially the bibliographies attached to the various denominational articles.

 

1 In connection with the following treatment the reader should consult the articles on the various churches and denominational bodies of which mention is made in the course of the discussion, which articles usually contain accounts of the principles and the details of church government prevailing within the several bodies. See also such articles as CHURCH, THE CHRISTIAN; CHURCH GOVERNMENT; CHURCH AND STATE; COLLEGIALISM; TERRITORIALISM; BISHOP; DEACON; EPISCOPACY; and ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH.

POLLOCK, BERTRAM: Church of England bishop; b. at Wimbledon (7 m. s. of St. Paul's, London) Dec. 6, 1863. He received his education at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1885; M.A., 1889; B.D., 1902; D.D., 1903); was made deacon in 1890 and priest in 1891; was assistant master at Marlborough College, 1886-93; master of Wellington College, 1893-1910; and became bishop of Norwich in 1910. He served also as select preacher at Cambridge in 1895, and at Oxford in 1907-08; examining chaplain to the bishop of Litchfield, 1900-10; and chaplain in ordinary to the king, 1904-10.

 

POLLOK, ALLAN: Presbyterian; b. at Buckhaven (15,} m. s.w. of St. Andrews), Fifeshire, Scotland, Oct. 19, 1829. He was educated at the University of Glasgow (M.A., 1852), was sent by the Colonial Committee of the Church of Scotland to Nova Scotia, where he was minister of St. Andrew's, New Glasgow (1852-75), professor of church history and practical theology in the Presbyterian College, Halifax (1875-1904), acting also as principal (1886-1904). He still lectures occasionally in the college, and in theology is a " moderate Calvinist, holding the doctrines of the Westminster Confession in all essentials." He has written Lectures on the Book of Common Order (New York, 1897), and Studies in Practical Theology  (Edinburgh, 1907).

 

POLLOK, ROBERT: Scotch poet; b. at North Moorhouse, Eaglesham Parish (8 m. s. of Glasgow), Renfrewahire, Oct. 19, 1798; d. at Shirley Common, near Southampton, Sept. 18, 1827. He graduated at Glasgow University (M.A., 1822); and studied theology at Union Secession Hall and Glasgow University (1822-27). He is famous for The Course of Time, a religious poem, projected on a stupendous scale, in ten books, on the destiny of man (London, 1827; seventy-eighth thousand, 1868; many editions in the United States). He was the author, also, of Helen of the Glen (Glasgow, 1830), The Persecuted Family (3d ed., Edinburgh, 1829), and Ralph Gemmell (1829); the three republished separately and together under the title, Tales of the Covenanters (Edinburgh, 1833; later ed., 1895).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Pollok, The Life of Robert Pollok, with Selections from his Correspondence, Edinburgh, 1843; a Memoir prefixed to later issues of The Course of Time�and DNB, xlvi. 89-70.

 

POLYCARP: Bishop of Smyrna and martyr; b. in the second half of the first century; d. at Smyrna Feb. 23, 155. He is first mentioned in the letters of Ignatius to the Ephesians (xxi. 1; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 58) and to the Magnesians (xv.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 65) and to Polycarp. The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, however, is a letter written to accompany the transmission of the letters of Ignatius and was requested by the Philippians (xiii.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 36). Those who dispute the letters of Ignatius as genuine would have to reject this also as an interpolation; yet it should not be overlooked that Ireneeus had this letter in mind as a witness of Polycarp's faith and his preaching of the truth (H�r., iii. 3-4, Eng. transl., ANF, i. 416). The charge that it was falsified together with the letters of Ignatius is excluded by the peculiar character of the epistle and the charge of interpolation is contradicted by the use of I Clement, equally distributed throughout all the parts. The desire of Ignatius expressed in " To the Smyrneans," xi. (Eng transl., ANF, i. 91) and "To Polycarp," viii. (Erg. trans]., ANF, i. 100) throws light on the letter or letters of the Philippians to be transmitted to the Syrians mentioned in xiii. of Polycarp's letter. This letter of Polycarp was therefore written at the time of the martyrdom of Ignatius in the reign of Trajan (98-117). It is preserved in Greek only together with the Epistle of Barnabas as far as ix. 2; the remainder, in an inaccurate Latin translation (ix. and xiii. also in Eusebius, Hist. eccl, III., xxxvi. 13-15; Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 168-169). The points of recognition of the letter through Ireneeus are substantiated by the contents: Christ, who has suffered for us and as the risen one is exalted, will also raise us if we do the will of God. Its admonitions deal plainly with the Christian walk in life, in reliance upon the New-Testament Scriptures, especially I Peter. The apostasy of a presbyter Valens is deplored (xi.). He writes of the Smyrnean congregation, whose representative he and the presbyters in whose name he writes are, that (in contrast with the Philippians) in the time of Paul they knew not yet God (xi.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 35). This does not show that he and the presbyters lived at that time, but that the Philippians turned to him, and Ignatius considers his intercourse with him as worthy of mention and writes to him personally, inasmuch as Polycarp must have been by 110-115 a widely known personage.

This is corroborated by the letter which the Smyrnean congregation directed to the congregation at Philomelium and all the congregations of the Catholic Church concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp, less than a year later (xviii. 2; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 43), which points not only to the esteem in which he was held in his own congregation but to his fame also outside of the Church (xvi., xii.; Eng. transl., i. 43; cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 188-193). The accounts of his martyrdom have received confirmation from inscriptions discovered since 1880 (cf. J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, i. 613 sqq.) which also prove the reliability of the additional chapter xxi. not known to Eusebius; for they prove Philip the asiarch (xii.) and high-priest of Tralles (xxi.) to have been asiarch in 149-153, and highpriest and agonothete at Tralles since 137 for life. From this additional chapter, the Acts of Pionius, and the ancient martyrology it is seen that Polycarp was martyred Feb. 23, on a greater Jewish Sabbath (viii. 1, xxi.; perhaps feast of Purim; cf. Lightfoot, ut sup. 692 sqq.) during the proconsulship of Statius Quadratus, fixed by Waddington, using the representations of the rhetorician Aristides, at 154-156, during which the 23d of February occurred as a Sabbath only in 155. W. Schmid attempts to show that the Quadratus of Aristides, evidently Avillius Urinatius Quadratus the consul suffectus of 156, was proconsul in 165-166 under Marcus Aurelius, in accordance with the chronicle of Eusebius delivered by Jerome, Feb. 23, 166, being also on a Sabbath. In all probability, however, the Statius Quadratus of the time of Polycarp's martyrdom is identical with the consul of that name in 142, who, in the course of advancement, must have been the proconsul in 155. The Asiarch Philip also would have been too aged to be high-priest and asiarch in the time of Marcus Aurelius. At the time of his martyrdom Polycarp had been a Christian for eighty-six years (ix.; Eng. transl., ut sup., i. 41). Iren�us relates how and when he became a Christian and in his letter to Florinus (Eusebius, V., xx.; Eng. transl., i. 238-239) stated that he saw and heard him personally in lower Asia; in particular he heard the account of Polycarp's intercourse with John and with others who had seen the Lord. Iren�us also testifies (H�r., iii. 3-4; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 415-417) that Polycarp was converted to Christianity by apostles, made a bishop, and had intercourse with many who had seen the Lord. He repeatedly emphasizes the very old age of Polycarp (ut sup.). If the supreme recognition of Polycarp was due to his old age and former intercourse with the apostles, so were likewise his presence in Rome under Anicetus and his success in the conversion of heretics (154). In the disagreement with Anicetus, Polycarp appealed for authority to his intercourse with John and other disciples (Eusebius, V., xxiv. 16, Eng. transl., i. 415-116). Iren�us makes mention of several epistles to neighboring churches and individual Christians which are not extant (Eusebius, V., xx. 8, Eng. transl., i. 239). The Vita Polycarpi auctore Pionio, knowing chapter xii. and many letters and homilies of Polycarp, is corrupted with so many fables that to extract the historical is impossible. Feuardentius, in his notes to Irenaus, Hmr, iii. 3 (Cologne, 1596), gives several fragments ascribed to Polycarp which were preserved in a catena of Victor of Capua in his Liber responsorum, to which T. Zahn (Forschungen, vi. 103, Leipsic, 1900) admits the possibility of a partial genuineness. The statements of the learned Armenian Ananias of Shirak (600-650) in his " Epiphany of our Lord " also must speak for themselves. See PAPIAS.

(N. BONWETSCH.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The editions of Polyearp best worth noting are those of T. Zahn in Gebhwdt, Harnack, and Zahn's Patrum apostolicorum opera, ii. 109-133, Leipsic, 1878; F. X. Funk, ra patrum apostolicorum ed., T�bingen, 1901; J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1885, 2d ed., 1889, with Eng. transl.; and A. Hilgenfeld, Berlin, 1902. The Eng. transl. most available after that of Lightfoot, is in ANF, i. 33-38. For eds. of the Martyrium consult ASB, Jan., ii. 705 sqq.; E. Amblineau in PSBA, x (1888), 391-417; the eds. of Zahn, Funk, and Lightfoot ut sup.; R. Knopf, Augsew�hlten Martyracten, T�bingen, 1901; and O. von Gebhardt, Acta martyrum selecta, Berlin, 1902. Eng. transls. are by Lightfoot, ii. 1057-67, ed. of 1885; and in ANF, i. 39-44. The Vita Polycarpi of the 4th or 5th century by Pioniw (said by Funk to be "worthless") has been edited by L. Duchesne, Paris, 1881; J. B. Lightfoot, ut sup., ii. 1005 sqq., 1088 sqq.; and F. %. Funk, ut sup., ii. 291 sqq.; and is in ASB, Jan., ii. 695 sqq. A detailed list of literature is in ANF, Bibliography, pp. 7-10. Discussions of the first importance are in the editions and translations noted above, either as preface, prolegomena, or notes. Consult further: Iren�us, H�r, III., iii., Eng. transl. ANF, 1. 416; Eusebius, Hist. eccl., IV., xv., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 188-193; Jerome, De vir. ill., xvii., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 367; A. Riteehl, Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, pp. 284 sqq., 584 sqq., Bonn, 1857; J. Donaldson, Hist. of Christian Literature, i. 154-200, iii. 306-310, Oxford, 1864-66� idem, Apostolical Fathers, pp. 191-247, ib 1874; T. Zahn, Ignatius von Antiochen, pp. 494 sqq., Gotha, 1873; idem, Forsehungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, iv. 249 sqq., vi. 72 sqq., 94 sqq., Leipsic, 1891-1900; [Cassels], Supernatural Religion, i. 274-282, ii. 267-271, iii. 13-15 London, 1875; B. F. Westcott. General Survey of the Hist. of the Canon of the N. T., pp. 36-40, ib. 1875; T. Keim, Aus dem Urchriatenthum, pp. 90-133, Zurich, 1878; G. A. Jackson, Apostolic Fathers, pp. 7787, New York, 1879� F. Piper, Lives of the Leaders of Our Church Universal, ed. H. M. MacCracken, pp. 1422, Philadelphia, 1879; A. H. Charteris, Canonicity, passim, London, 1880 (references are very numerous); J. Nirsehl, Lehrbuch der Patrologie und Patristik, i. 121-131, Mainz, 1881; W. F. Adeney, in British Quarterly, lxxxii (1886), 31-67; O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altchriatlichen Literatur, i. 146 sqq., u. 615-616, Freiburg, 19021903; E. Schwartz, De Pionio et Polycarpo, G�ttingen. 1905; O. Pfleiderer, Dos Urchristentum, ii. 256 sqq., Berlin, 1902, Eng. transl., Christian Origins, London, 1906: H. Muller, Aus der UeberlieferunpspeschichtedesPolykarpMartyrium, Paderbom, 1908; Harnack, Geschichte, i. 69-74, 817, ii. 1, pp. 325 sqq., 334-356, 381-4118, ii. 2, pp. 303, 466 467; Kr�ger, History, pp. 25 sqq, 380; Ceillier, Auteurs Sacr�s, i. 392-398, 406 sqq., DNB, iv 423-431; the literature under IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH, and the church historians on the Post-apostolic period, e.g., Schaff, Christian Church i. 109-111, 299, 335, 465, 661, 677, 680. On the date of the martyrdom consult: R. A. Lipsius, in JPT, 1878, pp. 751-768; K. Wieseler, Christenverfolgungen. pp. 3487, G�tersloh, 1878; idem in TSK, liii (1880), 141-165; T. Randell, in Studia Biblica, pp. 175-207, Oxford, 1885; W. M. Ramsay in Expository Times, Jan., 1907. pp. 188-189.

POLYCHROME BIBLE. See BIBLE TEXT, I., 3, � 4.

 

POLYCHRONIUS: Bishop of Apamea; flourished in the first half of the fifth century. Of his life nothing is known except that he was the brother of Theodore of Mopsuestia (q.v.), that he was bishop after 428, and that he was one of the most distinguished exegetes of the Antiochian school. Though never expressly anathematized, Polychronius was regarded as a heretic in later times, so of his exegetical works only fragments have been preserved in various catenas. It may be regarded as certain that Polychronius wrote exhaustive commentaries on Job, Daniel, and Ezekiel. The greater part of the fragments preserved are from Daniel, which he interpreted as referring to Antiochus Epiphanes instead of Antichrist, and saw in the fourth monarchy of the world the Macedonian empire, and in the ten heads the Diadochi. He sought always to establish the historical meaning and polemized against allegorical exegesis, as well as against the theory of a twofold sense. As a critic, however, he seems to have been more conservative than his brother. His knowledge of philology, antiquities, and history was considerable, but he shows a comparatively slight acquaintance with the Semitic languages. . His Christology was apparently that of his brother, though probably less pronounced.

(A. HARNACK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY:  Theodoret, Hist. eccl., v. 39, Eng. transl. NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 159; O. Bardenhewer, Polychronius Bruder Theodors, Freiburg, 1879; Fabricius-Harles, Bibliotheca Gr�ca, viii. 638-669, x. 362-363, Hamburg, 1802-1807; , iv. 434-436; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, x. 60.

 

POLYCRATES, pe-lic'ra-t�z: Bishop of Ephesus; flourished in the second century. He is known only bration of Easter (about 190) [to whom he wrote a letter, given in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., V., xxiv., Eng, transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., i. 242-244]. The controversy, according to Eusebius, took place under Commodus (d. Dec. 31, 192), and to Maximin of Antioch (whom Serapion succeeded in 190-191) letters are said to have been directed. At this time he had been a Christian sixty-five years, coming of a Christian family which had already furnished seven bishops. Victor had requested him to can a synod to decide the Easter problem (see EASTER); but this synod, led by Polycrates appealing to the usage of Asia Minor, decided in favor of Nisan 14th, whereupon the pope made an unsuccessful attempt to excommunicate the church of Asia Minor.

(N. BONWETSCH.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Eusebius, Hist. eccl., V., xxii., xxiv., Eng. transl., NPNF 2 ser., i. 240-244 (cf. note 9 on V xxiil,); Harnack, Litteratur, i. 260 ii. 1 p. 323; T. Zahn , Forschungen zur Geschichte der neutestamentlichen Kanons, iii. 187 vi. 162-163, 169 sqq., 208 sqq., Leipsic, 1890-1900; O. Bardenhewer, Geschicte der altkirchlichen Literatur, i. 580 Frelburg, 1902; DNB, iv. 436-437; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, i. 535, ii. 542-543.

POLYGLOT BIBLES. See BIBLES, POLYGLOT.

 

POLYTHEISM.

  • I. Scope and Definition.
    1. Meaning in Scripture (� 1).
    2. Lapse from Monotheism (� 2).
  • II. Classification.
    1. Fetishism (� 1).
    2. Animism (� 2).
    3. Sabaism (� 3).
  • III. Development.
    1. A Corruption of Monotheism (� 1).
  • IV. Ethical Estimation.

 

I Scope and Definition:

1. Meaning in Scripture.

Polytheism or the doctrine and belief that there are more gods than one is the more scientific term for what is otherwise known as idolatry and heathenism, and refers to those religions which are in contradistinction to the monotheism of Judaism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism. It is based on the natural tendency of man to seek religious relations with deity in the light of the revelation of natural religion alone. In the evolutionary process nature proceeds from plurality to unity, and even pantheism appears as a philosophical elaboration and inspiration of primitive polytheism. The verdict of both the Old atld the New Testament on the nature and value of polytheism is essentially the same. Polytheism is the lapse from the living God to the worship of vain idols and the perversion of divinely revealed truth in order to smuggle in falsehood, darkness of spirit, and association with demons. The gods of the heathen are powerless (Jer. ii. 28; Isa. xli. 29, xlii. 17, xlvi. 1 sqq.), and made by man from perishable material (especially Isa. xli., xliv.; Ps. cxv. 4 sqq., cxxxv. 15-18). So far as they really exist, they are demons (Deut. xxxii. 17; cf. Deut. x. 1.7, xxxii. 17; Ps. xcvi. 15, cvi. 27). In the New Testament idols are vain, and are not really gods (Acts xiv. 15, xix. 26; I Cor. viii. 5; Gal. iv. 8), and he who eats of their offerings eats the meat of demons (I Cor. x. 19-21; Rev. ix. 20).

2 Lapse from Monotheism.

In considering the origin of polytheism, the usual development of pantheism from an earlier polytheism, illustrated in India by Brahmanism and in Greece by the Eleatic and Stoic systems, would naturally lead one to consider the primitive form of all religion to consist in the worship of a plurality of gods from which even Biblical monotheism was developed. Never theless, neither the Pentateuch nor the prophetic writings contain any traces whatsoever of an earlier polytheism, and the Old Testament very definitely regards the polytheism of the heathen as caused by a fall from primitive monotheism in the account of the tower of Babel (Gen. xi. 1 sqq.). The gradual development of polytheism from an original monotheism is supported by the history of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 18-20; Josh. xxiv. 2Gen. xxxi. 19-20, xxxv. 2-3); of Joseph, who married the daughter of an Egyptian priest of the sun (Gen. xli. 50), and of Moses who was able to keep his people true to the God of the covenant only by bitter struggle against the paganism of Egypt and Midian (cf. Num. xii. 1 sqq.; Deut. xxxii. 15 sqq.; Amos v. 25-26). Similar views are presented in the New Testament, as in Rom. i. 21 sqq.; Acts xiv. 16, xvii. 29.

II. Classification:

Granted that the theory of evolution is legitimate in the domain of natural science, the question arises whether it applies as well to this sphere in view of the facts of religious history. From the time of David Hume (q.v.) and the English deists and of the German G. L. Bauer, the theory of the origin of monotheism from polytheism has passed through three definite stages: gods were derived either from fetishes, dead ancestors or other spirits, or from the heavenly bodies. These three theories may conveniently be termed fetishism, animism (with its varieties of spiritism, Shamanism, q.v., ancestor worship, hero cult), and Sabaism.

1. Fetishism.

The theory of Fetishism (q.v.), dating from the period of Voltaire and Hume, was essentially established by Charles De Brosses in his Du cults des dieux f�tiches (Paris, 1780), and was further developed by Auguste Comte (especially in the fifth volume of his Cours de philosophie positive (Paris, 1830-42), who assumed that from the worship of rude objects of a childlike superstition in magic, or fetishes, was developed first the polytheism of more civilized pagan nations, while from the latter was evolved monotheism as the highest ethical form of religion. This has become a favorite dogma of positivists in France, England, and North America as well as Germany, as illustrated by Lord Avebury's Origin of Civilization (London, 1870); S. Baring Gould's Origin and Development of Religious Belief (1889); C. Meiners, who held, in his Allgemeane kritiache Geschichte der Religionen (Hanover, 1808), that fetishism was not only the oldest but also the most general form of worship; G. P. C. Kaiser in his Biblische Theologie (Erlangen, 1813-21); Hegel in his Vorlesungen fiber Philosophie der Religion (Berlin, 1832) maintaining that magic, constantly changing its objects of worship in the form of fetishism, creates the first and lowest type of religion; and T. Waitz, in his Anthropologie der Naturvolker (Leipsic, 1859-85). The fetishistic theory was developed into a formal system by F. Schultze in Der Fetischismus, ein Beitrag zur Anthropologie and Religionsgeschichte (Leipsic, 1871), in which an interpretation of the individual tendencies of fetishism is attempted, on the assumption that the rudest fetishism of modern aborigines is necessarily the closest in approximation to the primitive type of all religions. This theory of fetishism has exercised more or less influence on historians of civilization like K. Twesten and F. von HellwaId, natural philosophers like C. Sterns, E. Haeckel, and investigators of religions like A. Wuttke, whose Geachiehte des Heidentums (Breslau, 1852-53), while proceeding from a rigidly monotheistic basis, regards fetishism as the oldest and most primitive type of religion known to history; and G. Roskoff in Geschichte des Teufels (Leipsic, 1889) and Religionswessen der rohesten Natur�lker (1880). In opposition to the frequent assumption after Darwin that there are numerous primitive peoples without any trace of religion, so that absolute atheism is alleged to be the real basis and starting period of the entire religious and ethical development of mankind, Roskoff, in the latter work, marshaled an array of facts confirmed by a company of scholars; but he falls in also with the naturalistic view, regarding magic as the prototype of all religious activity. The theory of fetishism is scientifically false. The fetish is not, according to De Brosses and the other naturalists, an enchanted and therefore prophetic object (as if from fari, fanum, or fatum), but is something artificially made (Portuguese, feiti�o-Latin facere) especially for religious purposes, such as an amulet, cross, or idol. Properly speaking, fetishes are devotional or cultic objects which imply a relatively developed stage of religion, and are even typical of an incipient decay of religious life. They are invariably relics of an older and more perfect concept of the deity; for some sort of an idea of a higher being to be invoked must have been present before steps could be taken to make a fetish. The atone, block, bone, or rag, which forms such a magic idol for the African, was never anything but an idol capriciously adapted to a long developed, even though rough and vague, concept of God. The worship of fetishes forms a rude parallel to the veneration of relics and objects of superstition like the tooth of Buddha in Ceylon, Mohammedan talismans, GrecoRoman amulets, or the teraphim or earthern serpents of the peoples with whom the Israelities came in contact. Far from belonging to the childhood of religion, as Meiners, Hegel, Lord Avesbury, and others have held, on the ground of the puppet shape of the fetishes and the childish homage of dances and drummings in their honor, fetishism is decadent, even as senility frequently assumes an appearance of childishness. Neither fetishism nor the primitive atheism assumed by Avesbury can rationally be made the foundation of religious development either of mankind as a whole or of individual stocks or peoples (cf. J. Happel, Die Anlage des Menschen zur Religion, pp. 112, 134 sqq., Leyden, 1877; O. Pfleiderer, Religionephilosophie, pp. 318-319, 742-743, Berlin, 1878; F. M. M�ller, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, especially vol. ii., London, 1878; P. Schanz, Apologie des Christentums, 2d ed., ii. 37, 297, and passim, Freiburg, 1887-88; and C. von Orelli, Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte, pp. 15, 285-288, 841842, Bonn, 1899). [For another view of the subject, see FETISHISM.]

2. Animism.

The animistic hypothesis, or soul-cult, as the source of all religious development is considerably later than that of fetishism. As introduced into comparative religion by E. B. Tylor in his Primitive Culture (London, 1871; new ed., 1903) and Anthropology (1881) animism denotes a belief, wide-spread among the primitive peoples throughout the world, in more or less powerful souls or spirits dwelling in material objects, in a word, " spirit worship " (cf. J. Lippert, Der Seelenkult nach seinen Beziehungen zur hebraischen Religion, Berlin, 1881; O. Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, pp. 339-377, Berlin, 1901). Logically, this form of religion is a grade higher than fetishism, regarding its cultic objects as filled with, or possessed of, certain spiritual beings, which human magic can cause to appear and become operative. At the same time, cruder fetishistic views and usages are found in animism, especially in the magic character of the priests of both types. Three forms of animism may be distinguished: physiolatric, anthropolatric, and patriarcholatric. Physiolatric animism is the worship of certain nature spirits residing in wells or rivers (nymphs, nixies), in hills or rocks (cobalds), in trees (hamadryads), or in animals, and the like, the two chief subdivisions being the two last, phytolatry and zoolatry, the latter comprising ophiolatry. Anthropolatric animism is the worship of the dead, whether regarded as being in some inanimate medium or in some living animal from simple inhabitation to metempsychosis; this type is the darkest of spiritism issuing in necromancy and fanatical Shamanism. Patriarcholatry, or ancestor worship, is the worship of the ancestors of special families or entire stocks, this frequently passing over among wild tribes into totemism, in which the ancestors are held to have been certain beasts or birds, which thus become fixed emblems of the families or stocks in question. All attempts to make any or all of these types of animism the source of the development of religion have failed. Ancestor worship in particular, defended by H. Spencer in his Principles of Sociology (London, 1876,82), J. Lippert (ut sup.), and others, is rendered nugatory because the pious regard of ancestors presupposes too long a development and too ripe a civilization to be regarded as the primitive source of religion; as, for instance, the Chinese cult and the Pitris and Rishis of India and the Greeks. See COMPARATIVE RELIGION, VI., 1, a, �J 1-6; HEATHENISM, �� 2-4, 6.

3. Sabaism.

The Sabaistic theory, or the assumption that the cult of the heavenly bodies is the source of religion, seems to go back, strictly speaking, to such Church Fathers as Clement of Alexandria, and Firmicius Maternus, who held that, while monotheism was the original religion, the stages of decline had begun with the worship of the heavenly bodies. They were closely followed by Moses Maimonides (q.v.), and, among more recent students, by those who investigate mainly religions possessing an astronomical basis, as the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Phenician. A chief exponent of this theory was the French astronomer C. F. Dupuis, who, in his Origine de tous les cultes ou religion (12 vols., Paris, 1795), sought to prove that worship first of the sun and then of the other heavenly bodies was the point of departure for all religious evolution. Similar attempts were made by J. A. Kanne in Neue Darstellung der Mythologie der Griechen (Leipsic, 1805), J. G. Rohde in Versuch �ber das Alter des Tierkreises and den Alter der Sternbilder (Breslau, 1809), E. von Bunsen in his Einheit der Religion (Berlin, 1870) and Die Plejaden and der Tierkreis (1879), and C. Ploix in La Nature des dieuz (Paris, 1888), in which he blended Sabaism and fetishism. If, however, a stellar cult developed into adoration of the zodiac, the planets, and other celestial objects, it presupposes a degree of culture which is incompatible with the primitive period of mankind. The truly primitive forms of worship of the heavenly bodies seem rather to be monotheistic, the divine element being regarded not so much as the sun, moon, or " host of heaven," as the heaven itself as the symbol or manifestation of the highest beneficent power, in comparison with which the, individual stars constituted mere subdeities. A number of adherents of primitive monotheism have accordingly regarded Sabaism as the mediate stage through which man passed in his decline from monotheism to the baser forms of polytheism. Criticism of Sabaism leads necessarily to the positing of a primitive monotheism though not in its absolute form.

III. Development:

1. A Corruption of Monotheism.

A relative monotheism, consisting of a theistic basis with pantheistic elements, was assumed as the basis of all religious development by Schelling in Philosophie der Metologie and Ofenbarung (Stuttgart, 1856-59), and he was followed by many others. This relative monotheism of the earliest historic period was termed kathenotheism or henotheism by Max M�ller; and though restricted by him only to certain characteristics of the Vedic religion, yet it may well be applied, mutatis mutandis, to the earliest periods of the religion of various other peoples of similar antiquity. This henotheism is defined by M�ller as a naive faith in individual powers of nature which alternately appear as supreme. The religion of the Chinese seems to be an unfolding of the cult of heaven, and early Iranian religious records show similar traces of a relatively pure primitive monotheism, since between the supreme creator of the universe, Ormazd, and his subordinate deities, the six Amshaspands, a considerable interval is held to exist. The oldest religious concepts of the other Indo-Germanic peoples were richer in polytheistic elements, though even in them the aky god was dominant. Among the religions of south western Asia, the ancient Arabs and the Phenicians had a basis of primitive monotheism, consisting in the worship of a supreme god of the light or of the sun (Ilhh or Shamah in North Arabia, Bel among the Sabeans of South Arabia, and Baal Hamman among the Phenicians), though even in the earliest records this basis had received many accretions of stellar polytheism. The same statements hold good of the religion of ancient Babylonia. The most ancient supreme sky-god Anu must early have received by his side a Bel and an Ea, their number later being increased by various younger nature deities, such as the moon-god Sin and'the sun-god Shamash, as well as the five planetary deities Marduk, Ishtar, Adar, Nergal, and Nebo. Many of the most competent Egyptologists agree in placing at the head of the development of the Nilotic religion a creative celestial " king " or " father " of the gods, who was called Amon-Ra by the Thebans and Ptah at Memphis; and Le Page Renouf, in his Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, p. 119 (London, 1880), declares: " The sublimer portions [of the Egyptian religion] are not the comparatively late results of a process of development or elimination from the grosser. The sublimer portions are demonstrably ancient; and the last stage of the Egyptian religion, that known to the Greek and Latin writers, was by far the grossest and most corrupt."

It must not be supposed, however, that this process of degeneration from monotheism everywhere took the same course or passed through the same phases. In like manner, various motives entered into the creation of early myths; and neither the one-sided interpretation of myths as personifications of meteorological phenomena nor the one sided anthropology of the euhemerists nor the operation of diabolical forces as held by early orthodoxy is in accord with the actual state of affairs.

IV. Ethical Estimation:

Regarding the relation of polytheism to morality, the stern judgment must hold which the Old and the New Testament alike pronounce upon idolatry without distinction of its various forms or grades. Idolaters are evildoers punished by the law with the severest penalties, and upbraided by the prophets for their enormities. In the New Testament sinners and heathen are parallel (Matt. xviii. 17; Gal. ii. 15; I Cor. v. 1), while idolatry is classed among the "works of the flesh," being placed between lasciviousness and sorcery (Gal. v. 20), and repeatedly designated as belonging to the worst abominations (Romans ii. 22; Rev. ii. 15, 20, ix. 21, xvii. 4-5, xviii. 22) and as leading to the gravest sensuality (Rom. i. 24-28). And this judgment not only holds true of classical antiquity, but of modern primitive peoples as well.

(O. Z�CKLER �.)

The conclusions reached by the author of the preceding article are not those of the modern school of comparative religionists. Every line of evidence exhaustively examined by these students leads to results that are in complete accord with the science of anthropology, which regards man himself as a development. Religion appears distinctly and unmistakably as a growth, in which monotheism is the choicest fruit, not the root. Wherever the history of religion can be traced for long periods, as in Babylonia and China, and now in Greece, the farther back one searches the more diffused is the worship, until the gods are lost in spirits or demons. This is confirmed by the study of primitive religion, where the objects of worship are spirits, not gods, with rare exceptions, and these exceptions afford no support to the theory of monotheism as original. Similarly in the organized religions, the irrational and animistic elements, for instance of ritual (in which are always preserved longest the traces of origin), are clearly derivable from the earlier stages and point to polytheism or animism, never to monotheism. While there may be reversion of a people from monotheism to polytheism (as in the decadent period of Jewish history), the case can always be shown to be reversion and not degeneration. The background of Hebrew religion is now recognized by the entire critical school as not only polytheistic but animistic. A case of this is the action of Jacob in anointing the stone (an act of worship) on which he slept while he saw his vision (Gen. xxviii. 18), which action was precisely that which Arab tribes directed to the stone deities which they worshiped (Smith, Red. of Sem., passim). The first commandment is an explicit recognition of the existence of other deities.

The conclusions of comparative religionists as to the order of development in religion are briefly indicated in COMPARATIVE RELIGION (q.v., especially VI., 2, d).

GEO. W. GILMORE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Much of the best literature is named in the text, and many of the works given under COMPARITIVE RELIGION and FETISHISM are of first importance: use also the literature under separate lands, as Africa, China, Japan, etc. Consult further: A. Wuttke, Geschichte des Heidentums, 2 vols., Breslau, 1852-53; K. Werner, Die Religionen und Kultur den vorchristlichen Heidentums, Schaffhausen, 1871; E. L. Fischer, Heidentum and Offenbarung, Mainz, 1878; J. Legge, Religions of China, London, 1881; E. G. Steude, Ein Problem der allgemeinen Religionswiesenschaft, Leipsic, 1881; G. Rawlinson, The Religions of the Ancient World, London, 1882; C. F. Heman, Der Ursprung der Religion, Basel, 1888; W. Schneider, Die Naturv�lker, 3 vols., Monster, 1885-91; idem, Geachichte der Religion im Altertum, 2 parts, Gotha. 1895-98; K. von Orelli, Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte, Bonn, 1899; G. Stoeeh, Das Heidentum als religi�ses Problem, G�ttersloh, 1903; W. Mundt, V�lkerpsychologie, Leipsic, 1904 sqq.; W. Bouaset, What is Religion? New York, 1907; A. Bros, La Religion des peuplea non civilis�s, Paris, 1907; F. X. , Kortleitner, De polytheismo universo et quibusdam eias formis apud Hebr�os finitimasque gentes usitatis, Innsbruck, 1908; G. Foucart, La Methode comparative dans l'histoire des religions, Paris, 1909; L. Frobenius, The Childhood of Man, London, 1909; A. Le Roy, La Religion des primitifs, Paris, 1909; J. H. Leuba, Psychological Origin and Nature of Religion, London, 1909; S. Reinaeh, Orpheus. Hist. g�n�ale des religions, Paris, 1909, Eng, transl., Orpheus, London, 1909; W. St. C. Tisdall, Mythic Christs and the True: a Criticism of some modern Theories, London, 1909; H. G. Underwood, Religions of Eastern Asia, New York, 1910.

POMERIUS, JULIANUS: Galilean presbyter of Moorish descent; d. about 490. He is said by Cyprian to have been the teacher of famous Caesarius of Arles (q.v.), and according to the spurious addition to Gennadius' De vir. ill. (xcviii.) and Isidore's De scriptaribus eccleaiasticis (xv.), he wrote a dialogue De anim� nature (or De nature animie et qualitate eras) in eight books and a treatise De vita contemplative (or De contemptu mundi) in three books. The first book of the latter work (MPL, lix. 415-520) treats of the value of the contemplative life, the second of the active life of the Christian, and the third of vices and virtues. The entire works are full of the spirit of Augustine. The similarity of the latter treatise to the.eschatological meditations of St. Julian, bishop of Toledo, early led to Julian's identification with Pomerius, who flourished fully two centuries before him. Julian, a convert from Judaism, was archbishop from Jan. 29, 680, to Mar. 8, 690, and was zealous in defending and extending the faith and reformation of the clergy, at the same time maintaining a firm attitude toward Benedict II. when the pope criticized his creed. His apology addressed to Benedict, together with some of his other works, has been lost; but his Prognosticorum futuri seculi libre tres (Leipsic, 1535); De demonstratione sext� �tatis (Heidelberg, 1532); and Historia Wamb� regis Toletani (MPL, xcvi.) are extant. He probably took part in the final redaction of the old Spanish liturgy and of the Visigothic canon law.

(O. Z�CKLER �.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Histoire litteraire de la France, ii. 885-875; J. Niraehl, Lehrbuch der Patrologie and Patristik, iii. 285 sqq�, Maine, 1881; F. Arnold, C�sarius -von Arelate, pp. 80-84, 124-129, Leipsic, 1894; O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, p. 540, Freiburg, 1901, Eng transl. St. Louis 1908; O. Z�ckler, Die Tugendlehre den Christentums, pp. 93-95, G�tersloh, 1904. On Julian of Toledo Consult: Patrum Tolelanorum . .Opera, ed. F. Lorenzano, pp. 3-385, Madrid, 1785; J. de Mariana, Histori� de rebus Hispania, vi. 248-249, Mainz, 1805, Eng. transl., The General Hist. of Spain, 2 parts, London, 1899; P. B. Gams, Kirchengeschichte von Spanien,

ii. 2, pp. 178-238, 3 vols., Regensburg, 1882-79; F. Dahn, Verfasung der Westgoten, pp. 473-490. W�rzburg, 1870; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, i. 750-751, Leipsic, 1874; P. von Wengen, Julian, Erzbischof von Toledo, St. Gall, 1891; R. Hanow, De Juliano Toletano, Jena. 1891; DNB, iii. 477-481 (exhaustive).

PONCE DE LEON, LUIS DE. See LEON, LUIS DE.

 

POND, ENOCH: Congregationalist; b. at Wrentham, Mass., July 29, 1791; d. at Bangor, Me., Jan. 21, 1882. He was graduated from Brown University (1813), studied theology under Nathaniel Emmons (q.v.), was licensed (1814), and ordained pastor of the Congregational Church in Ward (now Auburn), Mass. (1815). He was editor of The Spirit of the Pilgrims (Boston), an orthodox religious monthly which played an important part in the Unitarian controversy (1828-32); professor of systematic theology in the Bangor Theological Seminary (1832-58); professor of ecclesiastical history, lecturer on pastoral theology, and president from 1858 till his death. He was active in the building up of the institution and was a voluminous writer. Among his works are: Christian Baptism (Boston,1817); Morning of the Reformation (1842); The Mather Family (1844); Swedenborgianism Examined (New York, 1861); The Ancient Church (1851); Lectures on Pastoral Theology (Andover, 1866); Lectures on Christian Theology (Boston, 1868); and A History of God's Church from its Origin to the Present Times (Hartford, 1871).

 

PONTIANUS: Pope probably from July 21, 230, to Sept. 28, 235. During his pontificate the circular letter of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, condemning Origen, was approved by a synod at Rome (see ORIGEN; and ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES). Pontianus, together with the antipope Hippolytus, was exiled to Sardinia under the persecution of Maximmus Thrax, where he resigned.

(A. HARNACK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne, vol. i., Paris, 1888, ed. T. Monamsen, in MGH, Gest. pont. Rom..  i (1898), 24-25; Harnack, Geschichte, i. 848, ii. 1, pp. 107 sqq.; Bower, Popes, i. 22-23; Plating, Popes, i. 43-45; Milman, Latin Christianity, i. 80.

 

PONTIFICAL: In the literal sense of the term, all that pertains to the bishop, especially his vestments and those functions that he alone may perform; more specifically, the term applied by the Roman Catholic Church to the book containing the ritual of those rites which may be celebrated only by bishops or by priests especially delegated by them to act as their representatives. At an early period the Roman Catholic Church took particular pains to prevent any deviations in specifically episcopal functions from the forms usual at Rome; and on Feb. 10, 1596, the new Pontificale Romanum  was approved, while at the same time all previous pontificals were declared to be superseded. Since, however, this edition was not free from errors, Urban VIII. ordered a new official edition (June 17, 1644) which should be the definitive model for all subsequent copies. The Pontifical was enlarged by Benedict XIV. in 1752. The standard edition authorised by Leo XIII. is entitled Pontificale Romanum a Benedicto XIV. et Leone XIII. recognitum et castigatam (Regensburg, 1898). The Pontifical consists of two parts, the first part containing those rites which relate to persons, and the second those which relate to things.

E. SEHLING.

PONTOPPIDAN, pon-top'p�-d�n, ERIK: Danish bishop; b. at Aarhus (on the eastern shore of Jutland) Aug. 24, 1898; d. at Copenhagen Dec. 20, 1764. He was educated at Fredericia (171(3-18), after which he was a private tutor in Norway, and then studied in Holland, and at London and Oxford, England. In 1721 he became informator of Frederick Carl of Carlstein (later duke of Pl�n), and two years later morning preacher in the castle and afternoon preacher at Nordborg. From 1726 to 1734 he was pastor at Hagenberg, where he so protected the pietists as to find it advisable to defend his course against the Lutherans with Dialogus; oder Untterredung Severi, Sinceri, und Simplicis von der Religion and Reinheit der Lehre (1726) and Heller Glattbensspiegel (1727). During this same period he laid the foundation of his later topographical and historical works in Memories Hafni� (1729); Theatrum Danice (1736); and Kurzgefasste Rejormationshistorie der d�nischen Kirche. Pontoppidan became successively pastor at Hiller�d and castle preacher at Frederiksborg (1734), Danish court preacher at Copenhagen (1735), professor extraordinary of theology at the University (1738), and a member of the mission board (1740), meanwhile writing his Everriculum fermenti: veteris (1736) and B�se Sprichw�rter (1739).

In 1736 Pontoppidan was directed by royal rescript to prepare an explanation of the catechism and a new hymnal, and through these two works Wahrheit zur Gottesfurcht (1737) and the hymn book (1740)-the pietistic cause in Denmark received powerful assistance. He likewise continued his historical investigations in his Marmora Danica (3 vols., 1739-41; a collection of noteworthy epitaphs and ecclesiastical monuments) and his uncritical Annales ecclesi�; Danica: (4 vols., 1741-52); and also wrote a novel, Menoza (3 vols., 1742-43), a critique of the religious conditions of Denmark and other countries. In 1747' he was appointed bishop at Bergen, where he introduced many educational reforms, and wrote Glossarium Norvagicum (1749) and Versuch einer nat�rlichen Geschichte Norwegens  (Copenhagen, 1752-53), while his pastoral letters formed in part the basis of his later Collegium pastorale practicum  (1757). The antagonism which Pontoppidan roused at Bergen, however, obliged him to go in 1754 to Copenhagen, where he became prochancellor at the university in the following year. But all his plans in this capacity were thwarted by his opponents, and he sought consolation in writing, the results being his Origines Hafnienses (1760) and the first two parts of his Den danske Atlas (1763-67), of which the last five volumes were edited posthumously. He was also active as a political economist, being the editor of Danmarks og Norges �konomiske Magozin (8 vols., 1757-64).

(F. NIELSEN �.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The literature (in Danish) is indicated in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xv. 551.

POOLE, MATTHEW: B. at York, Eng., 1624; educated at Emmanuel College, in Cambridge; he became minister of St. Michael-le-Quernes, London, in 1648, and devoted himself to the Presbyterian cause. In 1654 he published The Blasphemer Slain with the Sword of the Spirit, against John Biddle, the chief Unitarian of that time. In 1658 he published a Model for the Maintaining of Students, and raised a fund for their support at the universities. In the same year he published Quo warranto; or, a moderate Enquiry into the Warrantableness of the Preaching of unordained Persons. In 1662 he was ejected from his charge, for nonconformity, and devoted himself to Biblical studies. The fruit of these was produced, in 1669, in the Synopsis Criticorum (5 vols., folio), a monument of Biblical learning which has served many generations of students, and will maintain its value forever. Many subsequent editions have been published at Frankfort, Utrecht, and elsewhere. He was engaged, at his death, on English Annotations on the Holy Bible, and proceeded as far as Isa. lviii. His friends completed the work; and it was published (London, 1685, 2 vols., folio), and passed through many editions. Poole also took part in the Romish controversy, and published two very effective works: The Nullity of the Romish Faith, or, A Blow at the Root, etc. (London, 1666), and Dialogues between a Popish Priest and an English Protestant (1667). On this account he was greatly hated by the Papists, and his name was on the list of those condemned to death in the Popish Plot. He retired to Amsterdam, and died in Oct., 1679. Few names will stand so high as Poole's in the Biblical scholarship of Great Britain.

C. A. BRIGGS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. I. Wood, Athena Oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss, ii. 205, 4 vols., London, 1813-20. A sketch of his life and writings appears in the English Annotations, ut sup., vol. iv., Edinburgh, 1801; S. Palmer, Nonconformist's Memorial, i. 167, London, 1802; DNB, xlvi. 99-100.

 

POOR CLARES. See CLARE (CLARA), SAINT.

 

POOR LAWS HEBREW: Poverty was unknown in the earliest Hebraic age. The nomad has few needs, and those are provided for by the tribe, since pasture-land is common property. Even after the conquest of Canaan there was at first no necessity for legal provision in behalf of the poor. But as soon as the people settled in the cities, the usual results of urban development followed. As the old simplicity disappeared, especially after Saul and David, national independence came in, politics began to have force, property became private, social distinctions arose, and with them the need of protecting the weak from those having the advantage in wealth.

The first efforts in that direction are found in the ancient law known as the Book of the Covenant (Ex. xx.-xxiii.). Very significant are the injunctions regulating the relation between debtor and creditor. To take usury from any of the people was forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25). A garment taken as pledge was to be returned before the sun set for the debtor to use as a covering (Ex. xxii. 26-27). The Hebrew slave was to be set free in the seventh year together with his wife and children (Ex. xxi. 2 sqq.). Field, vineyard, and olive-grove were to lie fallow the seventh year, and all that grew of itself during that year belonged to the poor (Ex. xxiii. 10-12). These enactments were no doubt observed by the right-minded in Israel, but there are reasons for believing that selfishness knew how to evade them. But even where they were observed, they did not suffice to check poverty. Under Solomon Israel began to engage in commerce. The riches which came into the country influenced all conditions of life. Prophets like Hoses, Amos, and Isaiah complained of the luxury of the rich, of their greediness, and of their usurious oppression of the poor. The rich land-owners joined house to house and field to field, till there was no place for the poor (Isa. v. 8, 22 sqq.; Mic. ii. 1 sqq.), and the usurer was not afraid to sell the poor for a trifle (Amos ii. 6-7, cf. iv. 1 sqq., v. 11, viii. 4). Naturally under these circumstances the well-meaning in Israel sought to find new means for the protection of the poor. So the law-book known as Deuteronomy came into existence during the later regal period and its author belonged to the prophetic school of thought. The legislation of Deuteronomy is in part social. Humaneness to the weak, consideration for widows, orphans, Levites, and strangers, are fundamental in the book. Former protective enact, merits are repealed, new ones are added (cf. Deut. xiv. 28 sqq., xv. 2 sqq., 12 sqq., xxiii. 20, 25-26, xxiv. 6, 10). The great priest-code, which obtained canonical authority after the exile, continued this effort to give protection and relief to the poor (Lev. xix. 9, xxiii. 22, xxv.). But with the decline of the monarchy, the executive authority to carry out these and like regulations vanished, and it is no wonder that they became a dead letter. Aside from laws which were impracticable (Deut. xv. 2 sqq., Lev. xxv. 2 sqq.) other laws were ignored. Such a law was the prohibition of usury, probably often kept, but just as often neglected. Though the immediate result of this legislation was not great, it must not be overlooked that the ideals which it expressed were not in vain. They produced their effects and promoted the knowledge that poverty and riches are differences which do not prevail before God but which as realities afford a field of labor for the highest ethical forces. The declaration of Jesus that the poor (in spirit) are blessed had its root in this legislation, which propounded the principle that the poor in spite of his poverty is a member of the people of God, and on account of it enjoys God's special protection.

(R. KITTEL.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Cassel, Die Armenverwaltung in alten lsrael, Berlin, 1887; F. E. Kobel, Die sociale . . . Gesettpebunp des A. T., Stuttgart, 1891; W. Nowaek, Die socialen Problems in Israel, Strasburg, 1892; idem, Arch�ologie, i. 350 sqq.; C. H. Comill, Das A. T. and die Humanit�t, Leipsic, 1895; E. Schall, Die Staatsverfassung der Judea auf Grund des A. T., ib. 1898; E. Day, Social Life of the Hebrews, New -York, 1901; C. F. Kent, Students' O. T., iv. 129-133, ib. 1907; DB, i. 579-880, iv. 19-20, 27-29, 323-326, Extra volume, pp. 357-359; EB, iii. 3808-11; DCG, ii. 385-386; JE, iii. 667-671.

POOR MEN OF CHRIST: Name assumed by the followers of Norbert (see PREMONSTRATENSIANS) and by the Waldenses (q.v.)

 

POOR MEN OF LYONS. See WALDENSES.

 

POOR RELIEF. See SOCIAL SERVICE OF THE CHURCH.

 

POPE, PAPACY, PAPAL SYSTEM.

 

  • I. Development of the Papacy.
    1. Roman Catholic Theory of the Papacy (� 1).
    2. Papacy in Pre-Carolingian Times (� 2)
    3. In Merovingian and Carolingian Periods (� 3).
    4. Tendency to Absolutism Checked (� 4)
    5. Spiritual and Temporal Supremacy Claimed (� 5).
    6. Primacy of Jurisdiction (� 8).
    7. Primacy of Honor (� 7).
  • II. Election of the Pope
    1. Development of Present Method ($ 1).
    2. The Conclave (� 2).
    3. The Election (� 3).
    4. Procedure after Election (� 4).

I. Development of the Papacy:

1. Roman Catholic Theory of the Papacy.

Pope (Gk., pappas, " father ") designates the bishop of Rome in his position as supreme head of the Roman Catholic Church. According to the doctrine of that church, when Christ founded the Church as a visible institution, he assigned to the Apostle Peter the precedency over the other apostles-making Peter his vicar, and constituting him center of the Church in that he conveyed to him alike the supreme priestly authority (see KEYS, POWER OF THE), the supreme doctrinal authority, and the supreme direction of the Church (Matt. xvi. 18, 19; Luke xxii. 32; John xxi. 15-17). But since the Church is a perpetual institution, Peter must needs have a successor, and the ecclesiastical succession is to be secured in that position for all futurity. On account of Peter's connection with the bishopric of Rome, which he is held to have established, this succession, with its derivative rights and titular primacy, is permanently attached to the Roman see; though not, perforce, to its local site in the city of Rome. The succession devolves upon the actual bishop of Rome; and so Peter as vicar of Christ lives on in the Roman bishops, the popes. The doctrines thus outlined are dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church; and therefore they become immutable and fundamental principles of its formal constitution.

2. Papacy in PreCarolingian Times.

But in the light of objective historical contemplation, the pope's primacy appears to be solely the product of evolutionary centuries. It is not to be denied that even from the second century and in the third century the Roman congregation and the Roman episcopal see enjoyed a significant and positive esteem in the West. The Roman church not only stood accepted as founded by the Apostle Peter, but was also the sole church in the West which could boast of apostolic establishment, let alone the fact that its site was the pivot of the ancient world, and thus facilitated a vast range of communication with the other churches and congregations. Yet though even so early as in the third century the peculiar distinction and the precedency of the Roman church were based in Rome upon succession to the rights of Peter; nevertheless, not even the Council of Nic�a knows of a Roman primacy over the whole Church. But what really proved of decisive influence in winning legal prerogatives for the Roman bishop were the issues of the dogmatic controversies that agitated the Church from the fourth century forward; since in these controversies the position of the bishop of Rome was of determining weight for the very reason of the high respect enjoyed by his church, because Rome supported the due maintenance of orthodox doctrine. The Synod of Sardica (343) permitted a bishop who had been deposed by the metropolitan synod to appeal to the bishop of Rome. Just as this implied a right of supreme jurisdiction on the part of that dignitary to uphold which appeal could soon be made to the Council of Nicma, because the decrees of Sardica became consolidated with the canons of that council, so did Innocent I. (404) lay claim to a supreme right of adjudication in all "the more grave and momentous cases"; and about the same time, he claimed the right of issuing obligatory regulations for the several districts of the Church. At the outset, however, these were mere assumptions; nor could the bishops of Rome bring them to practical effect beyond Italy or in such countries as Illyria and southern Gaul, where the local situation happened to be favorable, and where there happened to be voluntary overtures in behalf of close connection with Rome. As a matter of fact, in the year 445, Leo I. obtained of Valentinian III. by an imperial law (Novell� Valentiniani, iii.. tit. 16), recognition of primacy, in particular that of the supreme judicial and legislative right of the Roman see. However, this law was binding only on the West; and it involved neither a renunciation of the emperor's right of exercising the imperial prerogative to legislate in ecclesiastical affairs, nor any abolishment of the rights of councils convened under imperial authority. It was not by legislation, but principally by interfering in this or that special, important concern that, both before and after this law, the Roman bishop was able to substantiate his assumed supreme control of the Church, and even in the fifth century to play a deciding hand in affairs of the Fast. Still more significant becomes the status of the Roman bishop from the close of that century, when the Germans found separate kingdoms in Italy. But, at the same time, his local sphere of power became narrowed by the establishment of the Germans in Gaul, Spain, and England; a condition that arrested the progress of the centralizing process already started in those countries.

3. In Merovingian and Carolingian Periods.

Especially in the most notable of these new states, in Merovingian "France," the direct control of ecclesiastical affairs through the Roman bishop was legally debarred. Anything of that kind could come about only subject to royal approbation, and though the pope was acknowledged to be the first bishop in Christendom, and the preservation of communion in the faith with him was accounted in dispensable. But the king alone possessed the deciding authority respecting the law of the Church, jointly with the royal or national synod by him convened, the decrees of which could become bind ing on the state only by the king's approbation. A change in this respect did not set in till in course of the eighth century; when the Carolingian majordomos, closely allied as they were with Boniface, endeavored to cooperate in his project of reorganizing and effectually reforming the secularized Frankish church. The same situation persisted under Charlemagne. In the universal Christian commonwealth, such as his empire came to be regarded, he exercised not only the chief temporal sovereignty but also the control of ecclesiastical affairs, though he evinced even greater zeal than his predecessors in assimilating the order of the Frankish church to the Roman canons and praxis. For Charlemagne, the pope ranks merely as the first bishop of Christendom and of the emperor's dominion, who possesses certain prerogatives above the other bishops, and is especially called, in view of his station, to watch over the spiritual side of the Church and over the proper maintenance of its canons and doctrine; yet who may not assume, independently of the emperor, any right of control over the church of the Frankish realm. Several things conspired to bring about a transformation of the earlier situation. These were the weakness of Charlemagne's successors; the political complications provoked through the struggles in the family of Louis the Frank; and the strifes among the Frankish bishops. The imperial and royal power was no longer in a position to preserve intact its ecclesiastical leadership, while the essentially moral influence exercised hitherto by the pope, merged into an encroachment upon ecclesiastical and political ground in proportion as he became repeatedly invoked by the wrangling parties themselves to decide the issue, while they sought to strengthen themselves through his authority. Above all, it was Nicholas I. (858-88') who contrived to employ all these conditions to the furtherance of his policy of subordinating princely and temporal power to the Church, of quashing autonomy of the ecclesiastical primary courts in the various countries, and of vesting deciding control in the bishop of Rome.Pope Nicholas I. found material support for his efforts in the opportunely originated Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (q.v.) just then coming to the front.

4. Tendency to Absolutism Checked.

But the dissolution of the Carolingian empire and the resulting confusion which involved even Italy, together with the comparative decline of the papacy, soon hindered the prosecution of that policy. To raise the papacy out of its degradation, there needed nothing less than to the renovation of the German empire under Otto I. Indeed, the empire, even as late as the eleventh century, did wield its own sovereignty over the pope and the Church, and at the same time endeavored to reform the Church internally, being supported in this by the bishops whom it had independently invested, who were therefore subservient to the imperial will. The dynasty of Otto did not, indeed, reassert the maxim of the Carolingian civil code, that the supreme authority or power in ecclesiastical matters, especially in legislation, belonged exclusively to the emperor. On the contrary, the house of Otto took practical cognizance of the theory then already established, that just as the universal State had its apex in the German emperor, so the universal Church had its center in the pope. In fine, the emperors disposed of momentous measures in Church administration, such as the creation of new. bishoprics, the revival of earlier canon laws, and the execution of reforms in accord with the pope, largely through synods that were held with the pope conjointly. By this policy the emperors cooperated in speeding the way to the general recognition of the pope's primacy in the Church, and to that course of events -which began to prevail shortly after the middle of the eleventh century.

5. Spiritual and Temporal Supremacy Claimed.

About that time there loomed up in Rome the domination of a party in the Church which sought to free it from the influence hitherto exercised by the temporal power; not only to place the guidance of the Church in the and hands of the pope, but also to subject the temporal rulers, above all, the German emperor, to the papacy as being the directive secular force, the definitive world power. This party's principal exponent, Hildebrand (see GREGORY VII.), assumed as a privilege of the pope to be subject to no judge, and even claimed the right to depose emperors, to bear the imperial insignia, to decree new laws, to hold general councils, to erect new bishoprics, to divide and combine the same, to depose bishops, translate them, consecrate clerics of all churches, receive appeals in all cases, and to have sole decision in all weighty matters of every Church. Under Gregory's leadership of the Curia, and his subsequent pontificate, the influence of the Roman nobility and people upon the papal election became debarred; the imperial right of nomination, with attendant right of confirmation, was abolished; while ecclesiastical, reform was accomplished through successive synods convened by the pope alone, and composed of his own loyal supporters. These synods acted as a papal senate, and did away with the imperial synods. Gregory also repeatedly decreed the deposition of bishops, and ultimately annulled the emperor's antecedent right of appointment or investiture to the episcopal sees, over which the conflict issued between the German empire and the papacy (See INVESTITURE), and this terminated in the emancipation of the papacy from the imperial overlordahip. So the papacy became the court of last resort in the concerns of the Church, and also strove to win authoritative and leading power in the contemporary civil fabric of Europe. This was achieved under Innocent III.; though at the same time and by the same process the independence or autonomy of the local church tribunals, in particular the episcopal, was broken. Yet the bishops themselves had, for the most part, promoted the policy inaugurated by the Curia in the middle of the eleventh century, although with the undermining of the imperial and princely power they forfeited the essential support of their own freedom in relation to the papacy. The pope, who thereafter was regarded as the vicar of God, or of Christ, and from the time of Innocent III. designates himself as Such, laid claim to the supreme sovereignty over the Church and the world alike, though the temporal rule is committed for practical execution to the emperor and other princes subject to the pope's control. In the Church the pope alone commands the supreme and summary power which exalts him above all accountability before any human judge and above and before a general council. This was claimed not in virtue of the ancient canons, but solely through the dogma of divine right. The pope claimed a general right of dispensation and absolution; he alone could translate and remove bishops; whereas the archbishops and such titular bishops as he consecrated were required to render an oath of obedience patterned after the vassal's oath of allegiance. He heard cases of appeal from all quarters of the Church, and even decided primary cases. He reserved benefices for his own disposal; he assessed particular churches and the clergy for general ecclesiastical objects; and he sent abroad his delegates to all parts of the contemporary Roman Catholic world to carry out his rightful behest, overruling the ordinary local church tribunals. These theories reach their high tide at the beginning of the fourteenth century, are collectively termed the " papal system, and found their classic expression in the much-quoted bull of Bonifacius VIII., Unam sanotam ecdesiam (q.v.; text in Reich, Documents, pp. 193-195; Eng. transl. in Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book, pp. 314-317). At the same period, and primarily in France, the temporal power began to react against the excessive stretch of papal power, and its encroachments upon the temporal jurisdiction, while toward the close of the same century, evoked by the great schism (see SCHISM) which began in 1378, there cropped out a new trend, the so-called "episcopal" system, canceling or denying the " papal," which was dogmatically rejected by the Vatican Council of 1869-70, and that deliverance has been accepted by the Roman Catholic Church as complete and final.

6. Primacy of Jurisdiction.

The present canon law doctrine distinguishes the pope's rights under two heads,"primacy of jurisdiction" and "primacy of hoor." In virtue of the primacy of jurisdiction, there acrues to him the supreme power over the Church in government and leadership; and in the execution of his charge he is bound only by dogma and the divine right. As touching any other law that has force in the Church, he is to respect the same so long as it exists. The most important rights in volved in the primacy arc the supreme right of legislation; the supreme direction and final decision of matters affecting ecclesiastical offices; the supreme judicial competency in cases of dispute, correction, discipline; regulation of the various religious institutions, particularly the orders and congregations; the supreme control of the ecclesiastical exchequer and assets of property; the right to uphold unity in the liturgy, as also in the administration of the sacraments and use of sacramentals; to direct the festivals in the Church at large; the right of beatification and canonization; the right of according indulgences and regulating fasts; and that of reserving for himself the absolution from sins pertaining to the sphere of conscience. Fur thermore, the primacy carries with it the supreme doctrinal authority. And when the pope voices his decisions in this respect, speaking or publishing ex cathedra; when in virtue of his apostolic authority as pastor and teacher of all Christians he defines a proposition affecting faith or morals in the interests of the whole Church, his pronouncements are then informed with infallibility by reason of divine assistance, without need of any further assent on the part of the Church, as in a general council (in the Constitutio Vaticana of July 18, 1870, the bull Pastor �ternus, iv.). It is in virtue of this doctrinal authority that he can issue, spiritual decrees in the cause of enlarging the dogma, and of defining questionable dogmatic subjects; that he can condemn errors of doctrine, institute and direct missions, found educational establishments, and watch over the instruction therein dispensed. According to this " Vatican Constitution " the pope is not only empowered to exercise all these rights which his primacy conveys, in the manner of a supreme court, but he is also, by virtue of the same primacy, the universal bishop in all the Church. That is, he has an immediate, complete and cknonical episcopal power over all churches, dioceses, and believers. For although it is an exaggerated statement to say, as do the Old Catholics, that under this Vatican dogma the bishops have become legally dwarfed into mere vicars or attorneys of the pope, yet the Ultramontanists may deny that any change whatever has been brought about in the status of the bishops by force of the Vaticanum. While the Vatican Council by no means put aside the episcopal office as a distinct, or "independent" office, yet the bishops are in fact reduced to the same position as the vicars dependent on the pope directly. Owing to his supreme directive authority over the Church, the pope also represents the Church abroad, particularly in relation to civil governments, and this with a standing recognized in international law. But this is not to imply that, even in the states where Roman Catholics are in the majority, he enjoys a sovereignty over Roman Catholic citizens on like terms with the civil power; nor that his position in respect to civil governments is to be deemed equivalent to that between two independent sovereigns and states.

7. Primacy of Honor.

The pope's " primacy of honor " finds expression as follows: (1) In certain specified designations, titles, and forms of address appertaining to him alone: such as papa, pontifex maximus, or  or ; and in the forms of address, Sanctitas tua, or vestra, or sanctissime pater. (2) In the insignia of the papal dignity: the tiara, a headdress evolved from the combination of miter and crown, with three golden bands about the miter; the pedum rectum (straight pastoral staff); and the pallium, which, in distinction from the archbishops, he wears at all times and places, when officiating at mass. (3) The pope is entitled to the so-called adoratio, the homage due to him by the faithful in genuflection and kissing the papal foot. now restricted solely to ceremonious audiences antiformal acts of homage; while with ruling princes, it consists merely in kissing his hand. Apart from his position as leader of all the Church, the pope is coincidently bishop of Rome, also archbishop of the church province of Rome, primate of Italy, and patriarch of the West. Finally, the pope was also temporal sovereign of the Papal States (q.v.), while they existed, and as such he occupied, in view of international law, the highest rank among Roman Catholic princes.

II. Election of the Pope:

1. Development of Present Method.

In early times the bishop of Rome, like the diocesan of any other see, was chosen by the local clergy and people, assisted by neighboring bishops. Later the Roman emperors and the Ostrogothic kings exercised an influence, particularly in deciding disputed elections. After the fall of the Ostrogothic kingsdom in Italy, vacancy of the see of Rome was formally announced to the exarch at Ravenna, and a new pope was elected, usually on the third day after the burial of the former pontiff, by the clergy, the nobles, and the people of Rome. The exarch, after receiving the official report of the election, secured the approbation of the emperor, whereupon the newly elected pope was duly consecrated. During the decline of Lombard power in Italy, secular rulers exercised no supervision over papal elections, and at the Lateran synod of 769 the laity were restricted to mere acclamation of an election made by the clergy and to confirming-the protocol. While the story that Adrian I. conferred on Charlemagne the privilege of filling the papal throne is now acknowledged to be untrue, it is still a moot question whether the Frankish kings and emperors were merely informed by a new pontiff of his election and consecration, or could confirm the election and require an oath of fealty. It is certain, however, that after 824 a new pope was usually consecrated only after taking the oath of allegiance to the emperor, while the Roman council of 898 enacted that a pontiff should be consecrated only in the presence of imperial envoys.

With the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire (q.v.) by Otto I. the Romans were obliged to promise that no pope should be elected or consecrated without the approval of himself or his son, thus giving the emperors an influence on papal elections which was hitherto unprecedented. Though the old forms were preserved, the election became a mere form of choosing the candidate designated by the emperor, this power being held, despite all efforts of the Roman nobility, until the death of Henry III. in 1056. At the Roman Synod of 1059, however, Nicholas II. issued a decree which placed the election in the hands of the cardinal bishops, aided by the other cardinals, while the remaining clergy and the laity were allowed only the privilege of acclamation. The king, on the other hand, received from Nicholas the right of confirming subsequent elections, or at least of vetoing undesirable candidates before election. This arrangement proved impracticable, however, and at the third Lateran council, in 1179, Alexander III., tacitly presupposing in the abrogation of imperial prerogatives the absence of any share of clergy and laity in papal elections, enacted that the vote of two-thirds of all the college of cardinals was necessary for the lawful election of a pope. This forms the basis of the present laws governing papal elections, the principal supplements and modifications being enactments of the second council of Lyons (1274) and Clement V. (1311?), and the constitutions of Clement VI. (1351), Julius II. (1505), Pius IV. (1562), Gregory XV. (�terni patris of 1621, and the C�remoniale in electione Romani pontificis obseruandum of the same year), Urban VIII. (1626), and Clement XII. (1732).

2. The conclave.

Until the most recent regulations under Pius X. (q.v.), after the pope's death, the next ten days are devoted to preparations for the funeral ceremony and to preliminaries of the election; especially to the institution of the conclave. This interim serves at the same time to enable cardinals at a distance to reach Rome for participation in the election. The conclave, an apartment in which the cardinals must proceed with the election guarded and excluded from the outer world (which they are not allowed to leave before the election is completed), is made ready in the Vatican, and comprises a chapel (for the elective transaction), together with a suite of halls in which cells are fitted up for the cardinals' and the conclavists' lodgings. The conclavists are persons who have to attend the cardinals in the conclave; such as their servants, two physicians, a sacrist, two masons and carpenters, and others. The cardinals and conclavists occupy this apartment on the eleventh day, after a solemn high office. Hereupon the constitutions on papal election are read forth, and sworn to by the cardinals, and the conclavists are sworn in. At evening, all unauthorized persons must leave the conclave; and now the entrances are all walled shut except one, through which food for the persons in the conclave is daily introduced; and this one entrance is strictly guarded.

3. The Election.

For participation in the election, only those cardinals are of qualified authority who have received consecration to the diaconate. Neither is such a one debarred by excommunication, suspension, or interdict. Absentees can deliver their vote neither by letter nor by substitute. Theoretically every Catholic male Christian, even a layman, who has not lapsed into heresy, is eligible. But since Urban VI. (1378-89), previously archbishop of Bari, none but a cardinal has been elected (cf. G. Berthelet, Muss der Papst ein Italiener sein? Leipsic, 1894). The states of Austria, France, and Spain have the right, for each state as affecting one candidate, of declaring a cardinal passively ineligible; but the election of an " excluded " candidate can not be challenged. In regard to the election itself, it is forbidden, under penalty of forfeited vote, to engage in " electioneering." Every cardinal present is bound, under pain of excommunication, to take part in the business of election,, which is in order twice a day, forenoon and afternoon, till the result be achieved. Where voters are sick and unable to leave their cells, their vote is of necessity sent for, and this by the hand of cardinals expressly selected for the purpose by lot. The only admissible kinds of election are (a), the electio quasi per inspirationem, election by acclamation; (b) the electio per compromissum, in which the cardinals, instead of electing the pope in a body, unanimously transfer the elective prerogative to a specified quorum of their colleagues (two at least), and then instruct them in detail as to the steps next to be observed in the matter: for instance, whether unanimity or simply majority shall be required save that no unlawful forms, e.g., election by lot, are allowed to be adopted; (c) the electio per scrutinium or by ballot. In this case all the electors must write the name of their candidate on one of the specially prepared voting tickets, containing printed directions and to be folded; which ballots they must deposit in order in a chalice upon the altar, within view of the three appointed scrutineers. Next follows the counting of the ballots. Should their number fail to tally with that of the cardinals present, the balloting must be stopped, and the votes are burned. Otherwise the result of the voting is reckoned up, and the election is ended -provided a candidate has received more than the requisite two-thirds majority. Should it so happen, however, that he has received only just that majority, it is ascertained by opening his ballot whether he has not cast his vote for himself; which is against the rules and nullifies the election. Ballots containing the names of several candidates are void. Where the balloting fails to yield the prescribed majority for some one of the candidates, a special procedure is still in order, the so-called accessus, with the object of testing whether a contingent of the voters will not surrender their candidates and declare themselves for one of the others. This amounts to a supplementary balloting to the first ballot: in other words, the votes already cast stand effectual, and the accessit votes are counted with them. In order that a result may be reached by this process, and yet that the vote of the individual voter shall not be twice counted for his candidate. the following regulations are in force with the ,i>accessit balloting. No one is allowed to repeat his vote in the accessit, in favor of the candidate whom he has already named in the ballot, but he can retain his choice by writing on his ticket, Accedo nemini. Nor can any one receive a vote of accessit who has not yet been nominated in the original balloting. If the accessit yields no result, the whole act of election stops, and the balloting must be begun anew at the next elective session. More than one accessit is inadmissible.

Pius X., who was elected in consequence of employment of the exclusiva (see EXCLUSION, RIGHT OF), through the constitution Commissum nobis of Jan. 20, 1904, prohibited the cardinals, under penalty of excommunication, to allow in the future the veto of any government, even though expressed merely in the form of a wish. Thus the exclusiva is abolished. It is not yet known what attitude the affected states will take in the matter. Through the constitution Vacante sede, apostolica of Dec. 25, 1904, this pope regulated the entire course of papal election and at the same time introduced the following innovations: the funeral rites for a deceased pope are to last nine days, after which the cardinals shall enter the conclave. But on the day after the death of the pope the first session of the Holy College is to be held, the rules for papal election in the conclave are to be read, and the oath of the cardinals and conclavists is taken. If the balloting leads to no result, there takes place no accessory meeting, but a second balloting, under the came conditions as the first. Simony no longer nullifies election. Directions concerning the feeding of conclavists are wanting, hence the rule of Leo XIII. concerning the erection of kitchens within the conclave chambers remains unchanged. Secrecy after the end of the conclave in respect to official affairs is specially enjoined.

4. Procedure after Election.

The elected candidate, upon confirmation of the result of the election, is solemnly asked by the subdean whether he accepts the election. With the acceptance, he receives the papal office. At the same time, and in accordance with a custom constantly in effect since the eleventh century, he an anounces what name he will bear as pope. Thereupon the elected candidate is robed with the papal vestments, and now begins their first adoration on the part of the cardinals. Meanwhile the sealing of the conclave has been canceled, and the first cardinal deacon forthwith proclaims to the people the proper name and papal name of the new pope. In the afternoon of the same day there ensues first in the Sistine Chapel and then in Saint Peter's the second and third adoration on the cardinals' part, this time in public. If the pope elect is not as yet dignified with the episcopal consecration, but only with one of the lower grades of consecration, he receives the orders which are still owing to him inclusive of the priestly consecration, by the office of one of the cardinal bishops. The episcopal consecration, which in former times was performed coincidently with the coronation, is now usually appointed on a Sunday or festival preceding. It is consummated by the dean of the college of cardinals. If the pope elect was of episcopal rank already, then a benediction takes the place of consecration. After the consecration or benediction, there follows the coronation by the dean of the cardinal deacons with the triple crown in Saint Peter's, and on some subsequent day the formal occupancy of the Vatican. Incumbency of the papal chair by any other process than that of election by the cardinals is not recognized by the present positive canon of the Roman Catholic Church; and in particular it is held to be unlawful for the ruling pope to appoint his own successor; although attempts of that kind repeatedly came about in former centuries, and although the competency of the pope to alter the prevalent law in this respect can hardly be doubted.

F.SEHLING.

 

COMPLETE LIST OF THE POPES.

According to the claim of the Roman Catholic Church the Apostle Peter was the first pope and reigned from 41 to 67.

  • (67-79?) ...............Linus
  • (79-91?) ...............Cletus, or Anacletus
  • (91-100?) .............Clemens I.
  • (101-109?)............Evarestus
  • (109-119)..............Alexander I.
  • 119-128................Sixtus I.
  • ? 128-137.............Telesphorus
  • ? 138-142 ............Hyginus
  • ? 142-156 ............Pius I.
  • ? 157-187 ............ Anicetus

    ? 188-178............. Soter

    ? 177-189............. Eleutherus

    ?190-202.............. Victor I.

    202-217................ Zephyrinus

    218-222................ Calixtus or Callistus I. (Hippolytus, Antipope)

    ? 222-230............. Urbanus I.

    ? 230-235............. Pontianus (resigned in exile)

    235-238................ Anterus

    238-250................ Fabianus, Martyr

    ? 251-252............. Cornelius (in exile)

    ? 251................... (Novatianus, Antipope)

    252-253................ Lucius I.

    ? 253-257............. Stephen I.

    ? 257-258............. Sixtus II.

    259-289................ Dionysius

    289-274................ Felix I.

    275-283................ Eutychianus

    283-298................ Caius

    298-304................ Marcellinus

    307-309................ Marcellus

    ? 309................... Eusebius, d. Sept. 28 (?). 309

    310-314................ Miltiades (Melchiades)

    314-335................ Silvester I.

    338...................... Marcus

    337-352................ Julius I.

    352-355................ Liberius

    355-366................ Felix II, Antipope

    366...................... Ursinus. Antipope

    366-384................ Damasus

    384-398................ Siricius

    398-402................ Anastasius

    402-417................ Innocent I.

    417-118................ Zosimus

    418, Dec. 27......... [Eulalius, Antipope]

    418-422................ Boniface I.,

    422-432................ Celestine I.

    432-440................ Sixtus III.

    440-461................ Leo I.

    461-468................ Hilary

    468-483................ Simplicius

    483-492................ Felix III.

    492-496................ Gelasius I.

    496-498................ Ansatasius II.

    498-514................ Symmachus

    498, Nov............... Laurentius, Antipope

    514-523................ Hormisdas

    523-526................ John I.

    526-530................ Felix IV.

    530-532................ Boniface II.

    530, Sept. 17........ Dioscorus. Antipope

    532-535................ John II. Mercurius

    535-538................ Agapetus I.

    538-538................ Silverius (exiled)

    537-555................ Vigilius

    555-560................ Pelagius I.

    560-573................ John III.

    574-578................ Benedict I.

    578-590................ Pelegius II.

    590-604................ St. Gregory I. (the Great)

    604-606................ Sabinianus

    607..................... Boniface III.

    608-615................ Boniface IV.

    615 618................ Deusdedit

    619-625............... Boniface V.

    625-638................ Honorius I.

    640...................... Severinus

    640-642................ John IV.

    642-649................ Theodorus I.

    649-655................ St. Martin I. (exiled in 654)

    654-657............... Eugenius I.

    657-672................ Vitalianus

    672-678................ Adeodatus

    676-678................ Donus or Dommus I.

    678-681................ Agatho

    682-683................ Leo II.

    684-685............... Benedict II.

    685-686................ John V.

    686-687................ Conon

    687-692................ Paschal, Antipope

    687...................... Theodorus, Antipope

    687-701................ Sergius I.

    701-705................ John VI.

    705-707................ John VII.

    708...................... Sisinnius

    708-715................ Constantine I.

    715-731................ Gregory II.

    731-741................ Gregory III.

    741-752................ Zacharias

    752 (3 days) ........ Stephen II.

    752-757................ Stephen III.

    757-767................ Paul I.

    767-788................ Constantine II.

    768-772................ Stephen IV.

    772-795 ............... Adrian I.

    795-816................ Leo III.

    816-817................ Stephen V.

    817-824................ Paschal I.

    824-827................ Eugenius II.

    827 (40 days) ....... Valentinus

    827-844................ Gregory IV.

    844-847................ Sergius II.

    847-855................ Leo IV.

    855-858................ Benedict Ill.

    855...................... Anastasius

    858-867................ Nicholas I.

    867-872................ Adrian II.

    872-882................ John VIII.

    882-884................ Marinus

    884-885................ Adrian III.

    885-891................ Stephen VI.

    891-896................ Formosus

    896 (15 days)........ Boniface VI.

    896--897............... Stephen VII.

    897 (4 months)...... Romanus

    897...................... Theodorus II.

    898-900................ John IX.

    900-903................ Benedict IV

    903 (1 month)........ Leo V.

    903-904................ Christopher

    904-911................ Sergius III.

    911-913................ Anastasius III.

    913-May, 914........ Lando

    914-929................ John X.

    928-929................ Leo VI.

    929-931................ Stephen VIII.

    931-936................ John XI.

    936-939................ Leo VII.

    939-942................ Stephen IX.

    942-946................ Marinus II.

    946-955................ Agapetus

    955-964................ John XII t

    963-965................ Leo VIII.

    964-965................ Benedict V.

    965-972................ John XIII.

    973-974................ Benedict VI.

    974-983................ Benedict VII.

    983-984................ John XIV.

    984-985................ Boniface VII.

    985-996................ John XV.

    996-999................ Gregory V.

    997-998................ John XVI.

    999-1003.............. Silvester II.

    1003.................... John XVII.

    1003-1009............ John XVIII.

    1009-1012............ Sergius IV.

    1012-1024............ Benedict VIII.

    1012.................... Gregory VI., Antipope

    1024-1033............ John XIX.

    1033-1045............ Benedict IX. (deposed)

    1045-1046............ Silvester III.

    1044-1046............ Gregory VI.

    1046-1047............ Clement II.

    1048.................... Damasus II.

    1049-1054............ Leo IX.

    1055-1057............ Victor II.

    1057-1058............ Stephen X. (deposed)

    1058-1059............ Benedict X.

    1059-1081............ Nicholas II.

    1061-1073............ Alexander II.

    1061................... Cadalus (Honorius II), Antipope

    1073-1085............Gregory VII. (Hildebrand)

    1080-1100............Wibertus (Clement Ill.)

    1086-1087............Victor III.


    * d. in prison after supersession

    t removed 983.

    1088-1099............. Urban II.

    1099-1118............. Paschal II.

    1100..................... Theodoricus, Antipope

    1102..................... Albertus, Antipope

    1105-1111............. Silvester IV., Antipope

    1118-1119............. Gelasius II.

    1118-1121............. Gregory VIll., Antipope

    1119-1124............. Calistus II.

    1124..................... Theobaldus Buccapecus (Celestine), Antipope

    1124-1130.............. Honorius II.

    1130-1143.............. Innocent II.

    1130-1138.............. Anacletus II.

    1138...................... Victor IV., Antipope

    1143-1144.............. Celestine II.

    1144-1145.............. Lucius II.

    1145-1153.............. Eugeniua III.

    1153-1154.............. Anastasius IV.

    1154-1159.............. Adrian IV.

    1159-1181.............. Alexander III

    1159-1184.............. Victor IV.. Antipope

    1164-1188.............. Paschal III. Antipope

    1188-1178.............. Calixtus III., Antipope

    1178-1150.............. Innocent III., Antipope

    1181-1185.............. Lucius III.

    1185-1187.............. Urban III.

    1187-1191.............. Gregory VIII.

    1187...................... Clement III.

    1191-1198.............. Celestine III.

    1198-1218.............. Innocent III.

    1218-1227.............. Honorius III.

    1227-1241.............. Gregory IX.

    1241...................... Celestine IV.

    1243-1254.............. Innocent IV.

    1254-1281.............. Alexander IV.

    1281-1284.............. Urban IV.

    1285-1288.............. Clement IV.

    1271-1278.............. Gregory X.

    1278...................... Innocent V.

    1278...................... Adrian V.

    1278-1277.............. John XXI.

    1277-1280.............. Nicholas III.

    1281-1285.............. Martin IV.

    1285-1287.............. Honorius IV.

    1288-1292.............. Nicholas IV.

    1294...................... St. Celistine V. (abdicated)

    1294-1303.............. Boniface VIII.

    1303-1304.............. Benedict XI.

    1305-1314.............. Clement V.1

    1318-1334.............. John XXII.Clement VII.

    1334-1342.............. Benedict XII.

    1342-1352.............. Clement VI.

    1352-1382.............. Innocent VI.

    1382-1370.............. Urban V.

    1370-1378.............. Gregory XI.

    1378-1389.............. Urban VI.

    1378-1394.............. Clement VII.

    1389-1404.............. Boniface LX.

    1394-1423.............. Benedict XIII. deposed 1409)

    1404-1406.............. Innocent VII.

    1406-1415.............. Gregory XII. (deposed 1409)

    1409-1410.............. Alexander V.

    1410-1415.............. John XXIII. (deposed)

    1417-1431.............. Martin V.

    1417...................... Clement VIII

    1431-1447.............. Eugene IV.

    1439-1449.............. Felix V.

    1447-1455.............. Nicholas V.

    1455-1458.............. Calixtus III.

    1458-1484.............. Pius II.

    1484-1471.............. Paul II.

    1471-1484.............. Sixtus IV.

    1484-1492.............. Innocent VIII.

    1492-1503.............. Alexander VI.

    1503...................... Pius III.

    1b03-1513.............. Julius II.

    1513-1521.............. Leo X.

    1522-1523.............. Adrian VI.

    1534-1532 ............. Clement VII

    1534-1549.............. Paul III.

    1550-1555.............. Julius III.

    1555..................... Marcelus II.

    1555-1559.............. Paul IV.

    1559-1565.............. Pius IV.

    1566-1572.............. Pius V.

    1572-1585.............. Gregory XIII.

    1585-1590.............. Sixtus V.

    1590...................... Urban VII.

    1590-1591.............. Gregory XIV.

    1591...................... Innocent IX.

    1592-1605.............. Clement VIII.

    1605...................... Leo XI.

    1605-1621.............. Paul V.

    1621-1623.............. Gregory XV.

    1623-1644.............. Urban VIII.

    1644-1655.............. Innocent X.

    1655-1687.............. Alexander VII.

    1687-1689.............. Clement IX.

    1670-1678.............. Clement X.

    1678-1689.............. Innocent XI.

    1689-1691.............. Alexander VIII.

    1691-1700.............. Innocent XII.

    1700-1721.............. Clement XI.

    1721-1724.............. Innocent XIII.

    1724-1730.............. Benedict XIII.

    1730-1740.............. Clement XII.

    1740-1758.............. Benedict XIV.

    1758-1789.............. Clement XIII.

    1789-1774.............. Clement XIV.

    1775-1799.............. Pius VI.

    1823-1829.............. Pius VII.

    1800-1823.............. Leo XII.

    1829-1830.............. Pius VIII.

    1831-1848.............. Gregory XVI.

    1848-1878.............. Pius IX. (longest reign)

    1878-1903.............. Leo XIII.

    1903 ..................... Pius X.

    BIBLIOGRAPHY: For the details of the development of the papacy as for a mass of literature the reader is referred to the articles on the various popes and the bibliographies attached. The chief sources are indicated, as well as the leading treatises, in vol. i., pp xxii.-xxiii, of this work, where are noted the histories of the popes by Mann, Pastor, Creighton, Von Ranks, Nielsen, Gregorovius, Bower, Milman, and Mirbt: not to be overlooked is the literature under such articles as INFALLIBILITY; INVESTITURE; TRENT, COUNCIL OF; and ULTRAMONTANISM. The sources are in the Liber pontificalia;  Jaff�, Regesta;  J. M. Watterich Romanorum pontifcum vit�:, 2 vols., Leipsic. 1882; A. Potthast, Regesta pontificum Romanorum. Parts i.-xii.,Berlin, 1873-75; Regesta Pontihcum romanwrum, ed. P, F. Kehr, vols., i.-iv., Berlin, 1908-09; and the various collections of bulls, briefs, and the like. A fine lot of original documents is massed in Reich Documents, pp, 127, 245, and others are scattered in other parts of the work; translations of many of these are found in Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book, pp. 83_258, 309-340; also, in Hendeison, Documents pp, 287 sqq.; and in F. A. Ogg, Source Book of Medieval History, pp, 78 sqq., 281 sqq., 380 sqq. For the history of the papacy in its various relations consult: F. Maasaen, Der Primat des Biachofs von Rom and die alten Patriarchalkirchen, Bonn, 1853; T. Greenwood. Cathedra Petri: a Political History of the great Latin Patriarchate, 8 vols, London 1858-72; A. Westermayer, Das Papstthum in den ersten 500 Jahren, Schaffhausen, 1887-89; A, von Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, 3 vols., Berlin, 1887-70; R. Baxmann, Die Polatik der Papste, 2 vols., Elberfeld, 1588-89; E. Dumont, La Popaute, les premiers empereurs chritiens et les premiers conciles generaux, Paris, 1877; P. Lanfrey. Hist. politique des papes. new ed.. Paris 1850; B. Jungmann, Diasertstiones selectas, 5 vols.. Regensburg, 1880-85; A. R. Pennington. Epochs of >the Papacy, London. 1881; F. Roequain, La Papaute au moyen age, Paris. 1881; W. von Gieselbreeht, Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 8 vols., Brunswick 1881 sqq.; J. Langen, Geschichte der romischen Kirche, 4 vols., Bonn 1881-93; F. Gregonpvius, Geschichte den Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, 8 vols., Stuttgart, 1888-98, Eng transl.. London 1895-1902; M, Souchon, Die PsPatwahlea von Bon%faz VIII. bin Urban VI .,  Brunswick, 1858; H. Doplfel. Kaisertum and Papstwechsel unter den Karolvngern, Freiburg, 1889; R. F. Littledale, The Petrine Claims, London, 1889; J. J. I, von D�llinger.

    Das Papstthum, new ed., Munich, 1892; H. Wilfrid, Die Geschichte der P�pste, Basel, 1894; G. Goyau, Le Vatican, les papes et la civilisation, Brussels, 1895; W. Bright, The Roman See in the Early Church, and Other Studies, London, 1896; C. Locke, Age of the Great Western Schism, New York, 1896; M. R. Vincent, The Age of Hildebrand, New York, 1896; L. Duchesne, Lea Premiers Temps de l'�tat pontifical, 764-1076, Paris, 1898; Eng. transl., The Beginnings of the Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes, 754-1075, London, 1908; L. Rivington, The Roman Primacy, A.D. 430-451, London, 1899; T. F. Tout, The Empire and the Papacy, 918-1273, London, 1899, new ed., ib. 1901; F. Fournier, Le Papaut� devant l'histoire, 2 vols, Paris, 1899-1900; F. Nippold, Papacy in the 18th Century, New York, 1900; F. W. Pullen, The Primitive Saints and the See of Rome, London, 1900; K. D. Beste, The Victoriesof Rome and the Temporal Monarchy of the Church, London, 1901; H. Bouvier, Le Government de l'�glise de Rome de la fin du premi�rs si�cle jusqu'au milieu du trois�me, Mont�beliard, 1901; W. Miller, Medi�val Rome, 1078-1600, London, 1901; F. von Bach, Geschichte der Papste vom Beginne . . . bis zu Gregor XVI, Bamberg, 1902; W. Barry, The Papal Monarchy from Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII., 690-1306, London. 1902; A. D. Greenwood, Empire and Papacy in the Middle Ages, London, 1902; J. Maitre, Les Papes et la papautb d'apris la prophdie attribu4e a Saint Malaehie, Paris, 1902; Cambridge Modern History, vol. 1, vi. 536 sqq., Cambridge 1902-09; W. Norden, Das Papsttum and Byzans, Berlin, 1903; F. von Thudiehum, Papsttum and Reformation im Mittelalter, 1143-1617, Leipsic, 1903; B. Labanca, Il Papato. Sua origine, sue lotte a vicende, suo avvenire, Turin, 1905; G. Kr�ger, Das Papsttum. Seine Idee and ihre Tr�ger, T�bingen, 1907, Eng. transl., The Papacy, London, 1909; J. Turmel, Histoire du dogma de la papaut� des origines a la fin du quatri�ma si�cle, Paris, 1908; J. J. Walsh The Popes and Science; the History of the Papal Relations to Science during the Middle Ages and down to our Time, New York, 1908; G. Bartoli, The Primitive Church and the Primacy of Rome. London, 1909; T. S.. Dolan, The Papacy and the First Councils of the Church, St. Louis, 1910; A. C. Jennings, The Mediaval Church and the Papacy, London, 1909; W. J. Simpson, Papal Infallibility and its Roman Catholic Opponents, London, 1909; G. F. Young, The Medici, 2 vols., New York, 1910; W. E. Beet, The Rise of the Papacy, A.D. 386-461, London, 1910; , H. Koch, Cyprian and der r�mische Primat, Leipsic, 1910; J. Schnitzer, Hat Jesus das Papsttum gastiftei, Augsburg 1910; J. S. Vaughan, The Purpose of the Papacy London, 1910; and the works on church history, e.g., Schaff, Chrislian Church, ii. 154 sqq., iii. 299 sqq., iv. 203 sqq., v. passim, vi. 252 sqq. On elections consult: W. C. Cartwright, On Papal Conclaves, Edinburgh, 1868; R. Mpffell, Die Papstwahlen und die mit ihnen im n&aunl;chsten Zusammenhange stehenden Ceremonien in ihrer Entwickelung, G�ttingen, 1872; O. Lorenz, Papetwahl and Kaiserthum, Berlin, 1874; M. Heimbucher, Die Papstwahlen unter den Karoiingern, Augsburg, 1889; A. R. Pennington, The Papal Conclaves, London, 1897; H. J. Wurm, Die Papstwahl. lhre Geschichte and Gebr�uche, Cologne, 1902: G. Berthelet, Conclavi pontefici e cardinali nel secolo, Turin, 1903; P. Here, Papsttum und Papstwahle im Zeitalter Philipps II., Leipsic, 1907 (important).
     

1 *Clement V, moved the papal see to Avignon in 1309; and his successors continued to reside there for seventy years, till Gregory XI. After that date arose a forty-years' schism between the Roman popes and the Avignon popes.

POPE, WILLIAM BURT: Methodist; b. at Harton, N. S., Feb. 19, 1822; d. at Hendon, London, July 5, 1903. He studied theology at Richmond College, England; was a Methodist pastor (1841-67); and professor of theology in Didsbury College, Manchester, from 1867. He published The Words of the Lord Jesus, a translation from the German of R. E. Stier (10 vols.; Edinburgh, 1855, and later); Discourses on the Kingdom and Reign of Christ  (London, 1869); The Person of Christ (Fernley Lecture, 1875; later ed., 1899); A Compendium of Christian Theology (3 vols.; 1875-76); Discourses, chefly on the Lordship of the incarmate Redeemer (1880); Sermons, Addresses, and Charges of a Year (1878); and A Higher Catechism of Theology (1883).

 

PORDAGE, JOHN: English mystic; b. at London 1607; d. there Dec., 1681. He studied theology and medicine at Oxford, probably without taking a degree, at least in course. In 1644 he became curate of St. Lawrence, Reading, and in 1647 was made rector of Bradfield, Berkshire, being apparently recommended chiefly by his knowledge of astrology. He soon began to examine English translations of Jakob B�hme, and on, the night of Jan. 3, 1651, received a number of visions, to the reality of which his wife testified. A band of about twenty quickly gathered around the two visionaries, and for some three weeks there was no cessation of apparitions. Under the Commonwealth, Pordage was accused of heresy, the charges involving a sort of mystical pantheism, but he was acquitted on Mar. 27, 1651. The accusations were renewed, however, by the Presbyterians John Tickel and Christopher Fowler, and on Dec. 8, 1654, Pordage was ejected as " ignorant and very insufficient for the work of the ministry." He was reinstated in 1663, but about 1670 seems to have retired to London, where he spent the remainder of his life.

About 1652 Pordage became acquainted with Jane Lead (q.v.), introducing her to B�hme's mysticism, and being won in turn as her adherent by her own visions. In Dec., 1671, he received new revelations, in which his spirit, detached from sense and reason, was translated to the mountain of eternity; and this experience evidently formed the basis of his system of mysticism. Though deeply influenced by astrology and alchemy, Pordage, like B�hme, sought to make room in his speculative system for everything essential in Biblical revelation. In God he recognizes the being of all beings, and the primal cause of all causes. The Father is the generator of the Son, or Word, who constitutes the center, or heart, of the Trinity. The Holy Ghost is the life and force which executes the will of the Father through the Son. Next comes the cosmic sphere of eternity 'with three distinct categories of space: outer court, sanctuary, and holy of holies. In the center of this sphere, God's residence proper, dwells the eye that represents God himself; in the outer court it is closed; in the sanctuary, open; in the holy of holies, revealed with full splendor. The body of God, moreover, is eternal cloud, and its outline that of Noah's ark.

An important place is assigned in Pordage's scheme to a kind of intermediate being termed Sophia, or heavenly wisdom, which he regarded as the radiance from the eye of eternity, and as the consort and attendant of the Trinity. He likewise affirmed a series of emanations or spirits possessed of the same substance as the Godhead. A lower sphere is occupied by the eternal spirits of angels and men; but while Adam's eternal spirit bore the spirits of his sons, the souls and bodies of angels and men are not immediately from God, but created from the essence of eternal nature. This eternal nature was not born of God, as was the eternal world, but was created by him from the divine chaos which concealed within itself the forces of the worlds. He also taught a coalescence of the inner man with the transfigured person of Christ, and had no sympathy with conditions in the Church of his time.

The principal works of Pordage were as follows: Truth appearing through the Clouds of undeserved Scandal (London, 1655); Innocency appearing through the dark Mists of Pretended Guilt (1655); A just Narrative of the Proceedings of the Commissioners of Berks . . . against John Pordage (1655); and the posthumous Theologia Mystica, or the Mystic Divinitie of the �ternal Indivisible (anonymous; 1683). From his manuscripts was translated Vier Tract�tlein . . . Von der Aeusaeren Gebuhrt und Fleiachwerdung Jesu Christi . . . Von der Mystischen and innern Gebuhrt . . . .Vom Geiste des Glaubens ... Experimentale Entdeckungen von Vereinigungder Naturen, Essenzen, Tinduren, Leiber (Amsterdam, 1704). A number of other works never published in English are mentioned in an advertisement appended to Jane Lead's Fountain of Gardens (London, 1697; cf. DNB, xlvi. 151).

A. R�EGG.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The primal sources for a biography are Pordage's own writings, ut sup., ef. C. Fowler, D�monium meridianum. Being a . . . Relation of the Proceedings of the Commissioners . . . against J. Pordage With some Animadversions . . . upon a Book of . . J. Pordage, London, 1655. Consult further: G. Arnold, Unparteyische Kirchen- and Ketzorhistorie iv. 915, Frankfort, 1715; P. Poirot, Btbliotheca mysticoram selecta, p. 174, Amsterdam, 1708; A. � Wood, Athen� Oxonisnsse, ed. P. Bliss, iii. 1098, iv. 405, 715, 4 vols., London, 1817-20; DNB:, xivi. 150-151.

PORETE, MARGARETA.  See FREE SPIRIT, BRETHREN OF THE, � 3.

 

PORPHYRY: Bishop of Gaza; b. at Thessalonica c. 347; d. at Gaza Feb. 26, 420. After spending five years in the Scetic desert in Egypt, he passed an equal period in Palestine under privations which impaired his health, visiting the sacred sites and living in Jerusalem, where Bishop Praylius ordained him presbyter and made him custodian of the wood of the cross. Early in 395 he was consecrated bishop of Gaza, where he increased the scanty number of Christians, but at the same time met with bitter pagan opposition, so that he twice appealed to the court to close and destroy the heathen temples first (398) through his deacon Marcus, and second (401-402) in person together with the archbishop of Caesarea. The temple of the god Marnas was especially offensive to the Christians, and on his second appeal the intervention of the Empress Eudoxia secured the destruction of the shrine. On the site was erected a magnificent church, the Eudoxiana.

(E. HENNECKE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Vita, by the deaoon Marcus was edited with commentary by M. Haupt for the Berlin Academy, in the Abhandlungen, 1874, pp. 171-215, and published separately, 1875; it is also in ASB, Feb., iii. 643-461; MPG, xxxv. 849-694; and ed. by the Bonn society for philology, Leipsic, 1895; the dissertation of A. Nuth De Marci diaconi vita Porphyrii, Bonn, 1897, is important; cf. Dreaeke, in ZWT xxxi (1888), 352-374. Consult further: Tillemont, M�moires x. 703-716; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, vi. 329-330; DNB, iv. 444-145.

 

PORPHYRY THE NEOPLATONIST.  See NEOPLATONISM, III., � 1.

 

PORST, JOHANN: German Pietist and hymnologiat; b. at Oberkotzau (28 m. n.e. of Bayreuth), Dec. 11, 1668; d. at Berlin Jan. 10, 1728. After completing his education at the University of Leipsic, he became private tutor at Neustadt-on-the-Aisch in 1692. Becoming deeply interested in the writings of Spener (q.v.), three years later he removed to Berlin, where he attended the lectures of the distinguished Pietist. In 1698 he was called to be pastor of Malchow and Hohen-Schonhauaen near Berlin, and six years later he became second preacher at the Friederich-Werdersche and Dorotheenst�dtische Kirche, in both positions remaining true to the principles of Spener, and being a forerunner of certain later tendencies of the Inhere Mission. In 1709 be became the chaplain of Sophie Louise, the second wife of Frederick I, and the king invited him in 1713 to become provost of Berlin. After some hesitation, Porst accepted, and became at the same time senior of the Berlin clergy and inspector of the Gray Friars Gymnasium.

Porst's independent literary work was inferior in value to his practical activity as preacher and pastor., Although twenty-four books of his have been enumerated, many of these were only sermons, and others excerpts from larger works written by himself. He devoted much energy to the collecting and editing of edicts and enactments is the interests of church government. At the same time, he wrote several larger works, especially the Theologia practica regenitorum (Halle, 1743), and Theologia viatorum practica (1755), both ascetic treatises conspicuously Pietistic in tendency. Porst is best known, however, for the hymnal, prepared originally for Berlin but later used throughout Brandenburg, which is one of the chief repositories of hymns breathing the Pietism of Spener and the earlier Halls school. The hymnal first appeared anonymously with the title Geistliche liebliche Lieder (Berlin, 1708), containing 420 hymns. A second edition, with 840 hymns, including a special rubric " on the hope of Zion," pertaining to hymns of Chiliastic import,was issued as the Nun vermehrtes geistreiches Gesangbtuch (1711). The third edition, Geistliche and liebliche Lieder (1713), Porst issued in his own name. It contained 906 hymns. The latest revision was that of J. F. Bachmann , of the edition of 1728 (1855; last edition, 1901) from which sixty-two hymns of a false subjectivity were dropped, and as appendix containing 210 earlier or later good hymns was affixed.

(E. IDELER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A sketch of the life of Porst was furnished by Staudt to his ed. of one of Porst's smaller works, G�ttliche f�rung der Seelen, Stuttgart, 1850. Consult further: J. F. Bachmann, Zur Geschichte der Berliner Gesangb�cher, Berlin, 1856; idem, Die Gesangb�cher Berlins, ib. 1857; E. E. Koch, Geschichte des Kirclesnlieds, vol. iv., Stuttgart, 1888.

PORT-ROYAL:

Foundation: Ang�lique.

One of the most famous of French nunneries, noted for the influence which it exercised in the seventeenth century on the Roman Catholic Church and society of France during the struggle against the Jesuits. It was founded for the Cistercian order in 1204 by Mathilde de Garlands in a swampy unhealthy valley of the Yvette about eight miles southwest of Versailles. Through the favor of the popes it was made exempt from the jurisdiction of the arch-
bishop of Paris, and in 1223 Honorius III. gave it the privilege of the Eucharist even if the whole country might be under the interdict, and the privilege of asylum for such of the laity as might wish, without taking the vowes, to retire from the world and practise penance. Though the nunnery early became popular and wealthy, while its abbesses included members of the most distinguished families of France, it did not become important in the history of the Church until Jacqueline Marie Arnauld was made its abbess. She was the daughter of Antoine Arnauld (adopted name, Ang�lique de Ste. Madeleine) and from a distinguished family bitterly opposed to the Jesuits (see ARNAULD). Becoming abbess in 1602 at the age of eleven, she proceeded with a rigorous reformation and set on foot a movement of far-reaching effect on the Roman Catholic Church of France. At Port-Royal fasting, mortification of the flesh, rigid seclusion, and renunciation of all property were required; and the practical works of love, such as the care of the sick, as well as exercises of self-sanctification and devotions, were cultivated with equal fervor. She succeeded in winning her distinguished family to her position, nineteen members of which entered Port-Royal. In 1618 Ang�lique went, at the request of the abbot of Clairvaux, to Montbuisson to reform the decayed nunnery there. Five years later she returned to Port-Royal accompanied by thirty nuns. On account of the unhealthful situation Ang�lique in 1625 purchased the building which is now the Hospice de la maternit� near the Luxembourg, Paris, calling it Port-Royal de Paris to which she transplanted the nunnery. In 1627 the joint nunnery passed from the jurisdiction of the abbot of Citeaux to that of the archbishop of Paris, and the abbesses were now chosen only for periods of three years. In 1630 Ang�:lique resigned, thus meeting the wishes of Sebastian Zamet, bishop of Langres, who (1626-33) was the spiritual director of Port Royal, giving to it an entirely different trend by substituting magnificence for simplicity.

St. Cyran and the Male Community.

In 1633 Zamet opened a nunnery near the Louvre for the perpetual adoration of the blessed sacrament, of which the archbishop of St. Cyran Paris made Ang6lique mother superior. Shortly afterward Jean du Vergier de Hauranne became chaplain and confessor; he had been abbot of St. Cyran since 1620, and was accordingly known as St. Cyran (see DU VENGIER, JEAN). A close friend of Jansen since his student days, an equally uncompromising foe of the Jesuits and admirably adapted to be a confessor, he was a man of com manding personal influence. In 1633 a small book of Agnes, the sister of Ang�lique, the Chapelet secret du St. Sacrement, discussing eighteen virtues of Christ, was condemned by the Sorbonne. Zamet, however, approved it, as did Saint Cyraa and Jansen- In gratitude for his aid, Zamet introduced St. Cyran into the nunnery of the Blessed Sacrament, whose inmates had been much offended by the book; and through his influence the seculari zing tendencies of Zamet vanished more and more until, May 16, 1638, this nunnery was abandoned and its property and privileges were transferred to Port-Royal. In 1636 Ang�lique returned to PortRoyal, where her sister Agnes was chosen abbess. St. Cyran became here, too, the spiritual guide. Under his influence not only was there a marked renewal of the deepest Roman Catholic piety in the nunnery of Port-Royal, but a community of male ascetics was formed, among whom were the three brothers, Antoine Lemaistre, Louis Isaac Lemaistre de Sacy (q.v.), and Simon de S�ricourt, and also Robert Arnauld d'Audilly (see ARNAULD). The last was the eldest brother and the three brothers were nephews of Ang�lique. The community numbered only twelve in 1646, when it was at its height. These new anchorites, who did not sever themselves utterly from the world, alternated between their annual duties and diligent study of the Bible and Church Fathers (especially Augustine) together with meditations and conversations on religious themes. Great attention was devoted to the education of the young; and in 1646 regular schools were opened in Paris, and in 1653 in the country. The entire number of pupils can not have been more than 1,000. In 1660, however, the schools were suppressed, and from 1670 to 1678 only young girls could be educated. The method was characterized by individual training with moral and religioxis emphasis, leading to the happiest results. The aim was to awaken and promote the minor powers and to conquer evil propensities. The discipline was marked by vigilance, untiring patience, gentleness, and prayer. The divine image and the human fallibility of the pupil were to be constantly kept in view. Racine was the most distinguished pupil and the " Petites �coles " made a famous contribution to pedagogical history.

Conflict

The prominence of Port-Royal could not fail to expose it to opposition. A book on virginity, which exhibited independence of thought, caused Richelieu to imprison St. Cyran on May 14, 1638. in the tower of Vincennes; where, directing his followers uninterruptedly in his correspondence, he remained until his release on Feb. 6, 1643, two months after Richelieu's death. His great achievement during this period was his conversion of Ang�lique's youngest brother, Antoine Arnauld (1612-94; q.v.), the greatest theologian of Port-Royal. In 1643 Arnauld's De la frequents communion (Paris, 1843), with its protest against careless communing, its in sistence on repentance, and its warning against the opus operntum, was a practical application of Jansenistic principles and the manifesto with which Port-Royal openly declared war on the Jesuits. Amauld was cited to appear at Rome, but he did not go, remaining for several years in concealment. The period of 1648-56 was that of the greatest prosperity for Port-Royal. During the warfare of the Fronde, the monastery was on the royal side; but when, in his bull of May 31, 1653, Innocent X. condemned five theses of Jansen (see JANSEN, CORNEILIUS, JANSENISM) the war on Port-Royal as the French citadel of Jansenism broke out. Arnauld, expelled from the Sorbonne, Sacy, Fontaine, and Nicole sought hiding in Paris. The community obeyed the command to retire from Port-Royal, but the threatened blow was averted by Pascal's defense of Jansenism in his Lettres provinciales (see PASCAL, BLAISE) and by the miracle of the holy thorn, four days after the retirement, which was the alleged cure of an ulcer in the eye of Marguerite Perier, Pascal's niece, effected by touching the holy thorn, and which was exalted by PortRoyalists as a confirmation of their faith and by the wonder-struck Jesuits as a new divine respite for the Jansenists. The following years formed a period of peace; but upon his accession in 1660, Louis XIV. determined to annihilate both Janaenism and protestantism in France, and in April of the following year both monasteries were compelled to dismiss their pensioners, postulants, and novices. Antoine Singlin, superior of the nuns, barely escaped the Bastile and again sought hiding with Arnauld in Paris. On June 8, 1661, the first pastoral letter that by equivocations was to make subscription possible appeared; which, not without severe inner struggles, the nuns signed. On Aug. 6 Angdlique died at Paris. Port-Royal was obliged to accept the Molinist Louis Bail as superior, and neither Arnauld, Pascal, nor Singlin dared to return. Bail's rigid examination of the nuns one after another in both convents from July 11 to Sept. 2, 1661, resulted in finding no support for the allegations against them. Nevertheless, on Nov. 28, 1661, they were forced to sign the formula unreservedly. The controversies of Louis XIV. with the Curia now gave a brief respite to Port-Royal, but an attempt to reach a peaceable understanding was thwarted by the stubbornness of Arnauld. With the enthronement of H. de Pt=rtsfixe as archbishop of Paris in 1664, the persecutions were reopened, and on Aug. 21 he denied the nuns the reception of the Eucharist. Twelve of the nuns were then scattered in other nunneries and nuns were brought from these convents to PortRoyal in Paris. On Nov. 29 more nuns were removed; and a few days after the archbishop excommunicated the entire monastery of Port-Royal des Champs. Sacraments were denied; no novices could be received; the sound of bells and common worship ceased; and there was forced seclusion from outside friends, until, early in 1669, Pope Clement IX., by permitting an apparent ambiguity in the subscription, enabled most of the Jansenist party, including Arnauld, De Sacy, and Pierre Nicole (q.v.), to sign the formula. The nuns were finally persuaded to sign a petition of surrender repudiating the five theses, to the archbishop of Paris, and, Mar. 3, 1669, the interdict was formally raised. Thus ended the long controversy in the humiliation of Port-Royal, and its financial ruin soon followed. Port-Royal de Paris and PortRoyal des Champs were separated, the former securing two-thirds of the properties.

Decline.

Until 1679 Port-Royal enjoyed tolerable peace, and the polemics of the leaders of the party were now directed against Protestantism. Amauld and Nicole published their La PerpetuiM de la Joi de l'�glise catholique touchant l'Eucharistie (Paris, 1669), and Arnauld also thoroughly approved the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. During this period of peace the nunnery again increased in numbers; the hermits returned; Pascal wrote his Pens�s, and Nicole his Essais de Morale (25 vols., Paris, 1741, 1755). When, however, in 1677 Nicole implored Innocent XI. to condemn the lax teachings of the casuists, the king regarded his act as a violation of the truce; and in the bitter controversy over the regalia he was offended that the Janseniste aided with the pope. Arnauld and Nicole were forced again to flee from France, and on June 17, 1679, Archbishop Harlay brought the royal mandate to dismiss the pupils and the hermits and to admit no more nuns until the number had fallen to fifty. When this took place, the privilege was, however, denied; the monastery began to die out; and in 1706 the last abbess of Port.-Royal des Champs, Elisabeth de Ste. Anne Boulard, died. The bull Virceom Domini  of Clement XI. (July 15, 1705), with its summary condemnation of Jansenism, hastened the catastrophe. The nuns signed it only with a reservation. They were forbidden to receive novices or to elect a new abbess. On Nov. 22, 1707, the convent was again excommunicated, and the king secured the issuance of a papal bull on Mar. 27, 1708, which permitted the dispersion of the nuns. On July 11 of the following year a decree of the archbishop of Paris declared the convent of Port-Royal des Champs suppressed and gave its estates to Port-Royal de Paris. On Oct. 29 the remaining twenty-two nuns, ranging in age from fifty to upward of eighty, were expelled by military force; and, being thus dispersed, all subscribed to the bull except two. The royal disapproval extended even to the buildings of Port-Royal; and by a mandate of Jan. 22, 1710, the convent and church were destroyed and even the dead were removed and interred in a neighboring cemetery.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. A. Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, 5 vols., Paris, 1840-59, new ed., 7 vole., 1908 (the best work, though unsympathetic); Fontaine, M�moires . . . de Port Royal, 2 vols, Utrecht, 1738; Du Foss�, M�moires . . . de Port-Royal, Utrecht, 1739; P. LeClerc, Vies int�rassantes . . . des religieuses de Port Royal, 4 vols., Utrecht, 1750; idem, Vies int�rassantes , , , des amia de Port-Royal, ib, 1751; J. Besoigne, Hist. de l'abbaye de Port-Royal, 8 vols., Cologne, 1754-53; P. Guilbert, M�moires historiques � sur l'abbaye de Port-Royal vols. i., iii., Utrecht, 1752-59; H. Gr�goire, Les Ruines de PortRoyal. Paris. 1809: H. Reuchlin, Gieschichte von PortRoyal, 2 vols., Hamburg, 1839; J. M. Neale, Hist. of the so-called Jansenist Church of Holland, Oxford, 1855; Mrs. M. A. Schimmelpenninck, Select Memoirs of Port Royal, 5th ed., London, 1858; J. Stephen, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography, pp 279-336, 4th ed., London, 1880; C. Beard, Port Royal 2 vols., London, 1881; C. Clemencet, Hist. litt�raire de Port-Royal, vol. i., Paris, 1887; A. Richard. Les Premiers Jans�nistes et Port-Royal,  Paris. 1883 E. Fenot, Port-Royal et Magny, Paris, 1885; L. 8&ebb Les Derniers Jans�nistes (1710-180), 3 vols., Paris, 1891; R. Allier, La Cabale des d�vots 1627 - 1666, pp. 159-192, Paris, 1902; W. R. Clark, Pascal and the Port Royalists, London, 1902; A. Malvault R�pertoire alphab�tique des peraonnes et choses de Port-Royal, Paris, 1902; Ethel Romance The Story of Port Royal, London 1907; A. Gazer Abr�g� de l'histoire de Port Royal d'apr�s un manuscrit pr�par� pour l'impresaion Par Jean-Baptiste Racine, Paris, 1908; M. E. Lowndes, The Nuns of Port Royal as seen in their own Narratives, New York,1909; the literature under PASCAL, BLAISE.

PORTANOVA, GENNARO: Cardinal. b. at Naples Oct. 11, 1845; d. at Rome Apr. 25, 1908. He was educated at the Jesuit College in his native city, and at the archiepiscopal lyceum of Naples, where he was professor of theology, 1877-83, besides being professor of philosophy in various Neapolitan institutions 1875-83. In 1883 he was consecrated titular bishop of Rosea and appointed bishop coadjutor of Ischia, to which see he succeeded on the death of his diocesan two years later. In 1888 he was translated to the metropolitan see of Reggio di Calabria, of which he was archbishop till his death. He was likewise apostolic administrator of the diocese of Bova from 1889 to 1895 and of Oppido in 1898-99. In 1899 he was created cardinal-priest of San Clemente in Rome. He wrote Errori a deliri del Darwinismo (Naples, 1872); Su la distinzione della psicologia dalla; isiolofia a su le mutue loro attinenze (1875); Gli Evoluzionisti e la loro morale (Rome, 1881); Evoluzione a miraculo (Naples, 1882); and La Filosofia speculativa compendiata (1883).

 

PORTER, EBENEZER: Congregationalist; b. at Cornwall, Conn., Oct. 5, 1772; d. at Andover Apr. 8, 1834. He was graduated at Dartmouth College, 1792; ordained 1796, pastor in Washington, Conn.; Bartlett professor of sacred rhetoric in the Andover Theological Seminary, 1812-32, and president, 1827-34. He was the author of Young Preacher's Manual (Boston, 1819); An Analysis of the Principles of Rhetorical Delivery  (1827; 8th ed., by A. H. Weld, Boston, 1839); Rhetorical Reader (Andover, 1831; 300th ed., New York, 1858); Lectures on Homiletics, Preaching, and on Public Prayer (Andover, 1834) ; and Lectures on Eloquence and Style (Andover, 1836).

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, ii. 351-361, New York, 1859; L. Woods, Hist. of the Andover Theological Seminary, ib. 1884.

 

PORTER, FRANK CHAMBERLAIN: Congregationalist; b. at Beloit, Wis., Jan. 5, 1859. He was educated at Beloit College (A.B., 1880) and the theological seminaries at Chicago (1881-82), Hartford (1884-85), and Yale (B.D., 1886; Ph.D., 1889). He was teacher of mathematics and Greek in the Chicago High School (1882-84), and instructor in Biblical theology in Yale Divinity School (1889-91), while since 1891 he has been Winkley professor of Biblical theology in the same institution. In Biblical study he "advocates a strictly historical method (in contrast to a dogmatic)," while in theological position he is a liberal Evangelical. He has written The Ye�er Hara: A study in the Jewish Doctrine of Sin, in the Biblical and Semitic Studies of the Yale Bicentennial Series (New York, 1903) and The Messages bf the Apocalyptic Writers (1905).

PORTER, JOSIAS LESLIE: English Presbyterian; b. at Burt, County Donegal, Ireland, Oct. 4, 1823; d. at Belfast Mar. 16, 1889. He graduated at Glasgow (B.A., 1841; M.A., 1842); was ordained, 1846; studied theology at the Free Church College and University, both Edinburgh, 1842-44; pastor at Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1846-49; missionary of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland in Damascus, 1849-59; professor of Biblical criticism in the Presbyterian College, Belfast, Ireland, 1860-77. He was especially prominent by reason of his connection with Irish educational institutions and interests. He was the author of Five Years in Damascus (2 vols., London, 1855; 2d ed., 1870); Hand-book for Syria and Palestine (2 vols., 1858; 3d ed., 1875); The Pentateuch and the Gospels (1864); The Giant Cities of Bashan, and Holy Places of Syria (1865); The Life and Times of Henry Cooke, D.D., LL.D. (London, 1871); The Pew and Study Bible (1876); Jerusalem, Bethany and Bethlehem (1887); and Through Samaria to Galilee and the Jordan (1888). He edited J. Kitto's Daily Bible Illustrations (Edinburgh, 1867) and J. Brown's Self-Interpreting Bible (1871).

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: DNB, xlvi. 187-188.

 

PORTER, NOAH: Congregationalist; b. at Farmington, Conn., Dec. 14, 1811; d. at New Haven, Conn., Mar. 4, 1892. He graduated at Yale College (1831), was master of Hopkins Grammar School, New Haven (1831-33); tutor at Yale (1833-1835); pastor at New Milford, Conn. (1836-43); at Springfield, Mass. (1843-46); Clark professor of metaphysics and moral philosophy at Yale College (1846-71); and president of Yale College (18711886). His presidency was a period of great expansion and progress, and his wide fame as a scholar was equalled by his popularity and influence at home. He was the author of Historical Discourse at Farmington, Nov-.4, 1840, commemorating the two-hundredth anniversary of its settlement (Hartford, 1841); The Educational Systems of the Puritans and Jesuits compared (New York, 1851); The Human Intellect (1868, and many others); Books and Reading (1870; 6th ed., 1881); American Colleges and the American Public (1870); Elements of Intellectual Science (1871); Sciences of Nature versus the Science of Man (1871) ; Evangeline: the Place, the Story, and the Poem (1882); The Elements of Moral Science, Theoretical and Practical (1885); Bishop Berkeley (1885); Kant's Ethics, a Critical Exposition (Chicago, 1886); and Fifteen Years in the Chapel of Yale College (Sermons, 1871-86; New York, 1887). He was the principal editor of the revised editions of Webster's Unabridged Dictionary (Springfield, 1864, 1880).

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. S. Merriam, Noah Porter: a Memorial by Friends, New York, 1893 (contains bibliography); W. Walker, Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism, pp. 559-581,ib. 1893.

PORTEUS, BEILBY: Church of England bishop; b. at York May 8, 1731; d. at Fulham (6 m. s.w. of St. Paul's, London) May 8, 1808. He received his preliminary education at York and at Ripon, and then entered Christ's College, Cambridge (B.A. and fellow, 1752; D.D., 1767); he was made deacon and priest, 1757, and in 1759 won the Seatonian prize for a poem on death; he became domestic chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury (Thomas Seeker, q.v.) in 1762, from whom in 1765 he received the livings of Rucking and Wittersham, Kent, soon after exchanging them for Hunton, of which he became rector; he received a prebend in Peterborough, 1767, in 1769 became chaplain to the king, and in 1776 bishop of Chester, being translated in 1787 to the see of London. As preacher he was noted for marked ability and directness; as bishop his excellencies were many. He encouraged the rising evangelicalism of the times, took great interest in fostering the comfort of the poorer clergy of his dioceses by securing funds for the increase of their emoluments and also by procuring the abolishment of the evil practise of making them sign bonds to resign when requested; he was deeply interested in the question of slavery and the welfare of negroes; he promoted the cause of the British and Foreign Bible Society, acting as its vice-president; and was efficient in preventing the abuse of religious holidays. He opposed the spread of the principles of the French Revolution and equally the doctrines of Paine's Age of Reason. Hie was himself possessed of ample means, and these he used generously in support of various of the interests noted above.

He was the author of many occasional sermons, as well as of volumes of sermons, e.g., Sermons on Several Subjects (London, 1784; 14th ed., 1813); also of Review of the Life and Character of Archbishop Seeker (1770; twelve editions); The Beneficial Effects of Christianity on the Temporal Concerns of Mankind Proved from History and Facts (1804; 9th ed., 1836); Summary of the Principal Evidences for the Truth and Divine Origin of the Christian Revelation (1800; 15th ed., 1835); and Lectures on the Gospel of St. Matthew (2 vols., 1802; 17th ed., 1823). His Complete Works were often published (best ed., 6 vols., 1816; really not "complete").

 BIBILIOGRAPHY: His Life, by R. Hodgson, is prefixed to vol. i. of his Works. Consult: C. J. Abbey, The English Church and its Bishops, 2 vols., London, 1887; J. H. Overton English Church in the 18th Century, ib. 1894; J. H. Overton and F. Relton The English Church (1714-1800), ib. 1908; DNB, xlvi. 195-196.

PORTIUNCULA INDULGENCE: The title of a plenary indulgence granted to all who should devoutly visit the Portiuncula Church (St Mary of the Angels; see FRANCIS, SAINT, OF ASSISI, I., � 1), near Assisi, at the request of Saint Francis of Assisi by Honorius III. in 1223. This pope confined it to Aug. 2; Gregory XV. in 1622 made it good for all churches of the Observantist Franciscans on that day; Innocent XI. in 1678 made its benefits applicable to souls in purgatory. In 1847 the Congregation of Indulgences made it applicable to every Franciscan church.

 

PORTO RICO. See WEST INDIES.

 

 

PORTUGAL.

  • I. History and Statistics.
  • II. Evangelical Work.
    1. The Conditions (� 1).
    2. Anti-Roman Tendencies (� 2).
    3. Evangelical Activities (� 3).
    4. Agencies Employed (� 4).
    5. Results and Prospects (� 5).

I. History and Statistics:

Since October, 1910, Portugal has been a republic. It is situated in southwestern Europe, between Spain on the north and east and the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west; area, including the Azores and Madeira, 35,491square miles; population, 5,423,132. The present boundaries were established in 1255. At that time began the struggles between the royal sovereignty and the clergy, owing to the clergy's opposition to royal taxation, or following measures against particular bishops. The Jesuits very early gained influence at court, became a ruling force in the educational establishments of the country, and through them the Inquisition (q.v.) was introduced. This f development prevailed so that, in the first half of the eighteenth century, the aggregate of the clergy and nuns amounted to ten per cent of the population. Under John V. (1706-50), with very great pomp, the archdiocese of Lisbon was exalted to the rank of a patriarchate, and the king of Portugal obtained the title of rex fidelissimus. The property of the Church increased more and more through the donations of real estate, so that from the twelfth century the cathedral churches have received onethird of the parish church tithe. King Joseph Manuel (1750-77), however, indorsed his minister Pombal's demand for the expulsion of the Jesuits, 1759, and the secularization of a great part of the church estates. The clergy grew very powerful again under the next king and continued so by virtue of the repeal of the constitution of 1821. But a strong reaction set in again in the period 18341836. The Jesuits, who had been recalled, were again expelled; the tribunal of the papal nuncio was abolished; not a few bishops and cloister clergy were dismissed from their positions, and the assignment of parishes was defined to be a function of the civil government. All the monasteries for men and their educational establishments were declared abolished. This, however, was not practically enforced, and a concordat in the year 1842, failing only in receiving the final state acknowledgment, gave evidence of a new reaction. It obtained a lease of existence both by the extension of orders and congregations and by the multiplication of fraternal organizations. These brotherhoods are supported largely by gifts; because they serve to establish orphanages and the like. In 1862, indeed, most of the church estates were sold; but the proceeds were turned over to the clergy, and a considerable yearly provision for the entire spiritual body (700,000 milreis; $752,500), on the part of the State, was fixed by statute. Though, in 1878, the civil class-list was introduced on account of the marriage of non-Roman Catholics, yet every other innovation undesired by the clergy was omitted. The hierarchy consists of the three ecclesiastical provinces of Lisbon, Brags, and Evora, under which, on the mainland, there are nine bishoprics covering twelve diocesan districts and upward of 3,800 parishes. The constitution of 1821, which long since recovered its validity, declares the Roman Catholic to be the only authorized church. No building of worship may be erected by those of another faith. [On the proclamation of the republic action was taken looking to the elimination of the religious orders.]

Education is retarded; only about one-fifth of the population can write. Of the forty-one colleges, eighteen belong to the clergy. There are German Evangelical congregations at Oporto, Lisbon, and on Fayal Island. Congregations of the Church of England and of the Free Church of Scotland are at Corunna, Oporto, Lisbon, and Ports-Legre.

WILHELM GOETZ

 

II. Evangelical Work:

1. Conditions.

Of all European countries Portugal is the only one that was never touched by the Reformation. At the beginning of the six-teenth century Portugal was enjoying the most brilliant period of her whole history, and by reason of her maritime and colonial enterprises was rapidly advancing to the front ranks of European powers. Nevertheless, in the sphere of religion, she seems to have escaped the stimulus which came to all other European countries, during this or the following centuries, from the Protestant Reformation. Several reasons may be offered in explanation: (1) The relative isolation of Portugal and her remoteness from the centers of the religious movement, together with the lack of easy means of communication in that period, precluded the possibility of the Portuguese coming in contact with the followers or the literature of the Reformers. (2) The absence of that preliminary preparation which came to other countries through the preaching of such early Reformers as Wyclif in England, Huse in Bohemia, Savonarola in Italy, and Lefevre in France, had left untilled the seed-plot in which the seeds of the Reformation might have taken root. (3) The most important factor, perhaps, in closing Portugal against the influences of the Reformation was the political despotism, united with that of the Church, which prevailed in Portugal at that time. This union was further strengthened in 1536 by the formal establishment of the Inquisition, and still more firmly cemented in 1540 by the admission of the Jesuits, into whose hands were committed the destinies of the nation for the two centuries that followed. Whatever the reasons may be, it is to be remarked that Portugal has continued down to modern times the most exclusively, if not the most intensely, Roman Catholic of all the Latin nations; and until to-day there has been no serious effort at religious reform.

2. Anti-Roman Tendencies.

Through all the stormy history of the little kingdom, Roman Catholicism has remained the State religion, and but few crises have arisen in which the voice of the Roman Catholic Church has not determined the policy of the nation. The only considerable defection from that church so far may be traced either to educational or political movements, rather than to the desire for religious reform. Toward the close of the eighteenth century the gradual infiltration of the ideas of the French philosophers inaugurated a "liberal" tendency among the cultured classes, which has steadily grown until to-day about fifty per cent of the educated Portuguese, if not professedly infidel, are in open opposition to the clergy. This movement away from the Church has been limited somewhat by the dense ignorance of the great mass of the people and the scant attention paid to education. In 1878 the illiterates were 82 per cent of the population and in 1909 they still comprised 78.6 per cent. In 1900 there were only 240,000 pupils in the elementary schools of Portugal, though education has been declared compulsory since 1844. Likewise in the political affairs of Portugal the nineteenth century marked a persistent struggle by certain elements of the population for "liberal" principles. The pernicious interference by the Roman Catholic clergy to defeat the aims of this movement attracted a constantly increasing hatred from the working classes and has developed a strong anticlerical party among the mass themselves. Indeed, the overthrow of the monarchy in October, 1910, with the flight of young King Manuel, seems to indicate that liberal principles have now won to their support the majority of the people. And Senor Sebastiano Magalhaes Lima, one of the leaders in the new republic, has announced that "the program of reform will include the separation of Church and State." On the other hand, the most recent statistics indicate that the secular clergy in Portugal numbers 93,979 parish priests in a total population of 5,423,132, an average of one priest to every fifty-seven inhabitants.

3. Evangelical Activities.

The foregoing facts would lead to the anticipation that the history of Evangelical Protestantism in Portugal does not begin until the nineteenth century, and that it owes its origin not to any stimulus received from the Reformation of the sixteenth century, but to the missionary activity of Protestant denominations dung the last century. As far as can be learned, it was not before 1845 that the Gospel was for the first time persistently proclaimed in Portugal. Meetings were commenced almost simultaneously in Lisbon and in Oporto. In Lisbon it was Mrs. Helen Roughton, wife of an English merchant, who first, with her husband's assistance, held private meetings in her house and established a school for Protestant instruction. The Roughtons belonged to the Church of England, and their humble efforts resulted in the establishment of the Anglican Church of the Taipas, Lisbon. Mrs. Roughton lived until 1885, but a few years before her death adopted the views of the Plymouth Brethren (q.v.). At Oporto the first Evangelical worker was Miss Frederica Smith, who began work privately in 1845. She was born of English Parents in Oporto and was subsequently married to James Cooley Fletcher, United States consul at Oporto. At Oporto there labored also about this time, Rev. A. de Mattos, one of the converts of a mission in Madeira, a naturalized American and probably the first Portuguese Protestant to preach in Portugal. Since these early beginnings several British societies have opened stations at Lisbon and Oporto, as well as at several other of the principal cities of Portugal. The Plymouth Brethren have considerable strength, especially in Lisbon. The Scotch Presbyterians also have a mission there. The Wesleyan Methodists have an important work in Oporto, under charge of Robert H. Moreton) who has spent thirty-seven years at this post. The strongest Evangelical church in Portugal is the Anglican. It has several stations in both Lisbon and Oporto. Besides this there are independent Protestant churches at Oporto and Ports-Legre, supporting their own pastors, while all over Portugal there are little bands of believers, without or ganization or a pastor, which are centers of influence thoroughly Protestant in spirit.

4. Agencies Employed

It has been remarked that the first Evangelical work in Portugal was done in connection with the school. It is hardly necessary to state that this method has been largely adhered to by the foreign societies. In connection with almost every station schools have been organized as the basis of operation, there being at least a dozen Protestant schools in the two cities Lisbon and Oporto. Scarcely less important than the work of the missions and schools has been that of the great Bible and Tract societies. Says a writer from the field: "Representatives of the union of Protestantism, the British and Foreign Bible Society, and the Religious Tract Society have done and are doing the widest and deepest, though the least apparent, Gospel work. Their general agent, Rev. Robert Stewart, with headquarters in Lisbon, keeps constantly employed six or eight colporteurs, canvassing the different provinces in Portugal and distributing Scriptures, tracts, and Christian literature." Of the Portuguese versions of the Scriptures, only two have become generally known: a Roman Catholic version by Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo in twenty-three volumes (1778; see BIBLE VERSIONS, B, XIV.; reedited in seven volumes and greatly improved in 1804), and a Protestant version by Joao Ferreira d'Almeida (1693, for use in the Portuguese colonies; revised and republished in Lisbon in 1874, and again in 1877). Besides, the American Bible Society published a version of the New Testament in 1859, and more recently the committee representing the Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Wesleyan churches, has prepared, under the superintendence of Rev. Robert Stewart, a complete new version of the Bible. In connection with the mission and Bible agencies there have been established at Lisbon and Oporto several Protestant papers, which have a relatively wide circulation and have proved valuable adjuncts in spreading the word of truth.

The latest official census of Portugal credits the Protestants with something less than 500 members, including foreigners. But this is obviously inaccurate; no complete statistics are available from the several societies, but conservative estimates place the number of communicants at over 1,000, with possibly 3,000 adherents.

5. Results and Prospects

It will be seen that the record of evangelistic work in Portugal is brief, uneventful, and to the unsympathetic student uninspiring; indeed, measured in terms of adherents won, churches built, and schools or colleges opened, it must be admitted that the results have hardly justified the expenditure of money and toil and the sacrifice of life at which they have been secured. Nevertheless, to the intelligent student of missions, who has an adequate grasp of conditions in Portugal, the Protestant propaganda conducted there does not appear so fruitless, nor the outlook so hopeless as the bare statistics seem to indicate. So far, the work in Portugal has been preparatory merely, and it has encountered those obstacles which are incident to pioneer efforts at evangelism in all Roman Catholic countries, namely, the ignorance, irreligion, and intolerance of the people. It may be that in Portugal these conditions have been more acute than in other Latin countries. The large percentage of illiteracy has already been noted, and when it is considered that the uneducated classes are the only portion of the population that are accessible, ordinarily, to evangelistic effort, it will be seen that the growth of Protestantism must depend almost entirely upon the educational facilities which the missions can offer. In particular the ignorance of the Portuguese concerning Protestantism is amazing. Both the peasant and the educated, the layman and ecclesiastic are wholly ignorant of its d nature. The peasant and the layman confound Protestants with Jews, Moors, and unbelievers, and; taught by their priests, they have associated with Protestantism everything that is despicable and immoral. As for skepticism, it is not confined to the educated but, as in other nominally Roman Catholic countries, practical infidelity prevails to a distressing extent among the priests and people, and gives rise to the most appalling vices and immoralities in all walks of life. The Portuguese people know nothing of tolerance as Protestants understand it. A clause providing for religious tolerance has long been in the national constitution, but it has no reference to Protestantism. To the people the only representative of Christianity is the Roman Catholic Church, and tolerance means nothing more than the right to oppose the Roman Catholic clergy. It has not infrequently happened that the people incited by the Jesuits and priests have indulged in violent persecutions of Protestants. In addition to all this the missionary sotivities of Protestants have been projected in a haphazard fashion and on a scale wholly inadequate to the measure of the need. Despite these untoward circumstances enough has already been accomplished to constitute a solid and necessary foundation for the great work that yet remains to be done. Moreover, when account is taken of what has already been done in the face of such obstacles, and of its significance in the light of the new era that is even now dawning for Portugal, there is room for the assertion that Protestantism has a great mission to this priest-ridden people. The missionaries are on the ground. They have occupied the strategic points of vantage. They have entrenched themselves in various directions, reaching out from these centers. They have established a few schools and churches and gathered at many points the nuclei of Protestant communities. They have sown the seed of truth broadcast by the printed and preached Word, and are now ready for the harvest. Meanwhile recent years have brought about a vast change in the attitude of the people toward education and the progressive ideas that have brought prosperity to other nations. There is a noticeable and increasing respect for literary attainments, and recent writers display literary ability of no mean value. There is a general desire among all classes of people to give their children the benefits of education. There is a wide-spread clamor for industrial and commercial reform; and the almost peaceful establishment of the new republic with its liberal program of reform demonstrates the unanimity with which the people are awaking to the need of radical change in national policies. Along with this there comes from the bosom of the Church itself, in a communication from the Franciscan monks to the hierarchy, an urgent demand for religious reform. In other words, Portugal is approaching her renaissance, political revolution, and Reformation all at once, and there is no reason why the Reformation should not be cast in the mold which Protestant evangelism has provided.

JUAN ORTS GONZALEZ.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Sehifer, Geschiehte von Portugal, 5 vols.Hamburg, 1830-84; E. MacMurdo, Hist. of Portugal, 2 vols., London, 1888-89; H. M. Stephens, Portugal, ib.1891; w. A. Salisbury, Portugal and its People, ib. 1893; H. E. Noyes, Church Reform in Portugal, ib. 1897; L. Higgin, Portuguese Life in Town and Country, ib. 1902; H. C. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition of the Middle Apes, new ed., 3 vols., New York, 1900; idem, Hist. of the Inquisition of Spain, new ed., 4 vols., ib. 1900-07; F. E. and H. A. Clark, The Gospel in Latin Lands, ib. 1909; J.. McCabe, The Decay of the Church of Rome, ib. 1909.

POSITIVISM: The name applied to the teachings of Auguste Comte (q.v.), which, since the middle of the nineteenth century, have been accepted in the stricter sense by what is practically a sect, and more loosely by a large school of admirers of his "Positive Philosophy." The latter, by far the more numerous, have usually regaled his later political teaching, if not as the product of distinct mental aberration, at best as a sentimental illusion, or as analogous to Plato's " Republic " and " Laws," to be admired theoretically but incapable of practical realization. The system taught by Comte in his first great book was essentially atheistic and anti-theological; the only sciences there considered as the main branches of human knowledge were mathematics, mechanics (including astronomy), physics, chemistry, physiology, and sociology. Even psychology, the connecting link between physiology and sociology, was omitted-a defect which the English adherents of Comte, under John Stuart Mill's leadership, felt obliged to supply. This fundamentally non-religious attitude was based in one aspect on the English and French sensualist philosophy of the eighteenth century, especially on Etienne de Condillac, Thomas Reid, and Dugald Stewart; in its socialistic speculation it was largely dependent on Marie Jean Caritat de Condorcet, and in the leading ideas of its philosophy of history on the Italians Giovanni Battista Vico and Tommaso Campanella. In fact, what has frequently been regarded as Comte's principal achievement-the definition of the law of human progress through the three stages of theology, metaphysics, and positivism, or pure empiricism in the exact sciences is really found in both the last-named, as well as in the French physiocrat Anne Robert Jacques Turgot. In like manner his doctrine of the transition of the process leading to social perfection from belligerent conquest to defense by force, and from that again to peaceful labor, is nothing more than a simple development of what Condorcet had taught in 1793; and his theory of Fetishism (q.v.) as the primal form of religion goes back in its essence to Charles de Brosses (1760).

In spite, however, of this lack of originality, and in spite of the transformation which the system has received at the hands of John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, John Fiske, and others, the " hierarchy of the sciences " and Comte's general line of thought have maintained a considerable degree of popularity among English-speaking and French philosophers. Among the latter it influenced especially mile Littrd, Hippolyte Taine, Ernest Renan, and Th_odule Ribot, while Henry Thomas Buckle, George Henry Lewes, Leslie Stephen, John Tyndall, and Thomas Henry Huxley took their stand on the same " positive " ground, and the modern Scottish sensualism of such thinkers as Alexander Bain shows no slight traces of its influence. In America John William Draper followed practically the same path as Comte in his History of the Conflict between Religion and Science (New York, 1874), and more recently Paul Carus (q.v.), editor of The Monist and author of several works of like tendency, has conducted a propaganda which has much in common with Comte's. Italy has its thinkers of the same school in Tito Vignoli, Roberto Ardigb, Pietro Siciliani, and Andrea Angiulli, and not a few chairs of philosophy in Spain and Portugal are occupied by adherents of Comte. Among German positivists in the narrower sense may be named Ernst Laas, Adolf Steudel, Friedrich Jodl, Alois Riehl, and Georg von Gizycki; and as less thorough-going adherents of Comte mention may be made of such philosophers as Wilhelm Wundt, Theobald Ziegler, and Julius Baumann.

There has been, however, much misconception in the attempt to connect certain modern nonreligious systems directly with Comte. The evolutionism of Darwin and Spencer has really little in common with his doctrine; he vigorously combated Darwin's forerunner, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet Lamarck; and Huxley and other leaders of the evolutionist school have in their turn sharply criticized him. His attitude toward religion, nevertheless, has had not a little to do with that of some of the leading opponents of religious systems in more recent times. It is now clear that Karl Marx took some of his most important and characteristic doctrines from Comte's sociology; and Friedrich Nietzsche (q.v.), after a period of almost exclusive devotion to Arthur Schopenhauer's pessimism, adopted several points of Comte's teaching.

The Positivist sect, based upon Comte's , possesses popular manuals of teaching and practise in the Calendrier positivists (Paris, 1849) and Cat�chisme positivists (1853). It teaches " the transformation of philosophy. into religion "; but the philosophy thus transformed is he positivist philosophy, with no belief in God, the soul, or immortality. The cult of humanity on which it rests is a fantastic veneration of heroes, men of genius, scientists, and women. The calendar contains nine sacraments and eighty-four recurrent festivals. The thirteen months, of twenty-eight days each, take their designations from notable benefactors of the human race. Moses, Homer, Aristotle, Archimedes, Caesar, Paul, Charlemagne, Dante, Gutenberg, Shakespeare, Descartes, Frederick II., and Bichat (a famous Parisian physician and anatomist, d. 1802). Each of the days of the week is dedicated to a minor hero, as Sophooles, Horace, Copernicus, Galileo, and Cuvier. For the administration of the sacraments and the general direction of the body a sort of hierarchy is postulated. The sect in England was for a long time under the direction of Frederic Harrison and Rich ard Congreve, and in France principally under that of Pierre Laffitte in Paris. When the latter died in 1903, it was felt by many that "orthodox" Positivism was near its end; but although the section of Comte's followers which still preserves a certain type of religious feeling is yet in existence, it can not be said that they adhere closely to his prescriptions. Their formulas vary, in fact, be tween a weakly naturalistic deism and a radical atheism. The group of positivists which grew up around Francis Ellingwood Abbot in America, about 1870 called themselves the professors of a "Free Religion," and their views, as expressed in Abbot's " Fifty Affirmations," were in many ways much more radical than Comte's. Of a similar nature are some manifestations of free thought in France and Belgium, as they appear in Eug4ne &mtrie's periodical La Politiquz positive (Paris and Versailles), in Jean Fran�ois Eug�ne Robinet's Le Radical, and in Edgar Monteil's Cat�chisme du libre-penseur (Antwerp, 1877), in which atheism is partially concealed by a few phrases which have a theistic ring, and a corresponding scheme of morality is taught which is in its essence mere Epicureanism. The German free-thinking sects founded by Eduard L�wenthal and Eduard Reich are really German products, with no closely demonstrable connection with Comte, though some things about them (such as the title of the latter, the Church of Humanity) are reminiscent of his teaching. For an English analogy to Comte's Positivism under the leader ship of George Jacob Holyoake, Charles Bradlaugh, etc., see SECULARISM.

(O. Z�CKLER�.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the literature in and under the article on Comte (q.v.), where the sources are given in extenso, consult: C. de Bligniares, Exposition abr�r�e de la philosophie et de la religion positive, Paris, 1857; idem, Le Doctrine Positive, ib. 1887; idem, �tudes de moral positive, ib. 1888; L. Pinel. Essai de philosophic positive, 2d ed., ib. 1857; C. Pellarin Essai critique sur la philosophie positive, ib. 1884; J. H. Bridges, Unity of Compte's Life and Doctrine, London 1888� F. B. Barton, An Outline of the Positive Religion, ib. 1887; J. Ladevi-Roche, Le Positisme au tribunal de la science, Pans 1887; J. Douboul, Le Positivisme: sa m�thode ses ant�cidentes et ses cons�quences, Paris, 1887; L. Andrft-Nuytz. Le Positivime pour tous, Pairis, 1868; A. Angiulli, La Filosofia a la Ricerca positiva, Naples 1868; R. Ardig�, Opere fllosofihche, 7 vols., Padua, 1889-94; A. d'Assier, Essai de philosophie positive au xix.sei�cle, Paris, 1870; T. H. Huxley, Lay Sermons, London, 1870; P. Alex, Du droit et du positivisme, Paris, 1876; L. Adrian, Essais sur quelques points de philosophie positive, ib. 1877; M Chateauneuf, Le Poaitivisme et to materialiame devant la loi du progr�s, ib 1877; �. Littr�, Aug. Comte et la philoeophie positive, 3d ed., ib. 1877; G. Bareellotti, La Morale dolls Filosofie positive, New York, 1878; R. Flint, AntiTheistic Theories, Edinburgh, 1879; idem, Philosophy of History, ib. 1874: idem Agnosticism, ib. 1903; L. Liard, La Science positive d la metaphysique. Paris, 1879; E. Laos, Idealismus and Positivismus, 3 vols., Berlin, 1879-1884; E. H. Beesiy, Comte as a Moral Type, London, 1880� J. H. Bridges, Comte's General View of Positivism, ib. 1880; J. Haines, Seven Lectures on the Doctrine of Positivism ib. 1880� J. F. E. Robinet, Le Positivisme, Paris, 1881; P. de Broglie, Le Positivisme et la science experimentale, 2 vols., ib. 1882; G. Allievo, Del Positivismo, Turin, 1883; J. H. Bridges, Comte, the Successor of Aristotle, London, 1883: E. Caro, Littr� et la positivisme, Paris. 1883� E. Caird, The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte, Glasgow, 1885; P. Vallet, Le Kantisme et la positivisme, Paris, 1887; A. J. Balfour, Religion of Humanity, London, 1888 W. Bender, Das Weaen der Religion, Bonn, 1888� W. Cunningham, The Path towards Knowledge, pp. 147-183, London, 1891; H. D. Hutton. Congo, the Man and Founder London, 1891; E. 'de Roberty, La Philosophic du si�cle: criticisms, positivisme, evolvtionisme. Paris, 1891; H. D. Hutton, Comte's Life and Work Exceptional, but finaly Normal, London, 1892; E. de Roberty, Aug. Comte et H. Spencer, Paris, 1894; L. M. Billie, La Crisi del Positivismo, Parma, 1895; J. Halleux. Les Principes du positivisme, Paris. 1898� C. Hillemand. La vie et l'�uvre d'Auguste Comte, ib. 1898; J. Watson, Comte, Mill and Spencer, 2d ed., London, 1898� C. Gilardoni, Le Positivisme, Vitry-le-Fran�ois 1899; G. de Greef, Probl�mes de philosophie positive. Paris, 1900; L. lkvy-Bruhl La Philosophie d'Auguste Comte, ib. 1900; P. Batiffol �ttudes d'histoire et la theologie positive, ib. 1902; E. Rignano, La Sociologie dans Ie cours de la Philosophie positive, ib. 1902; A. Baumann, La Religion positive. ib. 1903; E. Corra. La Philosophie positive, ib. 1904� P. Grimanelli, La Criss morale et Ie positivisme, ib. 1904� W. Schmidt, Der Kampf der Weltanschauungen, Berlin, 1904: J. H. Bridges, Illustrations of Positivism London, 1907� F. Harrieon. The Creed of a Layman: Apologia pro fide roes, London and New York, 1907; and cf. list of magazine literature in Richardson. Encyclop�dia. pp. 888-,887.

POSSESSION, DEMONIACAL. See DEMONIAC.

 

POSSEVINO, pos"se vi no, ANTONIO: Italian Jesuit, diplomat, and scholar; b. at Mantas 1534; d. at Ferrara Feb. 28, 1811. He was a zealous opponent of Protestantism, first in the Waldenaian valleys, and later in France, and especially at Avignon and Lyons. In 1577 Gregory XIII. commissioned him to labor in the cause of recovering the Swedish court and people to the Roman Catholic Church, and as an imperial envoy he made good use of the friendly ties that subsisted, through marriage, with the royal family of Poland. His enterprise failed, however, for the pope would have nothing to do with the ecclesiastical compromises introduced by King John III. Possevino then labored in Poland and Russia until he was recalled to Italy in 1588. Here he devoted himself to literary work, the results including Apparatus sacer ad scriptores Veteris et Novi Testamenti (3 vols., Venice, 1603-08); Moscovia (Wilna, 1588); and Bibliotheca selecta studiorum (2 vols., Rome, 1593).

K. BENRATH.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. d'Origny. La Vie du P�re A. Possevin, Paris. 1712; Lichtenberger, x. 697-699; KL x. 235-238. An answer to his Apparatus was made by T. James, A Treatise of the Corruption of Scripture . . together with a sufficient Answer unto . . . A. Possevino, London, 1811.

 

POSSIDIUS, SAINT: Biographer of Augustine; d. after 437. Nothing is known of his life until 390 or 391, except that he was from northern Africa and was a pupil of Augustine and his intimate friend for forty years. In 397 he seems to have been consecrated bishop o� Calama in Numidia, and he continually cooperated with Augustine in the struggle against paganism and in the war upon the heretics of the period, Arians, Manicheans, Donatists, Priecillianists, and Pelagians (see AUGUSTINE, SAINT, OF HIPPO). The extirpation of the heretics, especially the Pelagians, was doubtless due to the synodal activity of Augustine and Possidius. Between 394 and 424 Augustine summoned twenty synods mostly at Carthage; and while the signature of the bishop of Calama can scarcely be proved, his energy at one of the Carthaginian synods against the Pelagians won the praise of Innocent I. in his Inter c�teras Roman� of Jan. 27, 417 (MPL, xxsiii. 783). In 429 northern Africa was ravaged by the vandals of Geiserich, and on the destruction of Calama Possidius fled to Hippo, where he was present at the.death of Augustine on Aug. 28, 430. According to Prosper of Aquitane, Possidius and other bishops were expelled from Africa in 437 by Geiserich. Henceforth Possidius vanishes from history, and neither the place nor the date of his death is known, though apparently he lived to an advanced age. In the Roman Catholic calendar his day is May 17.

Shortly after 430 Possidius wrote his Vita Augustini (ed. J. Salinas, Augsburg, 1764; MPL, xxxii. 33-66), a work at once enthusiastic, modest, and reliable. He also made the first collection of the numerous writings of Augustine under the title Indiculus librorum, tractatuum et epistolarum sancti Augustini Hipponensis episcopi (MPL, xlvi. 5 sqq.), thus doing a valuable service for the earliest textual transmission of his teacher's works.

(FRANZ G�RRES.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The source is his own Vita Augustini, ut sup. Consult: ASH, May, iv. 27-34; J. Salinas, De vita et rebus gestis sancti Possidii, Rome, 1731; Tillemont, M�moires, vol. xiii.; KL, x. 238; DCB, iv. 445-446; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, vii. 187, 521-522, 562, ix. 22. Some illustrative material will be found in A. Schwarze, Africanische Kirche, pp. 83, 145, 154, G�ttingen, 1892; F. G�rres, in Deutsche Zeitsehrift fur Geschichtswissenwhaft, x (1893), 14-70; L. Schmidt, Geschichte der Wandaten, Leipsic, 1901 (cf. F. G�rres in GGA, 1902, no. 10, pp. 816-826).

POST, GEORGE EDWARD: Presbyterian; b. in New York City Dec. 17, 1838; d. at Beirut, Syria, Oct. 1, 1909. He was educated at the New York Free Academy (now the College of the City of New York; A.B., 1854), New York University (M.D., 1860), and Union Theological Seminary (1861). He was then a chaplain in the United States Army (1861-63), after which he was a missionary at Tripoli, Syria (1863-67). After 1867 he was professor of surgery at the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut, Syria. He was also surgeon to the Johanniter Hospital, Beirut. In addition to a number of text-books and other works in Arabic, and besides many articles on natural history in leading theological encyclopedias, he wrote Flora of Syria, Palestine, and Syria from the Taurus to Ras Muhammad, and from the Mediterranean Sea to the Syrian Desert (Beirut, 1896).

 

POSTIL: A medieval Latin term for a marginal note or a Biblical commentary affixed to a text, being an abbreviation of the phrase post ills verbs textus. The word first occurs in the chronicle (with reference to examples of 1228 and 1238) of Nicolas Trivetus, but later it came to mean only homiletic exposition, and thus became synonymous with homily in distinction from the thematic sermon. Finally, after the middle of the fourteenth century, it was applied to an annual cycle of homilies. From the time of Luther, who Published the first part of his postil under the title Enarrationes epistolarum et evangeliorum quas postillas vocant  (Wittenberg, 1521), every annual cycle of sermons on the lessons, whether consisting of homilies or formal sermons, is termed a postil. A few of the most famous Lutheran postils are those of M. Luther (Kirchenpostille, Wittenberg, 1527; Hauspostille, 1542, 1549), P. Melanchthon (Evangelien-Postille, Germ., Nuremberg, 1549; Lat., Hanover, 1594), M. Chemnitz (EvangelienrPostille, Magdeburg, 1594), L.Osiander (Bauern-Postille, T�bingen,1597), and J. Arndt (Evangelien-Postille, Leipsic, 1616).

The term postil fell into disuse during the period of Pietism and the Enlightenment (qq.v.), but was revived by Claus Harms (Winter-Postille, Kiel, 1812; Sommer-Postille, 1815); and has again become common through W. L�he  Evangelien-Postille, Frommel 1848; Epistel-Postille, 1858), and M. Stuttgart (Herzpostille, Bremen, 1882, 1890; Hauspostille, 1887-88; Pilgerpostille, 1890).

The Reformed Church, disregarding a regular series of lessons, has no postils; but in the Roman Catholic Church the term has been kept especially through L. Goffin� (Hand-Postill oder christ-catholische Unterrichtungen von allen Sonn- and Feyr-Tagen des gantzen Jahrs (Mainz, 1690; popular, illustrated ed., reissued twenty-one times by H. Herder, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1875-1908; Eng. transl., T. Noethen, New York, n.d.).

(W. HOLSCHER.)

POSTMILLENARIANISM. See MILLENNIUM, MILLENARIANISM, � 10.

 

POSTREDEMPTIONISM. See CALVINISM, � 9.

 

POSTULATION: In canon law a legalized procedure of choosing a higher ecclesiastical official where the candidate may be debarred by lacking some of the canonical qualifications or by holding another office which would hinder the legal acceptance of the one to be filled. Through postulation (postulo), petition is made for the availability of the person in question for election. Postulation may be simple where it refers to dismission on account of some official impediment; or it may be ceremonial and more real where it refers to canonical defects (of which only minor ones are admissible) or when, for instance, the candidate is the confirmed bishop of a diocese. The proceeding in the case of the simple postulation is like that of election. In the case of the ceremonial an absolute majority is necessary, unless there is competition with a wholly qualified candidate, in which case there is required a majority of two-thirds. After the ceremonial postulation, the candidate made eligible must seek admissio just as confirmatio after an election. In the case of the rejection of the postulation the power of appointment reverts to the pope. With reference to the P^assian bishoprics as circumscribed in 1821 the distinction between postulation and election was removed.

 

POTAMI�NA: Christian slave and martyr at Alexandria. The only two sources of value concerning her, Eusebius (Hist. eccl., VI,, v.; Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 253) and Palladius (Historia Lausiaca, iii.; MPG; xxxiv. 1009, 1014), report that Potamisena belonged to the metropolitan district of Egypt and was a martyr to modesty and chastity rather than to religion. According to Eusebius, she was plunged into a kettle filled with boiling pitch during the reign of Septimius Severus (202-211), a certain Aquila then being president of Alexandria, or according to Palladius in the reign of Maximinus II. (about 306-310). The account of Eusebius has been subjected to sharp criticism, partly on account of a general resemblance of his description to many forged acts of martyrs. It should be noted, moreover, that, according to Eusebius himself, legend early clustered round Potarmi�na's name. It seems probable that Potami�na was really martyred, as Palladius states, during the persecution of Maximinus, especially as particularly barbarous modes of execution were employed by him; Palladius adds that he heard of her martyrdom, at least indirectly, from St. Anthony, the father of hermits.

(FRANZ G�RRES.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The sources are indicated in the text; discussions of these are: B. Aub�, Les Chrtiens dans l'empire romain pp, 132-137, Paris 1881; P. Allard, Hist. des pers�cutions ii. 75, 78 ib. 1886; Tillemont, M�moires, iii. 287-273, 511-512; DCB, iv. 447.

POTAMIUS: Bishop of Olisipo (Lisbon), c. 357. According to Hilary, De synodis, xi., the so-called second Sirmian formula of 357 was drawn up by Hosius and Potamius, while Ph�cebadius (Contra Arianos, iii.) attributes it to Ursacius, Valens, and Potamius. The Luciferian (of San Lucar de Barrameda, Spain) presbyters Faustinus and Marcellinus (Libellus precum) report that Potamius merely signed the formula. This latter work implies, moreover, that Hosius was cited to appear at Sirmium by Potamius, whom Hosius had denounced to the churches of Spain as a heretic. The Luciferian presbyters just mentioned also say that Potamius originally held the Catholic faith but denied it through-greed for a piece of land, and that he died while on his way to this property. Catholic orthodoxy is shown in a letter of Potamius to Athanasius (written before 357), and he is mentioned, together with Epictetus of Centumcellm, as an opponent of Liberius at Rimini in 359 (MPL, x. 681). In the previous year Pbœ:badius had seen in him an opponent who would endeavor to Barry through the formula, and records a letter by him of Patripassian tendency. Potamius was the author of two brief treatises in barbarous Latin, preserved by Zeno of Verona (MPL, viii. 1411-15), De Lazaro and De martyrio Isai� prophets.

(EDGAR HENNECKE.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Flares, Espa�a Sagrada, xiv. 178 sqq., Madrid, 1754 sqq.; P. B. Game, Kirchengeschichte van Spanien, ii. 1, pp. 224-225 231 sqq., 315 sqq., Regensburg, 1864; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, iv. 549, v. 152, vi 274; DCB, i��. 448.

 

POTHINUS (PHOTINUS): Bishop of Lyons; b. 87; d. 177. According to Gallic tradition, he was the first bishop of the see, predecessor of Iren�us, and he may well have been consecrated before 150. The account of his martyrdom, as given in the letter of the church at Lyons on the persecution under Marcus Aurelius (Eusebius, Hist. eccl., V., i. 29-31), reveals the intensity of feeling which prevailed among both Christians and pagans.

(A. HAUCK.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The " Gallic tradition " appears in Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, i. 29, In gloria martyrum, xlviii.-xlix. Consult: Nennder, Christian Church, i. 112, 677; DCB, iv. 449; Schaff, Christian Church, Ii. 55.

POTTER, ALONZO: Protestant Episcopal bishop; b. at La Grange, Dutchess County, N. Y., July 6, 1800; d. at San Francisco July 4, 1865. He graduated at Union College, Schenectady, 1818; studied theology in Philadelphia; was chosen professor of mathematics and natural philosophy in Union College, about 1821; ordained in 1822; was rector of St. Paul's, Boston, 1826-31; was recalled to the professorship of moral and intellectual philosophy and political economy at Union College in 1832, and was vice-president, 1838-45; and bishop of Pennsylvania, 1845-65. He possessed remarkable executive ability and genius for administration, and by his command of men and means established the Episcopal hospital at Philadelphia, reorganized the Episcopal academy and founded the Philadelphia Divinity School, as well as young men's lyceums and working-men's institutes. Thirty-five new churches in Philadelphia alone during his bishopric attest his energy: He delivered a course of lectures before the Lowell institute in Boston, 1845-49, on Natural Theology and Christian Evidences, without notes, which attracted much attention. He was author of Discourses, Charges, Addresses, Pastoral Letters (Philadelphia, 1858); and Religious Philosophy (1872).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. A. de W. Howe, Memoirs of the Life and Services of Alonzo Potter, Philadelphia, 1871.

 

POTTER, HENRY CODMAN: Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York; b. at Schenectady, N. Y., May, 25, 1835; d. at Cooperstown, N. Y., July 21, 1908. He was the son of the preceding, and was educated at the Episcopal Academy, Philadelphia, and the Theological Seminary in Virginia, from which he was graduated in 1857. He was ordered deacon in the same year and priested in 1858. After being curate of Christ Church, Greensburg, Pa. (1857--58), he was rector of St. John's, Troy, N. Y. (1858-66), when he became assistant at Trinity, Boston. Two years later (1868), he accepted a call to New York City as rector of Grace Church, a position which he held until 1883, being also secretary to the House of Bishops from 1863 to 1883, when he was consecrated bishop-coadjutor of New York, assisting his uncle, Bishop Horatio Potter. In 1887 he succeeded to the full administration of the diocese, over which he presided unaided until 1903, when D. H. Greer (q.v.) was consecrated bishop-coadjutor. He was a broadminded man and cultivated the friendliest relations with those outside of his own church. He also had a prominent part in movements for civic reform. He was justly honored and beloved, and will be enrolled among the foremost of American citizens. Among his numerous writings, special mention may be made of his Sisterhoods and Deaeonesses at Home arid Abroad (New York 1871); The Gates of the East, a Winter in Egypt and Syria (1877); Sermons of the City (1881); Waymarks (1892); The Scholar and the State (1897); Addresses to Women engaged in Church Work (1888); The East of To-day and To-Morrow (1902); The Citizen in his Relation to Industrial Situation (1902); Law and Loyalty (1903); Modern Man and his Fellow Man (1903); and Reminiscences of Bishops and Archbishops (1906).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Harriette A. Keyser, Bishop Potter, the People's Friend, New York, 1910; W. S. Perry, The Episcopate in America, p. 277, ib. 1895.

POTTER, HORATIO: Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York; b. at Beekman, N. Y., Feb. 9, 1802; d. at New York City Jan. 2, 1887. He was educated at Union College (B.A., 1826); became deacon 1827, and priest 1828; was pastor at Saco, Me., 1827-28; professor of mathematics and natural philosophy at Washington (now Trinity) College, 1828-33; rector of St. Peter's, Albany, 1833-54; provisional bishop of New York, 18541861, and diocesan bishop after 1861. His administration as rector and as bishop was marked by energy and success, while literary activity took largely the form of sermons.

 

POTTS, GEORGE: Presbyterian; b. in Philadelphia Mar. 15, 1802; d. in New York Sept. 15, 1864. He was graduated from the University of Pennsylvania, 1819; and studied at Princeton Theological Seminary, 1819-21; was pastor in Natchez, Miss., 1823-36; of Duane Street Church, New York, 1836-44; and of University Place Church, same city, 1845-64. He was an eminent preacher, a leader in religion and philanthropy, a beloved pastor and friend. He had a memorable controversy with Bishop Jonathan Mayhew Wainwright on the claims of the episcopacy upon which he published No Church without a Bishop  (New York, 1844).

 

POULSEN, ALFRED SVEISTRUP: Danish bishop; b. in Roskilde (18 m. w. of Copenhagen) Jan. 14, 1854. , He was educated at Roskilde School (B.A., 1871) and at the University of Copenhagen (candidate in theology, 1878); after traveling abroad he was appointed minister at St. Hans Hospital and assistant to the provost of the cathedral of Roskilde; was made court preacher in Copenhagen (1883); provost of the cathedral of Roskilde (1896); bishop in Viborg (1901). For several years he was privat-docent in the university of Copenhagen; was made secretary of the Danish Bible Society (1885); president of the Danish mission to the Jews (1890). In collaboration with Professor Ussing he published a revised translation of the New Testament (1895; 2d ed., 1897). Some of his works are Fra Gethsemane til Emmaus, Faste- og estpr�dikener (1889); Fra Kampen om Mosebog�rne (1890); Philip Melanchthon i Aaret 1521(1897); Det nye Testaments Opfattelse af den christelige Fuldkommenhed (1899); Pr�dikener holdte i Roskilde Domkirke (1901); Pr�dikener hoidte i Christiansborg Slotskirke (1896); Moses. Udl�gningsbetragtninger (1903).

JOHN O. EVJEN.

POURING. See BAPTISM, IV., 1, 3,

 

POVERTY, SUFFERING, AND THE CHURCH. See SOCIAL SERVICE OF THE CHURCH.

 

POWELL, BADEN: English mathematician and theological writer; b. at Stamford Hill, London, Aug. 22, 1796; d. in London June 11, 1860. He studied at Oriel College, Oxford (B.A., 1817; M.A., 1820); was curate of Midhurst, 1820, and vicar of Plumstead, Kent, 1821-27. From 1827 till his death he was Savllian professor of geometry at Oxford. He opposed the Tractarians, worked for university reform, and was a member of the committee of 1851. In 1860 he contributed to the famous Essays and Reviews (q.v.) an essay On the Study of the Evidences of Christianity. His position was, in the main, rationalistic. He rejected miracles as being out of harmony with the methods of God's government. His works of theological interest are, The Connexion of Natural and Divine Truth (London, 1838); Tradition Unveiled (1839; Supplement, 1840); Essays on the Spirit of the Inductive Philosophy, the Unity of Worlds, and the Philosophy of Creation (1855; 2d ed., 1856); The Study of the Evidences of Natural Theology (in Oxford Essays, 1856); Christianity without Judaism (1857); and The Order of Nature Considered in Reference to the Claims of Revelation (1859).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: DNB, xlvi. 237-238, where other literature is cited. Consult also works cited under Essays and Reviews, and of. the list of works called out by Powell's essay in that volume, given in British Museum Catalogue under " Powell, Baden."

 

POWELL, LYMAN PIERSON: Protestant Episcopalian; b. at Farmington, Del., Sept. 21, 1866. He was educated at Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa., Johns Hopkins University (A.B., 1890), University of Pennsylvania (fellow in history, 1893-95), and the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, Philadelphia (1897). He was staff lecturer in history in the extension department of the University of Wisconsin (1892-93) and in the American University Extension Society (1893-95). Since ordination he has been rector of Trinity, Ambler, Pa. (1897-98), St. John's, Lansdowne, Pa. (1898-1903), and St. John's, Northampton, Mass. (since 1903). Theologically he is a liberal conservative, and has written: History of Education in Delaware (Washington, 1893) ; Six Sermons on Sin (Lansdowne, Pa., 1903); Family Prayers (Philadelphia, 1905); The Anarchy of Christian Science (Northampton, Mass., 1906) ; Christian Science: The Faith and its Founder (New York, 1907); and Heavenly Heretics (1909); besides editing the series American Historic Towns (4 vols., New York, 1898-1901).

POWELL, VAVASOR See FIFTH MONARCHY MEN.

 

POWER, FREDERICK DUNGLISON: Disciple of Christ; b. at Yorktown, Va., Jan. 23, 1851. He was educated at Bethany College, Bethany, W. Va. (A.B., 1871), where he was adjunct professor of ancient languages in 1874-75, after having held various pastorates in his denomination from 1871 to 1874. Since 1875 he has been pastor of the Vermont Avenue Christian Church, Washington, D.C., and in this capacity was pastor of President James A. Garfield. He was also chaplain of Congress from 1881 to 1883, and since 1898 has been president of the American Christian Missionary Society. He was assistant editor of the Christian Evangelist, St. Louis, from 1902 to 1906. Among his writings, special mention may be made of his Sketches of our Pioneers (New York, 1898); Bible Doctrine for Young People (1899); The Story of a Twenty-Three Years Pastorate (Cincinnati, 1899); Life of President W. K. Pendleton of Bethany College (St. Louis, 1902); The Spirit of our Movement (1902); History and Doctrine of the Disciples of Christ (1904); and Thoughts of Thirty Years (Boston, 1906).

 

PRACTICAL THEOLOGY.

I. History of the Development of the Science. Protestant Development (� 4). Bouleutics (� 3).
Biblical Indications (� 1). II. Theoretical Discussion. Classification (� 4).
Early and Medieval Church (� 2). Basal Concepts (� 1). Relation to Non-theological Sciences and Arts (� 5).
In the Reformation and After (� 3). Subdivisions (� 2). Final Tests (� 8).

 

I. History of the Development of the Science:

1. Biblical Indications.

The Christian Church engages in multifarious activities connected with its belief in Christ and characteristic of its life, these including missions, the edification of its members, the performance of public worship, and the care of the poor and needy. All this, as at present discharged, is but a continuation of what the Church has done from the first. Immediately after the ascension, the disciples began to preach in order to win new believers (Acts ii. 36 sqq.); and those so won were baptized (Acts ii. 41) and "continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and in prayers" (Acts ii. 42). Similar development took place elsewhere (Rom. vi. 3; I Cor. xi. 20, xii. 13, 28; Gal. iii. 27); the gentile Christians received specific rules of conduct ( Acts xv. 20); the sick were the objects of special religious rites (James v. 14-15); and the imposition of hands was used in ordination (Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3; I Tim. iv. 14, v. 22). The discharge of all these duties led to the emergence of special persons to perform them. Christ himself had chosen certain ones to continue his work (Matt. xxviii. 18-20), and the title of apostle, which he had given them (Luke vi. 13), could be conferred by the Christian community (Gal. i. 1), and might even be assumed falsely (II Cor. xi. 13; Rev. ii. 2). Other designations were also used; ruler (cf. Rom. xii. 8; Heb. xiii. 7, 17, 24), elder (Acts xi. 30, xiv. 23; James v. 14), bishop (Phil. i. 1), prophet (Acts xi. 27), teacher (Acts xiii. 1), evangelist (Acts xxi. 8), servant (Phil. i. 1). See ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH.

 

2. Early and Medieval Church.

Before long, as may be seen from the Didache (q.v.), a system of regulation was evolved, both in ritual and legislation, although preaching, in particular, could not so strictly be outlined. The germs of practical theology lay in all these things. From this came Liturgics, Symbolics (qq.v.), Catechetics (see CATECHESlS, CATECHETICS), Homiletics (q.v.), and the rules governing the various orders of clergy, as well as ecclesiastical functions themselves; and to this same early period belong such efforts at practical theology as Chrysostom's De sacerdotio, Augustine's De Doctrina Christiana, Ambrose's De oficiis, and Gregory's Regula pastoralis. Medieval theology devoted most attention to liturgics, next to canon law, of those branches now considered parts of practical theology. This fact was due to problems arising in the life of the Church. Thus the need of instructing the clergy in their duties gave rise to the De ecclesiastieia oficiis of Isidore of Seville, the De exordiis of Walafrid Strabo, and the De institutions clericorum of Rabanus Maurus. These and similar writings discussed, from the medieval point of view, themes which would now be regarded as parts of liturgics and pastoral theology, with an attempt to gain a historical foundation and explanation for the subjects treated. Homiletics, on the other hand, received comparatively scant attention, as contrasted with the discussions of liturgics by Rupert of Deutz, Honorius of Autun, Sicardus, and Durand; while the development of catechetics was prevented by the fact that medieval catechizing was restricted to the hearing of texts and the reading of authorized interpretations.

 

3. In the Reformation and After.

The fathers of the Reformation churches sought to establish and regulate, so far as possible, worship, feasts, administration, and the duties of clergy and congregation, this being exemplified in such agenda as those of Bugenhagen, Brandenburg-Nuremberg, Pomerania, and Electoral Palatinate (see AGENDA). While the pastor, though not the only person concerned in the church, was yet the chief figure, his activity in its various aspects was the main theme of the agenda, and pastoral activity accordingly formed the center of practical theology. But it was not enough merely to lay down rules; the pastor must know what he did and why. Directions and theoretical bases must, therefore, be included, and these are found in the Brandenburg-Nuremberg agenda and similar early Reformation documents, which commingle subjects belonging to dogmatic, exegetical, historical, and practical theology, though all intended was to subserve correct ecclesiastical procedure. One side required still more profound discussion-preaching; and the agendas accordingly gave models for the preacher or referred him to recognized authorities. Side by side with the official agendas arose compends of all that the pastor must know, do, and claim, these being Protestant analogues to the Roman Institutio of Rabanus and the Manuals curatorum of Surgantius. Since in Luther the Lutherans saw the model of a pastor, and since he had devoted no special treatise to this matter, Porta, shortly after the Reformer's death, compiled from his writings a Pastorale Lutheri, similar productions being the Hirtenbuch of E. Sarcerius (1559), the Pastor of N. Hemming (1566), the Hirt of Zwingli (1525), the Pastorale of Lorich (1537), and the De curs animarum of Butzer (1538). All these authors seek their basis in the Bible, and a similar course was pursued with rigidity by Andreas Hyperius (q.v.), who held that before practical theology can be put in force, it must be made a part of scientific theological study, and must be taught systematically, not fragmentarily. Demanding an immense amount of preliminary reading on the part of the student, covering all practical theology except missions, he held that such reading would involve preparation for the practical work of the ministry. All must be squared with the Bible, or, where the Bible did not contain specific data, with the commandments of love for God and one's neighbor. In addition, he urged the preparation of a work on church government, including the data of the New Testament, relevant portions of church history, excerpts from the councils, papal decrees, Church Fathers, and works on dogmatics, liturgics, and the like. Both Reformed and Lutheran theologians were influenced by Hyperius, but they limited themselves to parts of practical theology, declining to erect the massive structure he desired. Protestant tenets required that the clergyman be above all things primarily a preacher, while medieval writers had deemed him rather a liturgist. Practical theology, though not under that name and not in all its parts, gained its place in the methodology of theological study mainly as a system of homiletics.

4. Protestant Development.

All theology being, either immediately or mediately, practical, the name practical theology must be deemed a restriction of the designation of the whole to a part. The wide extensibility of the word "practical" led to its application to Christian ethics and to church activities, for which the study of theology both in general and in its parts, as homiletics or ethics, formed the preparation. It is remarkable that in all early discussions of practical theology, as by Alsted, Gisbert Voetius, and J. Forster, catechetics is lacking, though the second-named divides the theme into moral (or casuistic), ascetic, politico-ecclesiastical, and homiletic theology. There was, indeed, a catechetic theology, but this was construed as the knowledge of the chief tenets of Christianity which the theologian must have for himself, not as a theory of church instruction. It was not until the rise of Pietism that catechetics became an integral part of practical theology. It was in the transition from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century that the several parts of practical theology were recognized as an organic whole, which was designated "practical theology." J. E. C. Schmid, in his Theologische Encyklop�die (1810), and G. J. Planck (q.v.) in his Grundriss (1813), adopted this terminology, both speaking of it as the one customarily used. It is thus impossible to regard Schleiermacher as the founder of practical theology, even in the sense that it owed to him its scientific existence. At the same time, he essentially furthered it by his Kurze Darstellung (1811, 1830) and by his lectures, and gave it systematic development. While positing the mutual interdependence of scientific and practical theology, the latter is regarded as the crown of theological study, since it presupposes all the other branches and prepares for their realization. Schleiermacher's construction of the subdivisions of practical theology was conditioned by his theory of the Church, which he held to be the community of Christian life for the independent exercise of Christianity. Since this presupposes organization, church administration rests on a distinct formulation of the original antithesis between leaders and led. Thus administration is in the hands of the leaders, or theologians, and Christian theology is the content of knowledge and regulation without which the harmonious administration of the Church is impossible. The community may connote either individual congregation or denomination, and from the religious life of the former Schleiermacher constructed homiletics, liturgics, catechetics, missions, and pastoral care. From this point of view, practical theology includes the traditional subdivisions with the addition of missions. The administration of the denomination as a whole Schleiermacher sought in ecclesiastical authority and in the free power of the spirit, both having ultimately the same end, but the former enacting or restraining, while the latter inspires and admonishes, so that the excellence of religious condition is directly proportionate to the living interaction of these two factors. The interest of the nexus between the individual congregation and the denomination is subserved by church legislation, which affects liturgy and usage, the membership of individuals in the Church, and discipline and the building of churches. It thus preserves both free development and unity, besides guarding the relations of Church and State, and to it is also assigned, especially to the theological teacher and author, the task of pointing out the norm which be must follow if his activity is to benefit the entire body of his communion. In all this Schleiermacher's importance lies in the fact that he gave these elements systematic discussion on the basis of church government. The historical treatment, on the other hand, was less emphasized, and both this side and the systematic aspect received elaboration and development from Schleiermacher's successors, the most important being Karl Immanuel Nitzsch (q.v.).

II. Theoretical Discussion:

1. Basal Concepts.

The derivation of practical theology from the essence of the Church and the concept of the Church itself as the subject and object of that theology have been maintained, with various modifications, from the time of Schleiermacher. Mention may be made of such theologians as P. K. Marheineke, A. Schweizer, Nitzsch, and F. A. E. Ehrenfeuchter (qq.v.). Ehrenfeuchter however, seems to exclude missions from practical theology. But this difficulty is solved when it is remembered that in its missionary activity the Church follows the impulse to recover what really appertains to it. The problem recurs more cogently in the case of home missions, and in so far as such missions depart from their original character and are devoted to charitable and humanitarian ends, they come under the category of ethics rather than of practical theology. The means for accomplishing that church activity with which practical theology is concerned are generally agreed to be prayer, preaching, and the sacraments, the congregation being the agent in the first, and God in the two latter. Since the object of this activity is the congregation itself, practical theology must distinguish between the congregation as united with the risen Christ in faith and as living in this world. A distinction is accordingly drawn between the congregation as existent (in possession of the means of communion and of the spirit necessary to such communion) and as nascent (subject to the influences of earthly life); and all this church activity ultimately leads to the great distinction between persons who act and persons who are acted upon.

2. Subdivisions.

Turning to the traditional and generally recognized subdivisions of practical theology, it is clear that homiletics and catechetics belong together in so far as both are concerned with the Word for the congregation, the difference being that homiletics deals with the trained and catechetics with the untrained. The object of liturgics is less clear, but some light may be gained by reckoning under it the theory of the prayer of the congregation. It may then include hymnology and music, as well as confirmation, confession, marriage, and burial. It is true that all these belong in part to the theory of the Word, but their specific content appertains to the theory of the prayer of the congregation. Here, too, belong the dedication of objects, which God is besought to give to the right people, and to endow with his spirit. The theory of the administration of the sacraments is meager if only the ceremonies be described; but this administration depends upon other problems, such as the justification of infant baptism. The position of pastoral theology is peculiar. Formerly, as still among Roman Catholic theologians, it included all practical theology; and traces of this excess still survive even among Protestants, so that it involves both pastoral duties in general and individual pastoral care. It is best, however, to restrict pastoral duties in general to the functions of the personage entrusted with the discharge of the major part of that with which practical theology is concerned, and to confine pastoral care to the special needs of individual cases (see PASTORAL THEOLOGY). If this be done, the two subdivisions can not be combined, a fact which is to the advantage of both. Home missions are a special extension of individual pastoral care, so that it is unnecessary for practical theology to treat it as a special subdivision. Since, however, home missions do not employ pastors, pastoral theology should no longer be restricted to pastors, but should be extended to deacons and deaconesses. It must, accordingly, be transformed into a theory of the officials of the congregation, and thus of the entire organization of the Church. In this way pastoral theology becomes the last of the subdivisions of practical theology; after the activities of the Church have been set forth, the theory of the persons performing them forms the conclusion. The theory of the church year and of the Pericopes (q.v.) forms part of Homiletics (q.v.), shading over into Liturgics (q.v.). The position of foreign missions (see MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN) in practical theology is uncertain, but E. C. Aehelis is probably right in placing them immediately before the theory of church government, for activity directed toward an already existing Church must first be treated, and then that directed toward the non-Christian world. The missionary theory of practical theology must not invade church history or the training of missionaries, but must be restricted to the position to be maintained by the Church in missionary activity and to the means for rousing missionary enthusiasm within the congregation,

3. Bouletics.

J. C. K. von Hoffmann (q.v,) has added to the functions of theological and ecclesiastical activity the learned representation and counsel of the Church, these being discharged by the theologian in his ex-officio capacity as a member of the religious community. From this point of view apologetics and polemics would fall within the scope of practical theology, though these would still have to be furnished by the exegete, historian, and dogmatician, practical theology requiring them simply in the interests of the present-day Church. For this learned counsel von Hoffmann coins the word " bouleutics," which, though without theoretical development, is furthered not only by theological thought, but also by periodicals and pamphlets. Such voluntary counsel, however, can be beneficial only when based on a solid foundation, and while practical theology must indeed afford counsel, this must be accomplished through the theoretical development of the duties of the Church, not through a special system of bouleutica. Practical theology itself must perform the office of bouleutics for all ecclesiastical tasks and duties, and from its concentration on the present life and activity of the community it follows that it must be denominational in character.

4. Classification

In the light of the foregoing, the means of the life of the religious community may be classified as follows: the theory of the prayer of the congregation (liturgies), of the Word for the trained and untrained (homiletics and catechetics), the administration of the sacraments, care for those members of the congregation who are cut off from its life (pastoral care) and for the, non-Christian world (foreign missions), and the theory of the officiauts and their duties (theory of the officials of the congregation). More important than this classification is the problem whether practical theology has its own field, whether it is separate from exegetical, systematic, and historical theology, or whether it is to be referred to them. In the first place, practical theology is concerned with the establishment of an actual state of things, all other theology with the knowledge of such a state. Again, practical theology is the theory of the technic of the right administration of the ecclesiastical means of community, prayer, preaching, and the sacraments. It is undeniable that practices theology needs the aid of other departments of theology, but since these are often inadequate for its requirements, it is obliged to supplement them in all their capacities. But it remains throughout essentially " applied theology," and it accordingly treats all the material supplied by the other departments of theology in a distinctly characteristic fashion, developing the practical application of such material in church life and the theoretical basis of such application. Between the theory of the nature of any theological activity (e.g., baptism) and the performance of such activity lies the theory of its performance, and this theory is the specialty of practical theology.

5. Relationship to non-Theological Sciences and Arts.

Practical theology also sustains a close relation to certain non-theological sciences and arts in consequence of the training of theologians and the peculiar nature of Christian worship, and modern conditions demand that the theologian engaged in practical work have more than has been included in his professional education. It is not, however, Sciences the function of practical theology to and Arts. supply this need, any more than it is the duty of exegesis or church history to do so. Despite the fortuitous combination (for example) of homiletics with rhetoric, or of catechetics with pedagogics, practical theology can and should, in reality, supply its own needs in these respects from within itself. This division of theology also bears a relation to the fine arts, for though these sustain no essential connection with practical theology, yet the construction and adornment of a church edifice appertains to architecture, sculpture, and painting, sacramental vessels may be artistically embellished, and parts of the service may be rendered in poetic or musical setting. In so far as art furthers religious ends, it may be employed by practical theology; when it passes beyond these limits, it must be rejected.

6. Final Tests.

A far more difficult problem is the proof of the correctness of the theory of practical theology. On Protestant principles this must be accomplished by the Bible, a task which is not easy. While many details can not be proved from indisputable Bible passages, the attempt must be made to gain from the New Testament such a general view of church life as shall include all the vital functions of the congregation, all the powers conferred upon it, all its activities and experiences, all its personages, all its relations to the non-Christian world, and the consequent position of its Lord and the leaders of its life. This reconstruction must run through the entire New Testament, and from it will be gained a picture of the Christian Church in all its aspects, as well as a survey of the agencies to serve for its guidance and a basis for the procedure to be adopted by it at the present day. For all this a thorough knowledge of church history is essential, and modern practical theology is, fortunately, seeking to gain this knowledge. Since, moreover, church activity is always directed toward the Church at the present time, a complete knowledge of that present is essential to practical theology, and it must also furnish the ways and means whereby those engaged in practical church work can acquire this knowledge. This can not be attained, however, by mere references to books. Practical theology must concern itself, besides all else, with the relations be tween congregations, the correct questioning of the laity, and the proper mode of pastoral visiting. In this way it aids in finding the way for the correct performance of what has been ascertained to be the right mode of church activity.

(W. CASPARI.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. J. Planck Rinleitunul in die theologische wissenschaft, G�ttingen, 1794; F. Schleierroacher, Kurze Darstellung dea theolgischen Studiums, pp. 257-338, Berlin, 1830; idem, Die Praktische Theologie, ed. Frerichs, ib. 1850; A. Schweizer, Ueber Begrif and Eintheilung der Praktischen Theologie, Leipsic, 1830; C. Schmidt, De l'objet de la th�olopie pratique, Strasburg, 1844; C. B. Moll, Das System der praktischen Theologie, Halle, 1853; A. Vinet, Th�ologie pastorale, Paris, 1854, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1855; F. A. E. Ehrenfeuehter, Die praktische Theologie, G�ttingen, 1859; C. I. Nitzseh, Praktisehe Theologie, 3 vols., Bonn, 1859-88; J. H. Blunt, Directorium Pastorale, London, 1864; W. Otto, Evanpelische praktische Theologie, 2 vols., Gotha, 1889-70; F. L. Steinmeyer, Beitrage zur praktischen Theologie, 5 vols., Berlin, 1874-79; T. Harnack, Praktische Theologie, 2 vols., Erlangen, 1877-78; K. Harms, Pastoral theologie, 3 vols., Kiel, 1878; J. J. van Oosterzee, Practical Theology, New York, 1878; G. von Zezschwitz, System der praktischen Theologie, Leipsic, 1879 (orderly and complete); W. G. Blaikie, For the Work of the Ministry; a Manual of homiletical and pastoral Theology, London, 1878; E. Vaucher, De la th�ologie pratique, Paris, 1893 (clear and able); G. R. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, Theological Encyclopadia and Methodology, pp. 500 sqq., New York 1894; A. Cave, Introduction to Theology, pp. 565 sqq., Edinburgh, 1898; K. Knoke, Grundriss der praktischen Theologie, G�ttingen, 1896; E. C. Achelis, Lehrbuch der praktischen Theologie, Leipsic, 1898 (satisfactory); 1899); F. Chapel Biblical and Practical Theology, Philadelphia, 1901; F. S. Schenck, Modern Practical Theology, New York, 1903; L. Emery, Introduction d l'�tude de la th�ologie protestante, pp. 185-222, Paris, 1904; F. C. Monfort, Applied Theology, Cincinnati, 1905; J. Haase, Der praktische Geistliche, Hamburg, 1905; W. Faber, in Kultur der Gegenwart I., 4, Berlin, 1906; D. D. Cullen, Problems of Pulpit and Platform, Elgin, Ill., 1907; A. Pollok, Studies in Practical Theology, London, 1907; J. C. Wright, Thoughts on Modern Church Life and Work, New York, 1909; C. Clemen, Quellenbuch zur praktischen Theologie, 1, Quellen zur Lehre vom Gottesdienst (Liturgik), 2, Quellen zur Lehre vom Religionsunterricht, Giessen, 1910; H. Jeffs, Modern Minor Prophets. With a Chapter on Lay-Preaching and its ByProducts, London, 1910. Series of works are: Mandbibliothek der praktischen Theologie, ed. F. Zimmer, 17 vols, Gotha, 1890--93; and Sammlung van Lehrb�chern der praktischen Theolopie, ed. H. Hering Berlin, 1895 sqq. (still in progress). Consult also the literature under PASTORAL THEOLOGY.

PR�DESTINATUS, LIBER: A work of the first half of the fifth century by an unknown author; so called because the list of heresies in the first book closes with the h�resis pr�destinatorum. The treatise is in three parts: the first being a brief description of ninety heresies, plagiarized from the similar list by Augustine, the notes by the author being without value. The second and third books contain a detailed refutation of the heresy stigmatized as predestinational, this being presented in the second book as a treatise of the opponents, and assailed section by section in the third book. The second book is alleged by the author of the Liber pr�destinatus to be a forged work of Augustine, designed to propagate dangerous errors concerning predestination and to lead to moral laxity. While this portion might have been written by some adherent of Augustine, it seems rather a figment of the author of the Pr�destinatus, who skilfully availed himself of Augustinian concepts and methods to present those points of the doctrine of predestination which Were most vulnerable to the Pelagians. Whether, or to what extent, the author made use of earlier Pelagian compositions of Similar tendency can not be determined. In the third book the Auzustinian doctrines are boldly assailed. Free will precedes grace, got is the greater power of the latter effectual without the antecedence of the former. The fall did not destroy the freedom of the will, but first revealed it; and the end of man is voluntary obedience to God after the pattern of Christ. The book, though ostensibly orthodox, is Pelagian; and the formal condemnation of Pelagianism is probably a clever effort to blind the simple reader. The Liber pr�:destinatus can not have been written by Arnobius the Younger (q.v.), and it may be the work of several hands, its purpose perhaps being to induce the pope to intervene in favor of the Pelagians. Such a proceeding would not have been at variance with the methods of Julian of Eclanum (q.v.).

(ERWIN PREUSCHEN.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The editio princeps, ed. J. Sirmond, appeared Paris 1643, reprint with a Censura . . . , 1645; best ed. by La Baum in Opera varia J. Sirmondi, i. 449 sqq., ib. 1696; it is in MPL, liii. 583 sqq.; and in CSEL. The earlier literature is antiquated by H. von Schubert, in TU, xxiv (1903), part 4; cf. A. Faure, Die Widerlepung der Horetiker im 1. Buch des Pr�destinatus, G�ttingen, 1903.

PR�DINIUS, REGNERUS: Dutch Roman Catholic; b. at Winsum, province of Groningen, in 1510; d. at Groningen Apr. 18, 1559. At an early age he went to Groningen, where he studied in the house of the Brethren of the Common Life, where he was the room-mate of Albert Hardenberg (q.v.), who, with other liberal-minded men, formed the sphere of Prmdinius' development. He studied theology of the Erasmian type at Louvain until about 1529, and was appointed rector of St. Martin's school, Groningen, some time before 1546, and held this position until his death. He lectured on theology, appealing constantly to the authority of the Bible and predicting that the Church would be reformed under the guidance of learning. Though in sympathy with the two principles of the Reformation, the free study of the Bible and justification by faith alone, and though studying the writings of the Reformers, he was, under the spiritual influence of his masters Wessel and Erasmus, less drawn to the frequently violent Luther and, being a prudent and impassionate spirit, preferred to remain in the background and teach quietly. Many of his pupils, however, who came from Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and Poland, actively promoted the cause of the Reformation, among them David Chytrwus (q.v.), and Joannes Acronius, who edited his Opera (Basel, 1563). As an outcome of his influence, some of his pupils in the ministry dispensed the Eucharist in both kinds, preached in the vernacular, and laid no value on processions and ceremonies.

Though long permitted to spread his views un molested, Prsedinius was at last accused of heresy and condemned to banishment, but died before the sentence could be carried into effect. Soon after his death his writings were placed on the Index. In one of these, "The Invocation of the Saints," he rejects the practise as inefficacious and contrary to Scripture.

(S. D. VAN VEEN.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. J. Diest Lorgion, Regnerus Pr�dinius, Groningen, 1862; Effigies et vit� professorum Academi� Groning�, pp. 36 sqq., Groningen, 1654; Suffridus Petrus, De acriptoribus Frisi�, pp. 164 sqq., Franeker, 1669; D. Gerdes, Historia Reformationis, vol. iii., Groningen, 1742.

 

PR�MUNIRE: A term of English canon and common law including in its signification a certain offense, the writ granted upon it, and its punishment. The term is the first word of the writ, and means "to protect, secure, warn." This writ was originally used by Edward III. in 1353 to check the arrogant encroachments of the papal power. He forbade (27 St. 1, c. 1), under certain penalties, any of his subjects, particularly the clergy, to go to Rome there to answer to things properly within the king's jurisdiction; and also the reception from the pope of English ecclesiastical preferments. By these statutes Edward endeavored in vain to remove a crying evil. Richard II. issued similar statutes in 1393, particularly one called thenceforth the "Statute of Praemunire," assigning as the punishment for the offense that the offenders be imprisoned during life, and lose their lands and other property. Henry IV. and later sovereigns have given the same name and penalty (known as a Prxmunire) to different offenses which have only this in common, that they involve more or less insubordination to royal authority.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The first statute is given in English Laws, 27 Edward III., Stat. 1. Eng. transl., Gee and Hardy, Documents, pp. 103-104; cf. KL, vi. 48-50.

PRETORIUS, ABDIAS (GOTTSCHALK SCHULZE): German Lutheran; b. at Salzwedel (54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg) Mar. 28, 1524; d. at Wittenberg Jan. 9, 1573. He was educated at Frankfort-on-the-Oder and Wittenberg, coming under the influence of Melanchthon and remaining an ardent Philippist (see PHILIPPISTS) throughout his life. After being teacher (1544-48) and rector (1548-53) in his native city, he was called to be rector of the Altstadtisches Gymnasium at Magdeburg, teaching Greek and Hebrew, preparing a new system of government for the school (1553), and holding public disputations, especially on theological topics; until, in 1558 or 1557, he went to Frankfort-on-the-Oder as professor of Hebrew. Here he soon became the theological protagonist of the Melanchthonian faction in the controversy between the Lutherans and Philippists (q.v.; and see MUSCULUS, ANDREAS), but with the triumph of Luther anism over Philippism in 1563, Praetorius' position in the university became untenable. Previous to this, however, he had been repeatedly employed by the elector, Joachim II., in affairs of Church and State, attending the three disputations held in Joachim's presence at Berlin with the papal legate Commendone and a Jesuit in Feb., 1561, as well as disputing on the Eucharist at Frankfort in November of the same year with envoys of the king of Hungary. In June of the following year he was sent to Warsaw as the elector's ambassador, and early in September, in a like capacity, signed the protocol of the convention held at Fulda, while in October Joachim took him and his opponent Agricola to the Diet of Frankfort. In 1563, with the fall of Philippism in Frankfort, Pr�torius removed to Wittenberg, though he still remained on terms of personal friendship with the elector. He was a member of the philosophical faculty, and became dean in 1571.

(P. WOLFF�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: References to early literature are given in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xv. 612. Consult ADB, xxvi. 513-514; KL, x. 276; G. Holstein, Das altst�dtiashe Gymnasium zu Magdeburg, in Jahrbuch für Philologie and Padapogik, cxxx (1884), 68 sqq.

 

PR�TORIUS, STEPHAN: German Lutheran; b. at Salzwedel (54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg), probably May 3, 1536; d. at Neustadt May 5, 1603. He was educated at the University of Rostock, where he also taught in the local schools; was ordained by Agricola at Berlin in 1565; became preacher in the same year at the monastery of the Holy Ghost at Salzwedel, and soon after deacon of the Church of St. Mary's; and from 1569 until his death pastor at Neustadt. A great admirer of Luther, and an opponent of Jesuitism and Calvinism alike, Praetorius laid great stress on the sacraments, though not in the Roman Catholic sense, and held to justification by faith, though he also insisted on purity of life. He was a precursor of J. Arndt and P. Spener (qq.v.), though not Pietist in the narrow sense. His lack of caution brought upon him the charges of antinomianism and perfectionism, the latter theory later even being called Praetorianism. Through his tracts, which he or his friends published after 1570, Praetorius exercised an influence far beyond his own congregation; these were collected and published by J. Arndt under the title Acht-und-f�nfzig sch�ne, auserlesne, geist- und trostreiche Trakt�tlein (L�neburg, 1622), containing also fourteen hymns with their melodies, one of them being " Was hat gethan der heilige Christ?"

Praetorius' tracts were later arranged in the form of dialogues, with certain moderations, by M. Statius in his Geistliche Schatzkammer der Gl�ubigen (L�neburg, 1636, and often). There arose over his writings the Praetorian controversy, Abraham Calovius (q.v.) assailing the view of Praetorius and Statius that the faithful possess salvation not only in prospect but in reality. Spener's antagonist, G. C. Dilfeld, considered Praetorius akin to Esaias Stiefel (q.v.), and the general superintendent of Greifswald, Tiburtius Rango, secured the prohibition of the Schatzkammer in Swedish Pomerania. Despite all this, Praetorius' writings were continually read, and in the second quarter of the seventeenth century they influenced a circle of converts in Kottbus and vicinity. Spener frequently alludes to him admiringly, and the Schatzkammer has been revised by the Kornthal pastor J. H. Stoudt (Stuttgart, 1869).

(P. WOLFF�.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. F. Danneil, Kirchengeschichte der Stadt Saltzwedel, Halle, 1842; C. J. Cosack, Zur Geschichte der evangelischen asketischen Litteratur in Deutschland, pp. 1 sqq., Basel, 1875; H. Beck, Die Erbauungslitteratur der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands, pp. 222 sqq., Erlangen, 1883; C. Grosse, Die alten Tr�ster, p. 97, Hermannsburg, 1900. Earlier and less accessible literature is named in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xv. 615.

PRAGMATIC SANCTION:(pragma). Of enactments affecting the Church three are to be mentioned:

I. The sanctio pragmatica referred to Louis the Pious of France, of 1268 (1269), if genuine, would be one of the earliest edicts of the thirteenth century to check the excessive extension of the papal power and the abuses of the Curia; particularly with reference to the inordinate demand for revenue and the enlargement of the papal reservation with reference to appointments. Of the six articles included, the first guarantees to all prelates, patrons, and ordinary collators of benefices their plenary rights and the unrestricted maintenance of their jurisdiction; and art. 4 complements the former by providing that all promotions, bestowals, fiefs, and dispositions must conform with the provisions of the common law and of the earlier councils, and the early institution of the Fathers. Art. 3 secures to cathedrals and other churches freedom of elections, promotions, and collatures, without, however, infringing upon the privileges of the king with reference to the appointment of prelates, the granting of the permission for an election, the right of the Regale (q.v.), and the royal investiture. Art. 4 also prohibits simony. Art. 5 permits papal revenues and other obligations only on justifiable, pious, and urgent grounds and only with the approval of the king, Art. 6 guarantees the liberties, prerogatives, and privileges granted by the French kings to churches, monasteries, and sacred institutions as well as to the clergy of the realms. The opponents of Gallicanism (q.v.), however, have earnestly disputed the genuineness of the law, so that in France there remains scarcely a doubt of its forgery. In Germany opinion was divided until P. Scheffer-Boiehorst (Gesammelte Schriften, i. 255, Berlin, 1904) established the forgery beyond a doubt. He placed its origin in the year 1438; others, in 1452.

II. The pragmatic sanction of Bourges by Charles VII. of France was issued July 7, 1438, in consequence of a national synod at Bourges (May, 1438), which indorsed the greater number of the reform edicts of the Council of Basel (q.v.) but proposed certain modifications as affecting the French Church. The edict consisted of twenty-three articles. The decrees which were accepted were incorporated bodily. Above all, the French church and the law of the State affecting the Church thereby adopted unchanged the decrees of the superiority of the council to the pope, the regular convening of ecumenical councils, and the restrictions of papal reservations and revenues. The modifications covered the maintenance of the right of nomination for the king and princes of fit candidates, the extension of the rights of the qualified in the awarding of benefices, the preservation of ordinary jurisdiction over against the conduct of processes by general councils; compensation to the pope for the abolition of annats and the preservation of special customs, observances, and statutes of the French Church. Internal ecclesiastical affairs thus became subject for secular enactment. The modifications intended for the acceptance of the Council of Basel were put in power by the royal edict, though the council could no longer resolve upon their acceptance or rejection. The sanction was naturally opposed by the popes in their effort to regain prestige. PiusII, in 1453, pronounced it to be an infringement upon the papal prerogatives and ordered the French bishops to effect its repeal. When Louis IX. repealed the sanction in 1461, the parliament of Paris, under the protection of which it had been placed, refused; and it has remained essentially unchanged. See CONCORDATS AND DELIMITING BULLS, III., 2.

III. The so-called German pragmatic sanction of Mar. 26, 1439, never became a law and the term is misleading. At the Diet of Mainz the electoral princes and the representatives of the Roman king and of the absent princes, after the example of the French, adopted a series of the decrees of the Council of Basel, and demanded certain modifications, and considered certain other proposed alterations to be submitted to the council. The act was, however, never approved or proclaimed by royal rescript and has been pointed out as merely a provisional union of the individual German princes concerning their attitude toward the conflict between the pope and the council.

(E. FRIEDBERG.)

Pragmatic sanction is the name given also to the document by which Emperor Charles VI. attempted to secure his Austrian possessions to his daughter Maria Theresa (cf. J. H. Robinson and C. A. Beard, Development of Modern Europe, i. 61 sqq., 68, Boston, 1907; Cambridge Modern History, vi. 201, New York, 1909).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: I. The document is printed in Mansi, Concilia, xxiii. 1259; M. de Lauriere, Ordonnances des roys de France, i. 97, Paris, 1723; and Durand de Maillane, Dictionnaire du droit canonique, iv. 767, Lyons, 1770. Consult: R. Thomasay, De la pragmatique sanction attribu�e � Saint Louis, Paris, 1844; C. G�rin, La Pragmatique Sanction de Saint Louis, ib. 1870; J. Haller, Papsttum und Kirchenreform, i. 202, Berlin, 1903. II. Reprints are in Durand de Maillane, ut sup., p. 768; M. de Vilevault, Ordonnances des rois de France, xiii. 267 sqq.; a reprint with notes is dated Paris, 1514, and another, 1666. Consult: H. Dansin, Hist. du gouvernement de la r�gne de Charles VII., pp. 216 sqq., Paris, 1858; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vii. 762; W. Sch�ffner, Geschichte der Rechtsverfassung Frankreichs, ii. 630 sqq., 4 vols., Frankfort, 1845-50; E. Friedberg, Grenzen zwischen Staat und Kirche, pp. 488 sqq., T�bingen, 1872. III. J. Horix, Concordata nationis Germanicae integra, Frankfort, 1765 sqq.; G. Koch, Sanctio pragmatica Germanorum illustrata, Strasburg, 1789.

PRAGMATISM: The word in its technical use originated with C. S. Pierce in 1878 ("How to Make Our Ideas Clear," in Popular Science Monthly, xii. 286-302), who defines the meaning of an idea or an object in terms of its practical bearings. An object is known so far as it is conceived in its effects. In 1898 Prof. William James broadened the term to include particular future consequences in experience whether active or passive (Journal of Philosophy, i. 674). Hence the truth or meaning of a conception is exhausted in the results of it in an experience which is either recommended or expected. If the consequences of one idea are not conceivably different from those of another idea, the two ideas are essentially the same. Pragmatism deals neither with the abstract nor with the pure metaphysical absolute but wholly with the concrete. It turns away from first causes to contemplate final results. It is a theory for unifying experience through its consequences, and so arriving at truth. The chief representatives of this doctrine, while in general agreement emphasize somewhat different aspects of the subject. Professor James, e.g., keeps close to everyday experience - pragmatism; Ferdinand Canning Scott Schiller accentuates the place of feeling in relation to religious faith - humanism, personalism; Professor John Dewey is interested more in the scientific inductive approach to knowledge - instrumentalism or immediate empiricalism, i.e., theories are instrumental as derived from and leading to conduct in which we can rest - things are what they are experienced to be and are valid so far as they are workable. Truth is some claim which has been tested and confirmed by the worth of its consequences or at least by the verifiability of these. It is, therefore, not static but progressive, not absolute but a continuous compromise in which warring interests are held in check until wider values emerge in experience wherein they are adjusted and harmonized. Accordingly, authority is not fixed and final but developmental and transitive, in which external coercion gives place to rational self-direction. The bearings of this doctrine on ethics and religion are of great significance. If the entire world is what we make it, human life itself must share this potentiality. That becomes real which we realize and so far as we realize it; our willing is the condition of its existence. Both our ideals and our character are created by us. Monotheism is not the inevitable and exclusive postulate of religion, but so far as this hypothesis works satisfactorily, it may be held as true. Thus is indicated a place for the "will to believe." The Absolute if accepted at all must be conceived not as static and changeless perfection, but as functional, with infinite potentialities of change, real not beyond but in experience. Pluralism as an interpretation of the universe may not be excluded. If there is anything personal at the heart of things, our bearing toward it will naturally condition its effect upon us. To act as if there were a God may therefore be the sole path to the knowledge and realization of God in the consciousness. The future life may likewise be conditioned on our behavior toward it as a possibility. At the very least meliorism may be the creed and endeavor of the individual. The relation of pragmatism to the movement introduced by Kant (q.v.) is not to be overlooked.

C. A. BECKWITH.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. James, Pragmatism: a new Name for some old Ways of Thinking, London and New York, 1907; idem, in Philosophical Review, xvii (1908), 1-17; F. C. S. Schiller, Humanism, New York, 1903; idem, Studies in Humanism, ib. 1907; H. H. Bawden, The Principles of Pragmatism, ib. 1910; E. W� Lyman, Theology and Human Problems; a comparative Study of absolute Idealism and Pragmatism as Interpreters of Religion, ib. 1910. For list of the numerous magazine and review articles on the subject the reader should consult W. I. Fletcher's Annual Library Index, New York.

PRAGUE, ARCHBISHOPRIC OF: The city of Prague, situated in the central part of Bohemia, was founded in the eighth century near the site of the ancient ducal castle; and first gained a position of importance in history with the establishment of Christianity in the interior of Bohemia. The Christianization of this was accomplished in connection with that of Moravia under the Eastern missionary brothers Cyril and Methodius (see CYRIL AND METHODIUS), but after Bohemia had withdrawn from the Moravian kingdom and placed itself under German protection Bohemia became a part of the diocese of Regensburg in 895. Boleslaw II., the Pious, sent his sister Milada to the pope to appeal for the establishment of a separate bishopric, and in 971 this was granted by John XIII. Half a century earlier Duke Wenzel had erected the Church of St. Veit, and this, as the church of the martyrs St. Veit and St. Wenzel, the pope designated as the cathedral. However, the step was opposed by the bishop of Regensburg and his chapter and not until 973, upon a compact with the Emperor Otto I., was the bishopric of Prague established. The act of creation was ratified by Benedict VI. and the emperor, and the new bishopric was attached to the archdiocese of Mainz. The new diocese was an extensive one, embracing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, southern Poland, Galicia as far as Lemberg, and Slavic Hungary. The first bishop, proposed by the duke and unanimously chosen by the clergy and the people, was the Benedictine Dietmar (973-982); he was a Saxon who had lived in Bohemia, for many years and was familiar with the Slavic language. His successor was Adalbert (see ADALBERT OF PRAGUE), the first native bishop, who introduced the Benedictine order and became the apostle of the Prussians, suffering martyrdom in 997. After 999 the erection of the dioceses of Cracow and Breslau diminished the area of that of Prague. In 1063 Moravia was separated. In 1212, after the elevation of the dukes to the kingship, the investiture of the bishop was conferred from the emperor upon. the king of Bohemia. In 1344, through the efforts of Emperor Charles IV., Prague was made an archbishopric by Clement VI., and the bishopric of Olmiitz and the recently formed bishopric of Leitomischl were subordinated to it. The first archbishop, Ernest of Pardubitz (1343-64), won great fame by his character and his wisdom and zeal in organization and administration. He proceeded to build the archcathedral and under him the university was founded in 1348. With the apostasy of Conrad and the rise of the Hussites the jurisdiction was inhibited and the foundations were destroyed and there followed a period (1431-1561) during which the archbishopric was in charge of administrators elected by the chapter. Emperor Ferdinand introduced the Jesuits to replace the orders whose foundations had been destroyed or taken, and for the privilege of naming the archbishop undertook the restoration of the despoiled archbishopric. With the " compacts " of the Council of Basel (1434) granting the use of the cup in the communion, a privilege not conceded until 1564 by Pope Pius IV., the return and ordination of the Utraquists (see HUSS, JOHN, HUSSITES, II., �� 4-7) were provided, on the conditions later of accepting the articles of Trent; and thus under the legate of the council, Philibert (1433-39), who performed the episcopal functions, and his successors, and, with the restoration of Ferdinand I., under Archbishop Antonio Brus (1561-80), Martin Medek (1581-90), and Zbynek (1592-1606), progress was made in the rehabilitation of the archbishopric, the reestablishment of a Roman Catholic clergy, and the return of the orders, so that by 1603 the laws of Trent were publicly proclaimed at a provincial synod and Zbynek resumed the rank of a prince of the realm. Ferdinand ordered a restoration of Roman Catholicism under penalty of confiscation of land property and by military coercion, the result of which was that Protestantism was stamped out. Adalbert now reorganized the archdiocese and established the bishopric of Leitmeritz in 1655 and of Koniggrii,tz in 1664. In 1777 Olmiitz was made an archbishopric, in 1785 the new bishopric of Budweis was withdrawn and the bishoprics of Leitmeritz and Koniggriitz were enlarged, so that the archbishopric of Prague was reduced to one-third of its former extent. At present the ecclesiastical province is composed of the archdiocese of Prague and the suffragan bishoprics of Leitmeritz, Koniggrfitz, and Budweis. Leitonlischl became extinct after 1474.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Regesta . . . Bohemia; et Moravia, ed. K. J. Erben and J. Emler, 5 parts, Prague,1855-92; G. Dobner, Monumenta historica Boemia, 6 vols., Prague, 1764-85; Seriptores rerum Bohemicarum, ed. F. M. Pelsal, J. Dobrowsky, and F. Palacky, 3 vols., Prague, 1783-1829; Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, 5 vols., Prague, 1873-82. Consult: C. A. Pescheck, Geschichte der Gegenrejformation in B�men, 2 vols., Dresden, 1844; W. W. Tomsk, Geschichte der Stadt Prag, Prague, 1856; C. Eckhardt, Geschichte der deutschen evangelischen Gerneinde in Prag, Prague, 1891; J. Neuwirth, Prag, Leipsic, 1901; F. Liitsow, The Story of Prague, London, 1902; S. Binder, Die Hegemonie der Prager im Husitenkriege, Prague, 1903; HL, x. 280-303.

PRAGUE, COMPACTATA OF: FOUR ARTICLES OF. See HUSS, JOHN, HUSSITES

 

PRARTHANA SAMAJ OF BOMBAY. See INDIA, III., 2.

 

PRATT, WALDO SELDEN: Congregational layman; b. at Philadelphia Nov. 10, 1857. He was educated at William College (A.B., 1878) and Johns Hopkins University (1878-80). He was assistant director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1880-82), and since 1882 has been professor of music and hymnology at Hartford Theological Seminary, where he was also registrar in 1888-95. He was instructor in elocution in Trinity College, Hartford, in 1891-1905, and has been lecturer in musical history and science at Smith College since 1895 and at Mount Holyoke College in 1896-99, while since 1905 he has held a similar position at the Institute of Musical Art, New York City. From 1882 to 1891 he was organist of Asylum Hill Congregational Church, Hartford, and conductor of the Hosmer Hall Choral Union in the same city, and in 18841888 he was conductor df the St. Cecilia Club. He has written Musical Ministries in the Church (Chicago, 1901) and edited St. Nicholas Songs (New York, 1885) and Songs of Worship (1887), besides being musical editor of Aids to Common Worship (New York, 1887) and of the Century Dictionary.

 
PRAXEAS. See MONARCHIANISM

PRAYER

  1. I. In the Old Testament.
  2. II. In the New Testament.
    • Source and Characteristics (� 1).
    • James and Paul (� 2).
    • Christocentric (� 3).
  3. III. In the Church.
    • Definition (� 1).
    • The Element of Experience (� 2).
    • Self-seeking Excluded (� 3).
    • Modern Difficulties (� 4).
    • Solution (� 5).

 

I. In the Old Testament:

The Old Testament places prayer in connection with other religious acts, such as sacrifices, vows, fasts, and mourning ceremonies. "To pray" is expressed in Hebrew by 'athar or he'ethir, a verb which in Arabic means " to sacrifice," and thus had a cultic meaning from the beginning. This word is found in the older sources of the Pentateuch and in Judges xiii. 8; Job xxii. 27, xxxiii. 26. More frequently hith pallel is used, from a root palal to which Wellhausen, with reference to I Kings xviii. 28, assigns the original meaning " to make incisions." Like the corresponding noun tephillah, it is found in older and later books of the Old Testament.

The Old Testament prescribes no such external ceremonies or postures in prayer as occur among the later Jews and the Mohammedans. The petitioner stood or rostrated himself as did the subject before the king. The hands were extended to express purity, and were lifted up to heaven or toward the sanctuary in intercession. Prayer as the freest expression of religious life could be performed in any place, although the sanctuary was considered the most appropriate. In early times prayer accompanied the offer of sacrifice; later it is mentioned expressly as an integral part of daily service, partly as a function of the Levites in which the people joined.

It is nowhere directed in the Old Testament be cause it was regarded as the natural expression of religious life. No definite form is prescribed; the mode of expression was left to the inspiration of the moment; but the prayers contained in the Psalter naturally gained lasting importance as hymns of the congregation. Prayer was called forth by the most varying sentiments; it was an expression of gratitude for gifts, but more frequently it expressed supplication for external well-being, for deliverance from distress, for forgiveness of sins, or for wisdom. It had reference at times to the salvation of the whole people, at other times to purely personal relations. Great importance was attached to the prayer of a prophet if it had reference to the fulfilment of the divine word and the manifestations of the true God. In this respect, Jeremiah was the great example and was imitated by the psalmists; for the Psalms are mostly entreaties for a decisive self-manifestation of God. There occurs frequently in the Old Testament also the intercessory prayer of men who stood in nearer relation to God and were especially heard. It was only in post Exilic times that prayer was regarded as a meritorious service and practise, a conception which further developed under Pharisaism (see PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES).

(F. BUHL.)

 

II. In the New Testament:

1. Sources and Characteristics.

The reader of the New Testament, in the course of a rapid reading, might receive a very strong impression that as compared with other sacred books, including the Old Testament, there is an almost complete absence of the sacerdotal sacrificial elements. The main cause is the revival of prophetism, begun by John the Baptist, embodied in Christ and giving distinctive quality to the Christianity of the Apostolic Age. A secondary cause is found in the history of Judaism. The bankruptcy of the Jewish state, the development of the Jewish Church, the shifting of the center of gravity from the nation to the individual, the irresistible though unconscious forces whereby the synagogal system ousted the Temple from the center of consciousness, -it was along this road that prayer came to take the place of sacrifice. The immense outflow of spiritual power and moral energy that founded the Christian Church made prayer its spring and soul. Necessarily Christian prayer was strongly corporate. Such was the tendency in Jewish prayer. Even stronger was the tendency in Christian prayer. And this because of the psychology of prayer. For prayer is yearning and desire fed on hope and grounded in faith. The reason for the Apostolic Church's existence was her belief in the kingdom of God. The power that grouped chosen individuals together and built them into congregational units was an impassioned confidence in the reality and immanence of that divine order. Consequently, prayer was the soul of the Christian community, and this prayer, by its constitution, was intensely corporate. The Lord's Prayer clearly shows this. Jesus put it forth not to serve as a specific prayer but to manifest the perspective and the proportion of prayer. It gives the framework and the constitution of prayer as Christians learned it from their master. The heart of it is a profound sense of solidarity between the followers of Jesus. Its fundamental quality is a corporate desire and will bent upon the kingdom of God.

2. James and Paul.

Healing in the Apostolic Church was inseparable from prayer. The only deliberate testimony on this point is found in the epistle of James (v. 14-15). But the necessity of the connection is everywhere taken for granted. The personal practise of the Savior is clear. The incidental allusions of the New Testament are conclusive. There is no present need of arguing for the healing value of prayer when prayer, rightly framed, has control of consciousness both personal and corporate. Its therapeutic power can not be doubted; the question is how to use it wisely. The deep consciousness of salvation that pervades the New Testament makes joy the keynote of prayer as of life. In Paul, the supreme individual of the Apostolic Age; and at the same time its master-worker, this is strikingly true. Prayer is the atmosphere of life. It should be unceasing (I Thess. v. 17). It is the voice of the creative spirit in the soul of redeemed people (Rom. viii. 15). And because it is the deepest reach of experience, it is the final mystery. The redeemed man learns that his prayers by themselves are incompetent (Rom. viii. 26-27), but within the spirit of prayer in his breast he finds the Holy Spirit yearning. It is this discovery that gives him indestructible confidence.

3. Christocentric.

The nature of prayer in the New Testament accounts for and explains the relation of prayer to the person of Christ. The fact that prayer is essentially corporate being clearly in mind, it follows forthwith that prayer must be in the name of the Savior. The new community was inseparable from its founder and head. Baptism, the rite of entrance into Christian fellowship, was in his name (Acts ii. 38). The working creed was the conviction that he was master of the world's fortunes, this conviction taking the form of an impassioned belief in his speedy second coming. The deepening thought of the Church was Christologic (e.g., II Cor., as a model of pastoral theology). The miracles of healing were wrought in his name (Acts iii. 6). His name was taken to be the only name given under heaven among men whereby they must be saved (Acts iv. 12). Hence the person of Christ becomes inseparable from the idea of God (John xiv. 9). Consequently prayer is necessarily related to Christ. In Paul this is particularly clear. The mystical immanence of the risen Savior is the center of the inner life (Gal. ii. 20); all things which it becomes a Christian to do must be done in his name (Col. iii. 17). Therefore it follows that thanksgiving and prayer, the upgoing and outgoing of the soul to the source of life, while it goes direct to God, may, without detriment to the vital strength of monotheism, pass through the mind and person of Christ. In the ripest form of New-Testament thought, the Johannine theology, this becomes even clearer than in Paul. The mature Christian is to ask all things of God in his son's name (John xv. 16, xvi. 23).

The necessary recasting of trinitarian doctrine in the light of historical knowledge of the New Testament, the more vital pressure of the divine unity upon Christian consciousness brought about by the social problem, the deepening sense of the divine immanence-these forces in course of time will enable Christians to put aside those imperfect conceptions of the mediatorhood of Christ which led the Church to underweigh the humanity of the Savior. While praying to Jesus they will not forget that Jesus prayed.

HENRY S. NASH.

 

III. In the Church:

1. Definition.

Prayer purports to be communication with God. Friends as well as opponents of prayer regard it as an attempt to gain in time of need the aid of a power supramundane. On this ground prayer might be defended as an expression of human impotence. Prayer in its essence, however, is quite other than a cry of distress to an indefinite power or object; it is communion with God. Necessity is a stimulus to prayer, but the capacity for real prayer does not originate in need.

2. The Element of Experience.

Prayer, as an address to God, implies that God is near to man, it involves certainty of the reality of God. One who had received no revelation of God would not be able to pray, while consciousness of such an experience brings ability to pray aright and inspires devotion. Such devotion expands spiritual power, and at the same time continues the experience through which is realized consciousness of God's interposition in life. Absorption in such consciousness affords confidence that God is present to us. None can pray if by his own fault the recollection that God once called him is obscured. However urgently Jesus enjoined prayer, he surely did not believe that man should pray without regard to his present condition; he did not desire prayer in which the heart is removed from God. Each individual must feel the revelation of God to be his personal experience. God is found in that life in which he reveals himself as personal life in Jesus Christ, so that in addressing him man addresses the Father. The ability to commune with God is for man an introduction into a new reality and a foreglimpse of an infinite future. Nothing can give deeper joy than these drafts of breath in a new life. Consequently Luther asserted correctly that the Lord's Prayer, and indeed every right Christian prayer, begins with thanksgiving and praise. But after the address to God has unfolded as an invocation of the Father in heaven, prayer becomes necessarily an entreaty. With the Christian supplication originates in God's revelation of himself. To possess God means to seek God. He who does not find the desire for God repressing every other desire has not found the God who reveals himself in Christ. This desire should be the starting-point of the Christian's unceasing prayer. This thought is expressed in the opening petitions of the Lord's Prayer. They are not a declaration that the Christian wishes to consider God's affairs more important than his own; they express rather the most urgent concern of the Christian himself. Those men are not children of God who do not desire above all to be near the Father; and for this knowledge of God is necessary.

3. Self-Seeking Excluded.

While Jesus directed to urgent and trustful prayer, without reservation and limitation, his directions presupposed that independence which was to grow up under his influence; they imply a disposition consciously ready to utter such petitions. They might be interpreted as though God would grant every self-indulgent Seeking and selfish wish of his children. Indeed, they must be so understood if followed by one who knows no desire for God. One whose heart is filled with earthly care can utter only this in his prayer. Such a man, therefore, dares not pray as others pray, but is intent upon his own needs. This was doubtless the meaning of Jesus. He must have hated supremely insincere prayer. But is that prayer sincere which expresses only burning desire for some worldly concern under the idea, upheld by an energetic will, that a power exists which by continual supplication may be moved to grant some definite petition? It is evident that such a prayer is only seeming; for while the petitioner pretends to address God, his representation of God is only an amplification of his wish. That prayer is not real in which effort is needed to follow the words of Jesus in which he limits the confidence of supplication. One not in the proper inner condition can not understand how a man can pray in earnest realizing that the Father in heaven knows and considers his needs without his asking or expressing with his supplication the willingness to renounce it. He who takes these words of Jesus as precepts that may be followed, is left without a motive; he can not realize that they are the expression of experiences gained in the exercise of prayer. All these difficulties disappear for those to whom Jesus spoke these words. If the eye has been opened to the fact that the efficient cause in all reality is a personal life that surrounds man with fatherly love, longing for God results. This longing is real life, and to develop it is the one in exhaustible task. Only when God is known from personal experience will it be possible to discern the relation of other forms of prayer. It can then be understood how a petition for external things, permeated by full assurance of being heard, may harmonize with a willingness to renounce it.

4. Modern Difficulties

In modern times the question has been raised whether God for the sake of prayer causes to occur what otherwise would not have come to pass. In the last three centuries a clearer consciousness of the demonstrable reality in which men exist has severely shaken faith in the possibility of such a prayer receiving its answer. The two men who in the nineteenth century in their sermons represented Christian life in its fullest content, Schleiermacher and F. W. Robertson (qq.v.), always clung to the belief that reality was conditioned by the laws of nature, and that the course of the world could not be changed simply because a man was not resigned to his lot. What they say concerning the possibility of answer to prayer shows how difficult it has become for Christian faith to hold its own in the spiritual conditions produced by the progress of science. If it is held that prayer might change the petitioner while all else continues its course, the energy of faith in prayer must necessarily be paralyzed. Faith has the power to elevate to a higher stage of life only when it develops the confidence that communication with the God of the other world is a power over against that reality which is to be experienced. If a personal life which has revealed itself has brought about a trust and confidence that it possesses power over all, there has been produced a personal conviction of a reality distinct from nature. Expectation is raised of finding an entrance to this reality. Access is had to it in a moral activity and a spirit of prayer which seeks God himself. But this very idea in which the life of faith progresses, the conception that God opens to those who knock, is destroyed if it is considered impossible for God to grant a prayer that will change a situation in order to remove a barrier between man and God; in that case God is no more the personal spirit who answers, but the unchangeable power of order. . Many believe that God shows himself as personal life only in the inner development while the course of life is the unchangeable result of natural law. But. it is not right to place psychical events in such contrast with nature, and that result of prayer which is limited to the inner life will not appear as a work of God through which he answers supplication, but as the direct effect of prayer in connection with inner conditions.

5. Solution.

The conception of nature will always be able to shake confidence in that petition which is a mere expression of human desires; but it can have no power over prayer which is the outgrowth of personal acquaintance with God and of longing for him. For in such prayer there is always room for the thought of cause and effect in empirical nature. It must be emphasized that this thought does not represent the whole reality, but only that part of it grasped by the senses. Moreover, nature as unlimited in space and time, is the creation of a God whose reality can not be proved but is experienced by those to whom he reveals himself. It need not be proved that he who stands on such a basis can believe in answer to prayer, and that in full recognition of the conception of nature. Such faith is possible since man, on the basis of the revelation which he. has personally experienced, may he convinced that God is inclined toward him in fatherly love; for then he must say to himself that the environment in which he exists is for him a stepping-atone to a more intimate union with God, whom yet it lies within his power to deny. Then the thought becomes possible for him that events in the world of sense may happen in virtue of his supplication, as God's answer of his prayer. In this confidence disturbance need not follow the recollection of the limitless conditionality of all empirical events, since that points rather to the fact that God as the Almighty performs each of his miracles through the world which for him is a totality while to man it is a limitless entity. Science can therefore not restrain from prayer. Man can pray when the God of heaven has revealed himself in individual experience. He really prays who addresses God in order to come nearer to him. To this real prayer, in which is expressed the tendency of all moral striving, God has given the power to shape the future for man and the world. The prayer of power is never the desire to accomplish material changes, but is a longing after God. If such longing is sincere, supplications concerning earthly matters will always be interwoven with it; for the more man becomes self-conscious in the thought of God, the more evident will it be that many cares so claim him that he feels momentarily separated from God.

(W. HERRMANN.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: On prayer in the Bible consult: C. A. Goodrich, Bible History of Prayer, Andover, 1881; P. Watters, The Prayers of the Bible, New York, 1883; P. Christ, Die Lehre vom Gebet nach dem Neuen Testament, Leyden, 1888; R. Emend, Lehrbuch der alltestamentliche Religionageschichte, p. 351, Freiburg, 1893; A. Juneker, Das Gebet bei Paulus, Berlin, 1905; J. E. MeFadyen, The Prayers of the Bible, London, 1908; M. Kegel, Dae Gebet im Allen Testament, G�tersloh, 1908; Nowack, Arch�ologie, pp, ii., 259 sqq.; Benzinger Arch�ologie, pp, 338 sqq,; DB iv. 38-45; EB, iii, 3828-32; DCG, ii. 390-393; JE, x. 184-171 On prayer in the Church consult: S. I. Prime The Power of Prayer Illustrated . . . at the Fulton . . . Street Meetings, New York 1873; J. F. Clarks The Christian Doctrine of Prayer, Boston, 1874; I. S. Hartley, Prayer and its Relation to Modern Thought and Criticism, New York, 1875; The Prayer-Gauge Debate, by. Prof. Tyndal, Francis Gallon, and others against Dr. Littledale, President McCosh, . . . , Boston 1878; H, R, Reynolds, The Philosophy of Prayer, London, 1881; H. L. Hastings, Ebenezer: or Records of Prevailing Prayer, London. 1882; J. C. Ryle, Thoughts on Prayer, London, 1888; D. W. Faunce, Prayer as a Theory and as a Fact, New York, 1890; H. C. G. Moule, Secret Prayer, London, 1890; R. Leroy, La Pri�re chr�tienne, Lausanne 1894; A. Murray, The Ministry of Intercession; a Plea for more Prayer, London, 1898; F. Cabrol Le Livre de la pri�re antique, Paris, 1900; P. L. P. Gudranger, The Spiritual Life and Prayer according to Holy Scriptures and Monastic Tradition. London 1900; R. A. Torrey, How to Pray, London, 1900; A. F. Douglas, Prayer. A Practical Treatise, Edinburgh, 1901; E. F� von der Golst, Das Gebet der �ltesten Christenheit Leipsic 1901 (comprehensive. contains collection of early Christian Prayers); W. H. M. H. Aitken, The Divine Ordinance of Prayer. London 1902; A. W. Robinson, Prayer in Relation to the Idea of Law, in H. B. Swete, Essays on some Theological Questions, London, 1905; M. P. Tailing, Extempore prayer., Manchester, 1905; W. E. Biederwolf, How can God answer Prayer:..Nature. Conditions and Difficulties of Prayer, Chicago, 1907; F. R. M. Hitchcock, The Present Controversy in Prayer, London, 1909; Ann Louise Strong, The Psychology of Prayer, Chicago, 1909; Dora Greenwell and P. T. Forsyth, The Power of Prayer, London, 1910; W. A. Cornaby, Let us Pray! Home Circle Papers on the Science and Art of Supplication, ib. 1910; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fascs. xxxii. 663-xxxiii. Among anthologies may be named: C. H. von Bogatzky, Golden Treasury of Prayer (a classic, latest ed., London, 1904); C. Wolfsgruber, Hortutus anim� ,Augsburg, 1884; J. F. France, Preces veterum ez operibus sanctorum excerpt�, London, 1887; E. Hodder, A Book of Uncommon Prayers, London, 1898; M. W. Tilleston, Great Souls at Prayer; fourteen Centuries of Prayer, London, 1898; Annie de P�ne, Les Belles Pri�res, Paris, 1909 (anthology of prayers from Christian, Moslem, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, and Shinto sources).

PRAYER BOOK, ENGLISH. See COMMON PRAYER, BOOK OF.

 

PRAYER FOR THE DEAD: A custom which, springing from natural and laudable affection, is found among very diverse peoples. It has a connection, in thought at least and often in fact, with that variety of sacrifice called vicarious, in which intercession is believed to be potential for the release of another from the consequences of that other's misdeeds. Its existence among the Jews in the second century before Christ is proved by II Mace. xii. 43-45, in which passage it is stated that not only prayer but sacrifice for the dead was offered by Judas, and the manner of statement shows that the deed was not unusual and was reckoned praiseworthy. But no Old-Testament passage can be quoted in favor of the custom.

There can be little question that from Judaism the practise passed over to the Christian Church. Attempts have been made to justify the custom by reference to the teaching of Jesus in such passages as Matt. xii. 32, but such inferences are regarded as strained. A more secure scriptural basis is afforded by the famous passage I Pet. iii. 19-20, cf. iv. 6, which is, however, sometimes brought into a forced connection with Zach. ix. 11. Combined with the vogue given by Jewish custom and the affection and hope which reached beyond the grave, this passage gave sanction to the practise in the early Christian Church. Tertullian is the earliest Christian writer who makes reference to prayers for the dead as customary (De exhortatione castitatis, xi.; De anima, Iviii.; De monogamia, x.; De corona, iii.; Eng. transls. in ANF, vols. iii. iv.). Similar testimony is given by Amobius (Adv. gentes, iv. 36), Cyprian (Ep. i. of Oxford ed., 1xv. in ANF, v. 367), Cyril of Jerusalem (Mystagogikai catecheseis, v. � 7), Augustine ("City of God," xxi. 13; De cura pro mortuis, i. and iv.), Chrysostom (Commentary on Phil., hom. 3), Dionysius the Areopagite (Hierarchia ecclesiastics, last chap.), and Apostolic Constitutions, VIII., ii. 12, iv. 41 (where the liturgical form is given). By some of these Fathers the custom was regarded as of apostolic institution. That the practise was strengthened by the idea of the solidarity of the Church as including the living and the dead is not unlikely, and a lingering influence of the classical Hades (q.v.) as a sort of middle state may have had its influence. The general practise of the early Church is further evinced by mortuary inscriptions. In view of all this it is not surprising that the prayer for the dead entered the liturgies, appearing in those of St. Mark, St. James, the Nestorian, Ambrosian, and Gregorian, and the Gallican. The development of the doctrine of Purgatory (q.v.), which in order of time followed the custom, fixed more firmly, if possible, the custom, and there developed in the West the Office (or Mass) for the Dead and the Missa de sanctis, the former at least as early as the sixth century. The offering of these prayers was from the earliest times particularly connected with the Eucharist. At the Reformation the practise fell into disrepute among Protestants, largely on the initiative of Calvin, and practically the entire Protestant Church rejects the custom. The Book of Common Prayer retains traces of the practise, which has not been expressly prohibited in the Anglican Church, and is indeed followed in certain parts.

GEO. W. GILMORE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Hierurgia Anglicana, pp. 320-324, London, 1848 (gives examples of mortuary inscriptions containing prayers for the dead); J. H. Blunt, Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical Theology, pp. 585-586, ib. 1870; F. G. Lee, The Christian Doctrine of Prayer for the Departed, ib. 1875; H. M. Luckock, After Death, ib. 1881; E. H. Plumptre, Spirits in Prison, New York, 1885; A. J. Anderson, Is it Right to Pray for the Dead? London, 1889; H. T. D., The Faithful Dead. Shall we pray for them? ib. 1896; E. T. d'E. Jesse, Prayers for the Departed, ib. 1900; C. H. H. Wright, The Intermediate State and Prayers for the Dead, ib. 1900; H. Falloon, The Blessed Dead: do they need our Prayers? ib. 1905; D. Stone, The Invocation o Saints, new ed., ib. 1910 (favors the practise); DCA, f. 267-274, ii. 1202-03, 1437-38.

PRAYER-GAGE DEBATE, THE: A controversy evoked by an unsigned communication by Prof. John Tyndall in the Contemporary Review, July, 1872 (" The `Prayer for the Sick.' Hints toward a Serious Attempt to Estimate its Value," vol. xx. 205-210). The article proposed that " one single ward or hospital, under the care of first-rate physicians and surgeons, containing certain numbers of patients afflicted with diseases which have been best studied, and of which the mortality rates are the best known, whether the diseases are those which are treated by medical or surgical remedies, should be, during a period of not less, say, than three or five years, made the object of special prayers by the whole body of the faithful, and that, at the end of this time, the mortality rates should be compared with those of other leading hospitals, similarly well managed, during the same period. Granting that time is given and numbers are sufficiently large, so as to insure a minimum of error from accidental disturbing causes the experiment will be exhaustive and complete." This was replied to by Richard Frederick Littledale (ib., pp. 430-454) who, while acknowledging the probability that prayer belongs to a region of law which permits inquiry concerning its practical operations, objected to the scheme, that it was impracticable, and that we can not quantify prayer. Professor Tyndall (ib., pp. 763-766), in a rejoinder, asks for restoration of prayer to its rightful domain and for verification. The author of the proposal (ib., pp. 760-777) cites as reasons why his suggestion was not complied with, inadequate conceptions respecting prayer and God's relations with his creatures. The discussion was continued by James McCosh, William Knight, the duke of Argyll (ib., pp. 777-782, vol. XXI., pp. 183-198, 464-473), and Canon Liddon. Francis Galton (" Statistical Inquiry into the Efficacy of Prayer," Fortnightly Review, new series, vol. xii., 1872, pp.125-135) drew attention to the longevity of sovereigns and clergymen, suggested inquiries concerning missionaries and comparison of the death rate at birth of children of praying and non-praying parents, and maintained that insurance companies take no account of prayer as an asset in assuming risks. The interest quickened by this proposal bore fruit in many sermons and in many articles in periodicals in Great Britain and America, some of which were gathered and published in The Prayer Gauge Debate (Boston, 1876).

C. A. BECKWITH.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: The more important articles educed in the discussion are indexed under "Prayer," "prayer Cure," and Prayer Test " in Pools's Index to periodical Literature, i. 2, pp. 1041-42, Boston 1893. Note should be taken of John Tyndall's Address Delivered before the British Association Assembled at Belfast, London, 1874, New York, 1875, and of Mark Hopkins' Prayer and the Prayer Gauge, New York, 1874.

PRAYER, HOURS OF. See BREVIARY; CANONICAL HOURS; VESPER.

PRAYER, WEEK OF. See EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE, � 3.

PREACHING FRIARS. See DOMINIC, SAINT, AND THE DOMINICAN ORDER.

 

PREACHING, HISTORY OF.

I. In the Early Church. Style and Content of the Sermon (� 2). In Scandinavia (� 1).
Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Preaching (� 1). Individual Names (� 3). The German-Swiss pulpit (� 2).
The Period 200-300 A.D. (� 2), The Reformed Pulpit (� 4). In France and Holland (� 3).
Greco-Syrian Preaching, 300-450 (� 3). The Roman Catholic Pulpit (� 5). The Roman Catholic Pulpit.
Individual Preachers (� 4). Transformation of the Protestant Pulpit, 1700-1810. Early Characteristics (� 1).
Zeno, Ambrose, Augustine (� 5). Pietism (� 1). Later Tendencies (� 2).
The Greek Church, Continued (� 6). Spener and His Followers (� 2). IV. Preaching in the English Tongue.
The Post-Augustinian Latin Church (� 7). Various Schools (� 3). Before the Reformation.
II. In the Middle Ages. Moravian Pulpit (� 4). The Anglo-Saxon Period (� 1).
To the Twelfth Century. Reform of the German Pulpit and the Preaching of Rationalism. The Norman Period (� 2).
Characteristics of the Sermon (� 1). The Conflicting Influences (� 1). The Pre-Reformation Period (� 3).
Individual Preachers (� 2). Mosheim and His School (� 2). The Reformation.
German and French Pulpit (� 3). Entrance of Rationalism (� 3). General Account (� 1).
Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century. The Reaction (� 4). English Preachers (� 2).
Influences Leading to Improvement (� 1). The Mediating Pulpit (� 5). The Scotch Preachers (� 3).
Characteristics of the Sermon (� 2). Preaching Outside Germany (� 6). The Seventeenth Century.
Preaching of the Mystics (� 3). The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth Century. Character of Preaching (� 1).
Reformers Before the Reformation (� 4.). Basal Influences (� 1). Leading Preachers (� 2).
Close of the Middle Ages. Schleiermacher (� 2). The Eighteenth Century in the British Islands.
Frequency and Worth of the Sermon (� 1). His School (� 3). Survey (� 1).
Individual Preachers (� 2). Reminders of Rationalism (� 4). Leading Preachers (� 2).
III. The Continental Pulpit in Modern Times. A New Trend (� 5). The Eighteenth Century in North America.
The Period of the Reformation. The Confessional Type (� 6). The Nineteenth Century in the British Islands.
The Controlling Factors (� 1). Emphasis on the Practical (� 7). The First Third of the Century, 1801-1833 (� 1).
Luther (� 2). Pietistic Antirationalistic Preaching (� 8). Middle of the Century, 1833-1389 (� 2).
His Sermons Characterised (� 3). Individualism Dominant (� 9). Close of the Century, 1889-1900 (� 3).
Other Lutheran Reformers (� 4). Modernistic Group (� 10). The Nineteenth Century in Greater Britain.
Zwingli and the Early Reformed Preachers (� 5). The Recent German Pulpit. The Nineteenth Century in the United States.
The Roman Catholic Pulpit (� 6). Emphasis on the Practical (� 1). Before the Civil War (� 1).
Protestant Orthodox Pulpit, 1580-1700: A Composite Group (� 2). The Civil War and After (� 2).
The New Scholasticism (� 1). The Continental Pulpit Outside Germany. Twentieth-Century Outlook.

I. In the Early Church:

1. Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Preaching.

It has occurred not infrequently that those who would give a history of preaching point to the apostolic letters in the New Testament as examples of apostolic homiletics. While these epistles undoubtedly give the form in which the apostles set forth the foundations and of Christian faith, it can not be too strongly emphasized that they are Preaching, not sermons. The epistolary style governs throughout. This position must be maintained in spite of the newest hypothesis advanced by Wrede and others to the effect that, particularly in the epistle to the Hebrews, and also in other New-Testament writings original addresses to Christian congregations are to be suspected. While this hypothesis has mach in its favor, the proof of the existence of oral discourses therein has not been conclusively advanced. While, then, this idea has largely been given up, the more strongly do expounders of the history of preaching rest upon the discourses of Peter and Paul as reported in the Acts of the Apostles. Yet here difficulties arise some maintaining that the speeches there reported are to a greater or less degree the product of the author of that book while others decide that they are a working over of the actual discourses. Even conservative critics, however, agree with the others that the discourses were not exactly taken from the mouth of the speaker and are not exact reproductions of the speeches actually delivered, related as they are in style to other parts of the same book. On the other hand it is to he noted that the discourses have the character of sermons in that they have a direct relation to the concrete situation in which they are given. Peter's discourses in Acts ii. 14 sqq., and iii. 12 sqq., deal with Pentecost and the healing of the lame man, while that in x. 34 sqq. is controlled by the vision of the context regarding clean and unclean. Paul's discourse in xiii. 16 sqq. has the character of a missionary address, the speech at Athens is exactly suited to a disputatious body of philosophers; but the address reported in xx. 17 sqq. is almost entirely personal, and is therefore not strictly a sermon. In all these examples, whatever partakes of the general character of the sermon is missionary in type. At any rate, these discourses afford little or nothing bearing on the history of preaching. Yet they may suggest the direction which preaching took in those times in the conflict with heathenism, the use of resources supplied by heathenism itself, the exposition of what had come through Christ, and the appeal to the ethical consciousness of the hearer. Acts ii. 42-43 indicates further the practise of the apostles in giving instruction to the community (cf. I Cor. xii.-xiv.; Rom. xii. 6-8; I Pet. iv. 10); but neither rules nor settled custom limited the brotherly communications. If a general term be needed to apply to the religious speeches of that period, it can take only the form of " free brotherly utterance." For the post-apostoHc period the testimony of Justin Martyr is of special value (1 Apol. lxvii.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 186), showing the reading of Scripture and exhortation of a practical character based on the passage read. Tertullian (Apol. xxxix; Eng. transl., ANF, ii. 46) further illustrates the character of the discourses of that period (cf. De animo, ix.; ANF, iii. 188) when he says: "With the sacred words we nourish our faith, animate our hope, make our confidence more steadfast, and by inculcations of God's precepts confirm good habits." The one sermon from those times, the so-called II Epistle of Clement, is practical in character: it shows the reading of Scripture, the address only loosely connected therewith, read not spoken (chap. xix.), inculcating service of Christ with works and not with the mouth, and urging to repentance and charity and with pure heart to the service of God. A. Harnack has called attention (Der Presbyter-Prediger des Iren�us, in Philotesia, Paul Kleinert gewidmet, Berlin, 1907) to the fact that in the received remains of the literary work of Irenieus fragments from sermons of a "Presbyter-preacher" are extant which furnish examples of the earliest Christian exegetical-polemic homilies in existence.

2. The Period 200 - 300 A. D.

Origen (q.v.), the great thinker and scholar of the Greek Church, is the father of the sermon as a fixed ecclesiastical custom, to whom can be traced the theological-practical exposition of a definite text as well as the homily. It is noteworthy that, at that period of the separation of divine service into a homiletical-didactic part and a mystical part, the sermon was missionary and apologetic in type and suited to instruct the catechumens. It took the form of explication and application of the text, using particularly the method of allegory, which from that time on became prevalent and controlled the homiletical use of Scripture until the Reformation. Origen in his preaching followed the passage verse by verse, expounding it grammatically and historically, but dwelt most upon the deeper mystical or allegorical meaning, but he never forgot that the true purpose of the sermon is to develop the moral sense. Equipped with fine memory, marvellous knowledge of Scripture, and great learning, he knew how to apply the little things spiritually, practically, and often in a broad and general sense. He usually closed with the doxology. His appeal was rather to the perception than to the will. Of further development of the sermon in the school of Origen little is known. The homilies ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus (q.v.) are probably of later origin and recall the style of the Persian sage Aphraates (q.v.). The celebration of saints' days influenced the homily through the practise of pronouncing panegyrics, and this goes back into the third century. From the West there are remains of the sermons of the schismatic Roman bishop, Hippolytus (q.v.), but these are too fragmentary to guide to a decision regarding his style of preaching, and the longer addresses ascribed to him are probably not genuine. The sermon thus ascribed, which is entitled "On the Holy Theophany" and deals with the baptism of Jesus (Matt. iii.), follows closely the scriptural basis, yet has not the form of the exegetical homily; it appears more like a vibrating, picturesque hymn, and is the transition from the simple homily to the artistic synthetic sermon to the congregation. Since the writing Adversus aleatores, ascribed by Harnack to the second century (see CYPRIAN, � 5), is probably of later date, examples of Latin eloquence are to be sought first in Tertullian. Yet even from him no samples of the sermon have come down, though his primitive, fresh, spiritual, granulous, and always sententious style long remained the pattern for the eloquence of the Latin Church. Gyprian took Tertullian as his model in the devel opment of dialectical yet practical, warm, and piercing persuasiveness. Lactantius mentions the celebrity of Cyprian's sermons, of which none are certainly extant.

3. Greco-Syrian Preaching 300-450 A. D.

With the victory of Christianity and the development of the service came a soaring of the sermon. Preaching became more frequent, being employed even during the week and during fast seasons in some places daily. As the Church during that period assimilated more and more Greco-Roman culture, the sermon developed pari passu. The most noted Christian preachers had not seldom been educated in the rhetorical schools of the heathen, and employed in their sermons the rules of rhetoric and the artistic effects taught there, and polish became almost an end, often giving more brilliancy than warmth. The hearers came to look for esthetic satisfaction rather than for edification, leaving after the sermon and before the Eucharist. Especially did the eulogy lead to a strained ostentation which showed no middle way between the purpose of the sermon and classical oratory. The homily retained its method of analytical explanation and application. The modern structural sermon had not yet been born. The sermon began with a rhetorical statement of the object and continued with salutation or invocation of blessing. The different currents of the life of the Church are exhibited in the discourses. Alongside of the Alexandrian allegorical method was the Antiochian grammatical-historical plan; doctrinal controversy was reflected; as were the tendencies toward sacrificialism and ceremonialism and the increasing practise of veneration of the saints and of the Virgin and toward asceticism. Polemics were not absent. In the East the sermon was often imaginative, poetic, even bombastic and wordy; in the West the rhetoric was more sober, and the sermon practical, simple, and clear. The function came to be confined to the bishops and the presbyters, the deacon requiring the authorization of the bishop before he could officiate. The bishop preached sitting; the audience stood in North Africa but sat in Italy and the East. The sermon came in the first part of the service after singing and reading of Scripture its length varied, and in the Greek Church all the audience did not always await the conclusion.

4. Individual Preachers.

The Greco-Syrian sermon divides into the Practical-rhetorical, the dogmatic-didactic, and the ascetic-mystical. Eusebius of Caesarea (q.v.) forms the transition to this period, and already shows the style of the Byzantine court in a tendency to bombast and flattery after the pattern furnished in the Greek schools of rhetoric. But the leader in establishing the practical-rhetorical school of preaching was Basil the Great (q.v.), who gained his title by his preaching. He was bold, brilliant without aiming at brilliance, looking rather for force than elegance of diction, earnest, possessing a lively imagination, clearness, orderliness, and solidity of thought. All this made him, next to Chrysostom, the pattern of the Greek Church. Gregory of Nyasa (q.v.) stood near Basil in eminence in power of exposition and fluency, and excelled him as a thinker. His skill was less the product of nature than of art, and his turn of mind was speculative, philosophical, theological, with a strong trend to the allegorical. He was at his best in addresses commemorating persons of high estate, martyrs, and saints. Gregory Nazianzen possessed a solicitous soul with a tender spirit, in whom the wish for seclusion fought with the desire to use his splendid gifts for the community. A born orator of great versatility, he had, as compared with Basil, a feminine and receptive nature. His theological ideas were clear, his dialectic nimble, his imagination lively; his diction was elegant and his style deeply affected with irony often tempered with pathos, while he could flash out with invective. A defender of the doctrine of the Trinity and fond of dogmatic discussion, especially of the problems then alive in the Church, he did not lose sight of practical needs. His sermon followed a single thought and purpose, yet not without digressions. Greek preaching reached its eminence in the Antiochian school, which employed classical norms, alongside of exegetical, rhetorical, and popularly practical elements. Of this school Chryaoatom (q.v.) was the chief exponent, combining in himself the exegete and the grammarian. Among those who employed the dogmatic-didactic style Eusebias of Emesa (q.v.) is probably to be numbered, though his homilies are lost. The name is to be said of Cyril of Jerusalem (q.v.). The homilies of Cyril of Alexandria (q.v.) have a dogmatic-polemic cast. The Antiochian Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus (q.v.), was peculiarly a homilist, as is shown in his ten addresses on divine providence, in which he preaches a sort of natural religion. Keen insight, orderly exposition, concise and luminous diction characterize his work. Examples of ascetic-mystical sermonizing come from the recluses of the desert. The twenty-nine addresses of the Egyptian monk Isaiah partake of the character of primitive Christianity, dealing partly with practical and common Christianity, in part with matter for the monks. Fifty homilies of the elder Macarius (see MACARIUS, 1) survive; they are textless, answer questions put by the monks, are full of noble pictures, deeply ethical, and emphasize the corruption of soul and body and the mystical union with Christ. Ephraem Syrus (q.v.), while belonging with this group, was eminently original. His was a native, not an acquired, homiletical genius, and his inspiration was a holy zeal for the orthodox faith and for the monastic ideal. Poetic brilliancy and the might of his exposition make of him one of the great preachers of the early Church. The swing of his thought is united with a metrical ailveriness of diction, while the stream of his emotions combining with a fulness of imagination compel him to the use of exclamation, question, apostrophe, and other varieties of rhetorical expression. He is a mighty preacher of repentance.

5. Zeno, Ambrose, Augustine.

The sermon bloomed out near the end of this period in independent form through Augustine and Leo (q.v), who were long the best fruits of homiletic study in the West. During the fourth century the West did not simply imitate the East, it copied it. Bishop Zeno of Verona (q.v.) has left ninety-three genuine sermons or tracts. His best examples deal with patience, humility, modesty, covetousness, and he was largely dependent upon Basil. In strong contrast with these earlier preachers of the West stood Augustine (q.v.), who was distinguished for his energy and tirelessness as a preacher. The sermons of Augustine are strong in the elements of experience, witness-bearing, dialectic, and practical application; they are less affected by secular training and more infused with the Gospel; they give the impression of being by a man who had triumphed over the flesh, false philosophy, heathendom, and heresy, who spoke from the depths of his own living experience. They show the gifts of keen understanding, a power of deep speculation, precise expression, wide powers of illustration, and a deep sense of what salvation means. Augustine employs allegory less than the Greeks, stresses more the historical narratives of the Old Testament, and suppresses polemics more. His speeches show unity, coordination, and plan; the ethical elements are deeply Christian, the dialectic is keen, the antitheses are pregnant, and the thought is spiritual. His sermons on festal days, in rimed prose, deserve especial mention.

6. The Greek Church Continued.

In the Greek Church of the period from the fifth century the decadence of preaching is visible in the excessive pomposity of verbiage in pulpit oratory, which concerned itself largely with the cultus of the saints and of Mary, with dogmatic hair-splitting, with asceticism, and with the value of works of piety. The development of the ritual in the brilliant unfolding of liturgy made the place of the sermon ever narrower and lessened its importance. After the great figures of the fourth century, Greek preaching seems to have exhausted itself, while to the people the sermon was purely secondary as compared with the liturgy. Its contents, dealing with legends of the saints, veneration of Mary, polemics against heresy, and with declamatory exposition of the cultus, justify this estimate. The three sermons of Proclus on the theotokos and twenty homilies on festal days are dogmatic-polemic in character. For Basil of Seleucia, Jacob of Sarug, and Andrew of Crete see the articles. Of the later sermonizing in the Greek Church little need be said. The genuineness of the sermons ascribed to John of Damascus (q.v.) is still under discussion. These exemplify the failings of the period-search of the Old Testament for types, allegorizing, mystical juggling with numbers, legendary handling of the Gospel history, and the like. A lesser star is Theodore the Studite (q.v.), whose 135 Sermones paraenetici are extempore addresses to monks, often containing fiery exhortations and well-rounded figures. His other sermons exhibit the taste of the times for the pompous and the superstitious. Where the sermon continues in the Greek Church, it occurs either before or after the mass. Of preachers of a later time may be noted Theophanes Kerameus, archbishop of Taormina (c. 1050), sixty-two homilies on the Gospel for the day, simple, popular, expository; Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica (c. 1194), who declaimed against hypocrisy, monkish love of ostentation, ascetic externalism, superstition, and frivolity; Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople (c. 1240); John Caleca (1330); Gregory Palamas, archbishop of Thessalonica; Gennadius II., of Constantinople (q.v.); and from the modern Russian Church Malow, archpriest in St. Petersburg, Philaretus, metropolitan in Moscow, and especially Innokenti, bishop of Charkow.

7. The Post-Augustinian Latin Church.

In the West the post-Augustinian sermon stood on a lower plane than that of Augustine himself. The chief sign of decadence is found in the lack of originality; Augustine remains the model, though adornment and elaboration have their part. The use of pericopes had its influence upon the sermon, which was employed to explain the Scripture selections. Preaching was also centered about the particular occasion and less bound to the text. For Gaudentius of Brescia, Peter Chrysologus, and Maximus of Turin see the articles. Leo I. (q.v.) is the first Roman bishop to leave behind Latin sermons (ninety-six on feast and fast days, etc.). While he is inferior to Augustine in fulness and depth of thought, he excels him in elegance, in piquant pregnancy of style, and in the rhythm of his sentences. While he employs sermons on festal occasions for dealing with the controversies of the period, he preaches no monkish morality, though there is little of exposition of Scripture in his preaching. It is greatly to the honor of Gregory the Great (q.v.) that he used the sermon to good effect and stimulated others; yet his sermons are best characterized by the word" practical." They are intelligible, simple, suited to the capacity of his hearers. Fulgentius of Ruape in North Africa (q.v.) imitates in speech and method Augustine and Leo, employing antithesis and pregnant brevity without polish yet with success. Among the preachers of Gaul mention may be made of Hilary of Arles; and Faustus of Riez (qq.v.). CEesarius of Arles (q.v.) is of high importance in the history of preaching. He did not disdain the application of the finest art, but to gain polish did not sacrifice contents. To enchain his hearers be used especially parable and dialogue, and was not altogether free from allegorizing. Yet through all there was the background of a strong religious personality, employing forceful ethical truths.

II In the Middle Ages

1. To the Twelfth Century:

1. Character of the Sermon.

The Christianizing of the lands to which the Latin tongue was foreign furnished new occasion for the sermon of the Western Church. While the service was in Latin, the sermon required the use of the vernacular of the region. Iren�us at Lyons preached to the Celtic natives in their own language, though with the Latinizing of Gaul, the Latin sermon came in. So in Germany, Gallus knew the speech of the Allemanni, Boniface preached to the Frieslanders in their own tongue, and in Carolingian times there were directions so to preach that the people might understand. In spite of these facts, from the early part of the Middle Ages there are few remains of sermons in the vernacular, yet numerous works of the kind in Latin. But behind German vernacular lurked Latin conceptions and thinking. Before the clergy, Latin retained its rights. The sermons of this period show little originality; many of them were either translations or imitations of the homilies of the Fathers, especially of Augustine, Leo, or Gregory. The collections of sermons fostered this, e.g., the Homiliarium of Paul the Deacon (q.v.), and they became the resource of preachers, smothering independent work. The duty of preaching was principally assigned to the bishops; the priests in the rural parishes shared in this work, though but little of the product of the latter has survived (the period 900-1100 has been called "the period of the bishop's sermon"). The "rule" of Chrodegang (q.v.) required preaching once a fortnight at least; the Carolingian synods provided for preaching every Sunday and feast day. The sermon generally centered about the Gospel for the day, which it immediately followed; though sermons were also built on the Epistle. The extent of the sermons meant for the people is generally small; those meant for use in the cloisters were longer. The former show a fondness for legendary material, the latter are, allegorical-mystical. The foregoing pictures the condition of things for a long period, though ecclesiastical fostering of the sermon is abundantly evident. Thus Bishop Theodolf of Orl�ans, in his capitular of 797, may be quoted: "We exhort you (the priests) to be ready to teach the people; whoever knows the Scripture, let him preach Scripture; and whoever knows not Scripture, let him teach, at least, that which is surely known, so that the people may refuse the evil and do what is good, inquire after peace and follow it." In a capitular of 801 the same prelate ordered that: "the priests are to be urged on the Lord's Days, each in accord with his ability, to preach to the people." To like effect might be quoted the Capitulare episcoporum of 801, the Synod of Tours (canon 17; 813), the Council of Reims (canon 15; 813), the capitular of CharIemagne of the year 789 (chap. lxxxii. deals with "the preaching of bishops and presbyters"). This last goes further and prescribes the subjects to be dealt with in the sermon, covering the great topics of theological consideration and the Christian virtues.

2. Individual Preachers.

From what has already been said it may be inferred that what has come down is not the actual sermon as delivered, but in part the preparatory notes or later reports written down, and in part collections of model sermons. Most noted of these is the Homiliarium of Paul the Deacon (q,v.; and see HOMILIARIUM), These collections make much use of patristic homiletic literature, few bearing the marks of individuality. Thus Rabanus Maurus (q.v.) used C�sarius of Arles, though he impressed upon his collection a distinct moralizing characteristic. The personality of Haimo of Halberstadt (q.v.) is also recognizable in his collection; the homilies are longer and deal with geographical, historical, and exegetical questions, and stick closely to the text. There is a series of Latin sermons which, though ascribed to well-known men, are not surely genuine. Thus thirteen Instructiones, which appear to have been delivered before monks, go under the name of St. Columban (q.v.); a Latin sermon ascribed to Gallus, a pupil of Columban, belongs to a later date. If the homilies ascribed to St. Elegius (q.v.) be genuine, they show him to have been a man who aimed at the principal matters. The sermons ascribed to Boniface (q.v.) are not genuine. Similarly from the twelfth century collections of sermons have come down. Thus a homiletical help known as the Speculum ecclesi�, which used to be ascribed to Honorius of Autun (q.v.) but probably came from the hermit Honorius, is of Latin origin, is practically identical with the Deflorationes of which Abbot Werner was the reputed author. It is of great significance for the history of preaching in Germany. Another book of the kind is the socalled Physiologus, which goes back to Greek preaching, but brings legends of animals into allegorical connection with Christian verities. It appears in various forms, both Latin and German. Of Latin origin are the sermons of Abbot Gottfried of Admont; meant for instruction in the monastery, exegetical in character. The twenty-nine. homilies of the monk Boto are instructive, while the five sermons of Berengoz (q.v.) were intended for monks, and have at their basis a Biblical passage. The thirteen sermons of Eckbert of Schonau are controversial and directed against the Cathari (see NEW MANICHEANS, II.).

3. German and French Pulpit.

The oldest remains of early German sermons are in manuscripts at Munich and Vienna dating from the eleventh century. These sermons are the result of the working over of deliverances of Augustine and Gregory. From the twelfth century a greater number of sermon collections have come down. The most important of these is that containing the sermons of the Priest Conrad. The absence of a name from most of these collections would lead one rightly to infer that they display little originality; and this dependence upon earlier work continues, for the later German collections use those which preceded them. In method these German sermons are not to be differentiated from the Latin. The Biblical passage is briefly explained at the beginning, then the passage is followed in the order of its verses, while allegory is employed and all sorts of meanings are discovered. Introduction, discussion, and exordium are all brief. The book of sermons of Conrad gives sufficient for a full year. For Sundays the epistle is first briefly discussed, and then the Gospel, somewhat more at length. For the festivals a number of selections are given, and a series of sermons on the saints completes the whole. Preachers among the bishops of this period who deserve mention are Solomon of Constance (d. 930), who often preached to the people; Archbishop Bruno of Cologne (q.v.); Conrad of Constance (d. 9i6); Wolfgang of Regensburg (d. 994); Archbishop Heribert of Cologne (998-1011), whose preaching is described by Rupert of Deutz; Archbishop Anno of Cologne (q.v.); Archbishop Bardo of Mainz (d. 1051), the Chrysostom of his times; Gotthard of IIildesheim (q.v.); and the preaching hermit Guenther. The German sermon of the period prior to 1200 exhibits a popular and practical character. The preaching in France of this period ran parallel with that in Germany. Homiliaria existed there as well as in Germany, and from the twelfth century there are rich remains in manuscript form. Maurice de Sully, archbishop of Paris (d. 1196), was greatly celebrated as a preacher.

2. Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century;

1. Leading Influences to Improvement

A complete change came over the spirit of the sermon in the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth century. The development of theology in France, the influence of Scholasticism and Mysticism, of the crusades and the begging friars, reformatory movements, and the development of a higher culture gave a new impulse to preaching and in part a new content, and affected even the form in favor of a more artistic and finished product. In the sermon of the eleventh and twelfth centuries there were signs of betterment. Fulbert of Chartres (q.v.) exhibits the beginnings of scholastic preaching in a learned, dogmatic-polemic, allegorical, dialectic, and demonstrative style. The sermons of Peter Damian (q.v.) exhibit an extravagant bent for the cult of the Virgin, as do those of Bishop Amadeus of Lausanne (d. 1158); Anaelm (q.v.) is not to be overlooked. -Other preachers of note were Gottfried of Vendome, Hildebert of Tours, and Abelard (qq.v.). The beginnings of popular Preaching appear in the predecessors of the begging monks, and a fresh, stirring spirit marks the age of the crusades as the champions mingle with the high and low and urge the freeing of the Holy Land. The monk Radulph preached the crusade and also hatred of the Jews; Norbert of Xante, archbishop of Magdeburg, was a Second John the Baptist in his preaching of repentance, while in France were Robert of Arbrissel and Fulco of Neuilly (q.v.). The preaching of the mystics took deep hold of the people, especially that of Hugo of St. Victor, Bernhard of Clairvaux, the greatest preacher of his age, and Hildegard of Bingen. The Latin and German preaching of the scholastics reflects the characteristics of their philosophical discussions-definitions, distinctions, questions, arguments, and the like. The style varies, but a definite unity now begins to rule, whether the sermon is textual or thematic. Noted names are C�sarius of Heisterbach and Anthony of Padua (qq.v). Albertus Magnus (q.v.) was known for his series of sermons on a single text (Prov. ix. 5), the first of the kind, while the sermons of his pupil Thomas Aquinas (q.v.) show a dry formalism and dialectic arrangement, as do those of Hugo of St. Cher (q.v.), and Petrus de Palude, patriarch of Jerusalem. German sermons scholastic in character were those of Nicholas of Landau (e. 1340), and Henry of Frimar (d. about 1340), of whose work little but skeleton appears. Jordan of Quedlinburg (middle of the fourteenth century) preached against the sects and against mysticism. Henry of Langenstein (q.v.), in his Sermones de tempore per annum, handles the Gospel pericopes in scholastic fashion. In this period belong the sermons wrongly ascribed to Albertus Magnus, which, while Evangelical and practical in interest, are yet scholastic in type.

2. Characteristics of the Sermon.

The popular preaching of the begging friars in the thirteenth century was a reaction against the stiff dogmatism.of scholasticism. The members of the orders were allowed to preach without special permission from the bishops, and the results were important, going as they did to the masses in a fresh, natural, concrete, and often dramatic style. While sometimes the addresses bordered on the grotesque, yet a deep and broad comprehension of the essentials of the Gospel was present, and the sermons were ethical in content and urged to repentance. Distinguished names are the Dominican John of Vicenza, the noted preacher of crusades and prosecutor of heretics Conrad of Marburg (q.v.), the Augustinian Eberhard (c. 1285), and especially the Franciscan Berthold of Regensburg (q.v.). In a strain not concordant with Berthold was the anonymous "Schwarzwald preacher," the author of a series of sermons preached to laymen and then collected as a homiletical volume. His sermons for Sundays give a Latin introduction, a German exordium which covers the entire Gospel for the day, discusses the theme in a popular, naive, and often striking manner, with incisive application and suggestion of the dogmatic in content. During the tenth and eleventh centuries there had been little ecclesiastical official concern about preaching. But a synod of Treves (1227) directed the clergy to instruct the people in faith and morals, forbade the ignorant to preach, but laid it as a duty upon the preaching friars. From the fourteenth century on bishops urged this duty on the parish clergy. Homiletical material was found in the "Legends of the Saints" of Jacob of Voragine (q.v.). Other homiletic sources were the Gesta,Rommnorum, the Apiarus of Thomas of Brabant, the Summa preedicatorum of Bromyard of Oxford, the Biblia pauperum (q.v.), the Repertarium aureum of Anthony Rampigollis, and the Semmim amid. Toward the end of this period short addresses without exordiums became common. A special variety of sermons were the Collationes, used in cloisters and other places of communal life at midday, somewhat free in form and based on the Gospel for the day. Of historical value are the German " Plenaries," collections of house sermons, short, based on Gospel or epistle for the day, with summary of parts of the mass. Mention may be made of the sermons of German Alsatia, which partake of the qualities of the Schwarzwald preacher; they belong to the end of the thirteenth century. They are picturesque and instructive, simple, earnest, and edifying.

3. Preaching of the Mystics.

As the entire theology of the mystics seeks to obtain subjective certainty in religious matters through personal experience, so their preaching appeals to the inner perception. So completely was this method in controling of the that the events of Biblical history were used allegorically and applied to the purpose of edification. One effect was emphasis upon Christ., and the scholastic preaching was changed to a deeper, warmer, more searching and edifying appeal. The sermons of Cardinal Bonaventura (q.v.) display a mingling of the scholastic and mystical. Mysticism controls the sermons of Eckhart (q.v.). Since the doubt has once more been raised by the Teutonic scholar 0. Behaghel (Beitrtige zur Geschichte der deutsthen Sprache and Literatur, xxxiv. 530 sqq.) whether there are extant any considerable numbers of Eckhart's discourses, the decision respecting his position as a preacher must be reserved. John Tauler (q.v.), the most edifying preacher of the Middle Ages, surpassed Eckhart as a preacher, though not as a thinker, combining lucidity with religious strength. Henry Suso (q.v.) excelled as an exponent of emotional mysticism. Other names of note among the mystics are Eckhart the younger (see MYSTICISM), Henry of Nordlingen, Herrmann of Fritzlar, Henry Ruysbroek, the canonist Geert Groote, and Johann Charlier Gerson (qq.v.).

4. Reformers before the Reformation.

Constituting a class by themselves were the " Reformers before the Reformation." The influence of John Wyclif (q.v.) was not confined to England, since through John Huss (q.v.) his activities affected the Continent. Wyclif preached both in Latin and English, but the style in each is different. The Latin sermons the Reformation. were delivered before young theologians; Scripture is the unvarying basis, and the character is expository, but in a thoroughly Catholic-scholastic sense, and not without the use of allegory. Conrad of Waldhausen (d. 1369) preached in Prague against the sins of the period, and also against the begging friars. His own preaching was correctly ecclesiastical. His sermons in German have perished, and there is extant only a collection of Latin sermons, the Postilla studentium homilies upon the pericopes from the Gospels, allegorical and scholastic in character. Like Conrad, devoted to ethical reform, was Militsch of Kremsier (q.v.); his pupil Mathias of Janow (d. 1394) left a collection of homilies. John Huss is in a not unworthy sense dependent upon Wyclif. He was noted for his activities as preacher before synods as for his popular sermons in the fields and woods, in the large centers of population and in the little villages. His synodal sermons in Latin are extant, preached before the clergy. What is striking is the courage with which he attacked the vices of the pastoral clergy. His sermons to the people often contain patristic citations, and the Biblical exegesis is not free from arbitrariness. To be named with Huss is his friend Jerome of Prague (q.v.). In this class must be placed Savonarola (q.v.), whose work was done chiefly through preaching, at first outside and then in Florence. He himself issued only his sermons on Ps. lxxiii.; but others in Italian exist in the reports of his friends, those on I John in the Latin. These sermons differ both in occasion and method. Those on I John are exegetical with practical application, while others have little relation to the text and are more exactly practical. Formally his sermons are based on the Bible, really they are made the basis of the expression of his weighty thought. He was a mighty preacher of repentance, a scourge of the vices of the times especially of the priests, possessed of a warmth of sentiment, keen perceptions, command of his mother speech, dramatic gestures, and a melodious voice.

3. Close of the Middle Ages:

1.Frequency and Worth of the Sermon.

It is not easy to pronounce upon the preaching at the end of the Middle Ages. Its practise was often enjoined, and it appears to have been frequent in the cities, but the villages were almost bereft of it. In 1511 in the diocese of Mainz many priests were pronounced completely disqualified for preaching, while to ward the end of the fifteenth century in the South German states it cost a considerable sum to secure a preacher for certain festivals. In Breslau the bishop limited the preaching on Sundays to a single sermon, during the rest of the year only on Friday except in the fasting and advent seasons, when there was preaching also on Wednesday. In some parts the secular clergy had only a small part in the function of preaching; thus in Halle there were preachers from the Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Semites, but only one secular preacher is named; in Nuremberg the preachers were all monks. Yet the general practise was to have preaching on Sundays and festivals, and on many other occasions, such as New Year's day. In the cloisters sermons from abroad were read at mealtimes; in the churches such sermons were practically worked over; there is a varying degree of independence shown in different cases. The general worth of these sermons was small. A special class of addresses were the indulgence-sermons. The preachers of these spared no pains to make them attractive and effectual. The assailants of the indulgence were pictured as sent by Satan; and the indulgence was urged by reference to the sufferings of Jesus Christ, by praise of Mary, by appeals to the hearers' affection and sympathy. The structure of the sermon was still under the influence of scholasticism; a formula of greeting, the text or theme, the exordium and divisions, the Lord's prayer or Ave Maria , the discussion, a short conclusion, and the Amen or dixi (�I have spoken") or both, was the usual order. The whole period is one of decline in homiletical power. This opinion has been controverted by Pfleger (Zur Geschichte des Predigtwesens in Strassburg vor Geiler von Kaysersberg,  Strasburg, 1907), who has in mind the orthodoxy and religious earnestness of a series of less prominent preachers of Strasburg in the first half of the fifteenth century. But his own work affords no data for the second half of that century, and does not require a withdrawing of the statement.

2. Individual Preachers.

Preachers of this period who belong to the Brothers of the Common Life (see COMMON LIFE, BRETHREN OF THE) were Johann Veghe (q.v.) and Thomas a Kempis (q.v.)- Notable too were the festival sermons (Quadragesimale) of the Franciscan Johann Gritsch of Basel, delivered in German and then translated into Latin with learned scholastic discussions and many citations from the classics, fables, anecdotes, and moral applications; the Sermones aurei of the Dominican Johann Nider; the sermons of Johann Herolt, popular because of their practicality and concreteness; the Dormi secure ("sleep in safety") of Johann von Werden (c. 1450); the Hortulus regim� of the beloved Meffreth of Meissen, all which passed through many editions. The sermons of Jakob Juterbock (d. 1465) reveal the vanishing of the hope for a general reformation of the Church. The sermons of Nicholas of Cusa (q.v.) are humanistic, logical, rhetorical, and rational; Gabriel Biel (q.v.) was diligent and keen, but had a clumsy, detailed style. A type of the preacher of indulgences is found in Johann Jenser von Paltz (q.v.), whose Himmliche Fundgrube includes a number of sermons published in response to the desires of several princes. He published also a Latin collection, C�lifodina, and in 1502 a Supplementum C�lifodince as a pattern for indulgence sermons. The Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar (c. 1500) shows how to dissect a text into its minutest parts in his Sermones pomarii de tempore et sanctis. Ulrich Krafft of Ulm (d. 1516) was instructive, earnest, thorough, and popular; Johann Meder of Basel (1494) used extensively the dialogue; Johann Trithemius (q.v.) was simple, practical, and Biblical in his Sermones et exhortationes ad monachos; Johannes Hegelin de Lapide was an earnest wisher of reform in the Church; Silvester Prierias (q.v.) exhibited a lingering scholasticism in his Rosa aurea (1503). Danish preachers were Martin Petri (d. 1515) and Christiern Pedersen; in Spain there was Vincent Ferrar (q.v-), the Franciscan Bernhardin of Sienna with his Sermones de evangelio �terno, Giovanni di Capistrano (see CAPISTRANO GIOVANNI DI); in Italy there were Leonhard of Utino (d. 1400), Bernhardin of Busti (d. after 1500), and Roberto Caracciolo, who was celebrated as a second Paul. In Germany the decline of preaching showed' itself in the serene Augustinian Gottschalk Hollen in 0snabrilck (d. after 1481). In France the Minorite Olivier Maillard exhibited the declension in style which included the profane and the burlesque as characteristics, while his fellow Minorite Michel Menot presents what partakes of the comic and laughable. The sermons of the period contain much that is foreign to Christian edification, and indicate a demand for the renewing of Christian life.

III. The Continental Pulpit in Modern Times

1. The Period of the Reformation:

1. The Controlling Factors.

The age of the Reformation marks a new stage in the history of preaching. The central truths of salvation being drawn anew from Scripture, the sermon engendered a new Church with a service the central point of which was the sermon, and this was again the means of a new activity in pulpit oratory. Yet this new development was confined almost entirely to the Protestant Church. In this period various streams of ecclesiastical life make their contribution to the river of sermons. The age of the Reformation forms the first period in this new age, the sermon developing in the Lutheran and then in the Reformed Church; the period of Spener and the coming of Pietism marked a new stage. A second period is noted by the sermon of Protestant orthodoxy, in Germany especially by polemic and confessional dogmatism. There is to be considered the Roman Catholic preaching of the period from the beginning of the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century, especially the brilliant French product. Pietism, orthodoxy, and supernaturalism fought with rationalism on this ground during the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth century. The nineteenth century makes in itself a period of note. The new start of pulpit oratory took its rise in the deep thirst of the soul for a certainty in the experience of grace and of righteousness. There was a general demand for the bettering of ecclesiastical conditions, but leaders of impressive personality were needed to bring about the change, men who drew inspiration from the Scriptures and from their own experience of salvation. When these came forward, the Reformation could owe its success largely to preaching. The keynote of this was the Bible, by which the Reformers satisfied the longing of their own hearts, and its message of salvation in Christ. The preachers broke through the scholastic method and returned to the Biblical homily. The protest against Rome led to a development of the vernacular as against the Latin ecclesiastical tongue, and this played a great part in the unfolding of the sermon. From the work of Luther's Bible the vernacular sprang from the position of a dialect to that of a great speech, and became indeed the speech of the Protestants. The new constitution and basis of the clergy had also its effect, combined with the new order of service, which was no more prevailingly liturgical, while the sermon became indispensable.

2. Luther

Luther probably preached to the monks in the Erfurt period before 1508, and by 1509 he had preached in the monastery churches at Wittenberg and at Erfurt. After 1514 he assumed also the duty of preaching in the Wittenberg parish church; about 1517 he was preaching twice a day regularly on Sundays and feast days; after 1522 he preached to the monks early and afterward in the parish church, and after Bugenhagen became city pastor in 1523, Luther often took his place. There are extant Latin sermons going back to 1515 or perhaps 1514; a series of sermons in Latin dating from 1514-17, preached in the parish church, the former and some of the latter still scholastic in type, though the public sermons are practical. His sermons of 1516-17 on the Commandments are in his "Latin Remains"; those on the Lord's Prayer (1517) he worked over and published in 1519. Steady progress toward practicality is discernible as the time goes on. After 1516 he shows the influence of Mysticism, which came to mean much for him, and grace and faith are already signifimnt for him. In 1521 appeared at the direction of the elector the first part of a collection; and the same year he wrote at the Wartburg a series in German on the pericopes, and these with the first part just mentioned, worked over (1522), make the first beginning of German collections, intended for the use of preachers as yet unfitted or inexperienced. Their form is simple, and the aim is to bring out the truth of the Word. From 1522 till 1543 there appeared, either issued by himself or by others (Aurifaber, Andreas Poach, and others), various collections on different subjects and preached on different occasions. The sermons of 1528 on the Catechism formed the basis for the Deutsche Katechismus which appeared April, 1529, which served as a pattern for catechetical preaching. His sermons on the Sermon on the Mount appeared 1532. From his sermons at home in the bosom of his family was made up the so-called Hauspostille, in which polemics retreats and simple practical exposition controls. The Weimar edition of his works reproduces many other of Luther's sermons than those here noted.

3. His Sermons Characterized.

Surely if the preaching of any Reformer deserves the title of heroic, Luther's does, being the work of a man who was an orator by nature. As in ordinary life so in the pulpit he was unshakably convinced of the verity and righteousness of his cause, while his talents, tempered in the fire of God's word, enabled him to be a fearless path-breaker in his preaching. He had a firm faith in the Gospel which makes free, a hold upon his own certainty of salvation and joy in testifying to it, aptness in reaching the popular heart, an eye open to the facts of life, command of dialectic and oratorical means, and a union of life and doctrine which made an array of force not equalled since apostolic times. He dealt little with history, much with doctrine. In his exposition he freed himself gradually from the use of allegory, choosing the literal sense. Withal, he gave an ethical turn to his preaching, having in mind not the learned but the common people. The form of his sermons is simple, and they contained ever a fundamental and governing ground thought. For decades his spirit ruled the German pulpit, his preaching furnishing the model for that of many others. His published sermons served also for the private edification of many who were not reached through the pulpit. Not less valuable were the catechetical sermons, while the sermons to children served especially a need of the times. Yet Luther's method did not become the only one in use. A middle path was struck out between Luther's homily and the thematic sermon. Preachers selected in their discussion of the pericopes a single main thought and discussed the context seriatim, while orderly structure was rare. Scripture as such was central in the Protestant pulpit.

4. Other Lutheran Reformers.

After Luther preachers to be named are Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Bugenhagen (qq.v.), whose Indices in evangelicas dominacas was a handbook for inexperienced preachers; his cachetical sermons of 1525 and 1535 were first published in Leipsic in 1909, being edited, with introduction by G. Bucwald; note further Veit Dietrich (q.v.), mild, Simple, clear, warm, and unpolemical, Urbanus Rhegius (q.v.), whose sermons were long, carefully composed, restful, clear in dogmatics, and forceful. Wenceslaus Linck is to be named; so Kaspar Aquila (q.v.), a mighty opponent of the pope; while Johan Spangenberg (d. 1550) had a childlike spirit, full of ripe Evangelical experience. Johann Brenz (q.v.) was one of those who preached whole books through, delivering also many short sermons with theme and subdivisions; Erhard Schnepf (d. 1558) was celebrated for a native eloquence; Anton Corvinus (q.v.) preached briefly on the Gospel and epistle for the day; Michael C�lius (d. 1559) was remarkable for clear arrangement; Andreas Osiander (q.v.) was doctrinal, warm, edifying, and not excessively polemic; Sebastian Froschel (q.v.) left some catechetical sermons; Nikolaus Amsdorf (q.v.) left some exceedingly polemic yet much admired pulpit addresses; Georg Major (q.v.) in his long but well articulated sermons showed no polemic bitterness, but a marked clarity and mildness. Johann Mathesius (q.v.) was uncommonly fruitful in his pulpit work and Erasmus Sarcerius (d. 1559) issued a number of collections which were noted . for their catechetical value as well as for their exposition of the Lutheran doctrine. Joachim Moerlin (q.v.) left sermons on the Psalms and another collection; he was somewhat marked for polemical ability. Belonging to the Lutheran pulpit was Hans Tausen (d. 1561 as bishop of Ripen), who left a noteworthy collection which, while less polemic than Luther's sermons, yet smacks of the controversy over the Lords Supper and Peter Palladius, bishop of Zealand (d. 1560), was a celebrated preacher in the vernacular of his country. From Sweden (see SWEDEN, REFORMATION IN) are to be noted Olaf and Lars Petri, whose style was that of the simple homily, M. Elof, and A. A. Angermanus, who was the champion of the Protestants against the Roman Catholic movement under John III. Hungary produced the noted M�ty�s Bir� D�vay (q.v.), and Austria, Primus Truber (q.v.) and the later Hans Steinberger (c. 1580).

5. Zwingli and the Early Reformed Preachers.

As preachers neither Zwingli nor Calvin was so significant for the Reformed Church as was Luther for the Lutheran. Zwingli (q.v.) began as early as 1516 in Einsiedeln to explain the mass Biblically. His celebrated sermons against Mariolatry and the like date from 1523. In Zurich he preached from 1519 series of sermons on the New Testament and expounded the Psalms for the country people. Evangelical teaching concerning Christ and his salvation, attempts at a bettering of the ethical conditions, uncovering of the causes of national demoralization, the duty of protecting the confederation, and the social needs of the times were treated by him. His preaching was marked by great clearness, and he took seriously his office as a preacher. While he lacked the mystical depth, the creative imagination, the geniality of discussion and control of language shown by Luther, he was endowed with a power of testifying to the truth and of popular exposition with a unity of thought by no means inferior to the German leader's. He set himself free from the traditional use of the pericopea as the basin for his preaching, and the preachers of Switzerland and of Upper Germany followed him. There is a fundamental difference a between the preaching of the Reformed and the Lutheran Churches; the former took to expounding whole books of the Bible, and there was leas distinction made between the Old and the New Testament; in the Lutheran Church use was prevailingly made of the pericopes, and only secondarily was exposition of whole books given. The Lutheran a Church was more conservative in the observance of church festivals, through which the church year ran its round. Belonging to this school are Kaspar Megander, Heinrich Bullinger (qq.v.), Louis Lavater of Zurich (d. 1586), who handled well the Old Testament, Rudolf Gualther (d. 1586), pastor in Zurich, who also preached on the Old Testament, and Johann Wolf (d. 1571), pastor and professor in Zurich. �colampadiua and Calvin encouraged by their habit preaching on entire books of Scripture. Thus Calvin dealt with I Samuel, Job, the twelve Minor Prophets, and with detached chapters, while over 2,000 sermons, mostly unprinted, show his extreme diligence. He appealed rather to the cultivated than to the masses. His method was exegetical, topological (not allegorical), doctrinal, somewhat lengthy, and without reference to the church year. The reformatory activity of Guillaume Farel (q.v.) was much helped by his preaching, though none of his sermons are extant. Theodore Beza (q.v.) is not particularly noted for his pulpit oratory, but his sermons were directed during his public life in Geneva to efficient purpose. Still to be mentioned are Berthold Haller, Martin Butzer, and Wolfgang Capito (qq,v,). Of significance as a preacher is Ambrosius Blaurer (q.v.), whose earlier sermons were richly allegorical, while those of a later period were illustrated from practical life; they are, however, simple, earnest, and deeply religious. His contemporary in Constants, Jean Zwick (q.v.), was a keen but kindly preacher. Of the sermons of Johannes a Lasco (q.v.) no examples have come down. In the Netherlands worked Petrus Dathenus (q.v.); Herman Modet of Oudenard, who after 1566 spoke to many thousands in the intrenched camps near Ghent; and Huib. Duifhuis of Utrecht (d. 1575). In France there was the Minorite Frangois Lambert (q.v.), whose sermons on repentance had a Scriptural foundation, and Augustin Marlorat du Pasquier, an exegetical preacher. For Italy it is sufficient to cite the names and refer to the articles on Ochino, Paleario, Valdez, Vergerio, and Vermigli. Spain produced Juan de Avila (q.v.).

6. Then Roman Catholic Pulpit.

The preaching of the Roman Catholic Church of the sixteenth century was ruled by the spirit of polemic against the Reformation, so that the declamation against heresy was its prevailing motif. Yet the homiletic activity of Protestantism drove the Roman Catholic Church to renewed activity, as is shown by the pronouncement at the Council of Trent, session V., chap. 2. Without significance were the exposition of the Gospels (1532) by Johann Eck (q.v.) and the Postilla Catholica of Martin Eisengrein (1576); more important were the German collections, homilies on the festivals, and repentance-sermons of the Dominican Johann Wild of Mainz (d. 1554). Georg Wicel (q.v.) holds a middle position between the two. Stanislaus Hosius (q.v.) is also to be named here, while among the prelates at Trent is Bishop Musso of Vitonto. Carlo Borromeo (q.v.) was himself a diligent preacher, and he worked for a better effect from the preaching of his clergy through his own pastoral and homiletical instructions. One of the last stars in the Spanish firmament was Luis of Granada (d. 1588), lively, even fiery, and full of psychological strength. In France the extremities of hatred of heresy found expression during the Huguenot wars. Particular instances of preachers here are Bishop Vigor of Narbonne, Edmund Angier, Jean Boucher, Aubry, Rose, and others. The rise of new orders in the Roman Catholic Church had its effect upon that church's preaching. Among these may be named the Theatines and the Capuchins (qq.v.), whose work was directed to pastoral ends as well as against the Reformation. But still more influential than these were the Jesuits, whose purpose was the spread of Catholicism throughout the earth, largely through the means of the sermon. Noteworthy here is the name of Cardinal Bellarmine (q.v.).

2. Protestant Orthodox Pulpit.1580-1700:

1. The New Scholasticism.

This was of a confessional character. In place of the fresh and spirited witness-bearing of the Reformation, an insipid dogmatism, combined with a harsh polemic engendered by the controversies of the times, characterized the sermon. A new scholasticism arose, which increasingly infected the sermon as the seventeenth century advanced. The simple analytical style disappeared; in its place came the method which developed a number of loci, " heads," which were then unfolded. Preaching attached itself rather to Melanchthon than to Luther, it took the way of formal rhetorical development, and so the freedom of movement gained in the Reformation was lost. Textual consideration was given, the aim was to make the sermon a unit; the method of development was not always that of rhetorical norms--of exordium, development, application, and peroration-yet some such arrangement as this, with permutations of placing of the different parts, governed the machinery or framework, while a scheme for the sermon was thoroughly worked out on scholastic lines. Especially favored was the fivefold division, so that the sermon was regarded as imperfect which did not treat its matter in this way. Modifications of the scheme of the sermon came to have names of their own-the Leipsic method, the Jena method, the Helmstedt method, etc., according to the place where special types of treatment were in vogue. Alongside of this formalism, great influence upon the sermon was exerted by the restraint imposed by the use of the pericopes as the basis of preaching. The way this worked out is illustrated by the case of the elder Carpzov (q.v.), who in a ministry of fifty years had to preach from the same text fifty times. There was a difference between the preaching in town and in country, though most of the examples which have survived are from the town. Upon the country pastors was urged the duty of simple paraphrastic exposition. The degeneration of the sermon shows itself at the end of the seventeenth century in the work of such men as Christian Weise of Zittau (d. 1708) and Christian Weidling (d. 1731), who developed the " emblematic " sermon and were followed by many preachers who carried the style to extremes. Thus a preacher in 1642 used Ps. exxxiv. 2, with the theme "The spiritual thankful hand," and described (1) the little ear-finger which keeps our ears clean; (2) the gold finger of faith; (3) the middle finger of many virtues; (4) the index-finger of John the Baptist; and (5) the strong thumb of sure confidence. The younger Carpzov preached for a year upon Christ as a workman; thus upon the basis of Matt. vi. 25 he dealt with Christ as the best clothmaker, and so on. Still this rage for the emblematic sermon was not universal, and a fine series of practical and edifying discourses were delivered in this period. Besides the pericopes, which were usual as texts in the sixteenth century and obligatory in the seventeenth, the catechism, here and there a confessional writing, hymns and proverbs were used as the basis of the sermon. The length of the discourse increased from three-quarters of an hour to two hours, funeral sermons were still longer in proportion to the dignity of the deceased. In most communities there were three discourses on Sunday, and sermons on the feast and fast days.

2. Style and Content of the Sermon.

A general characteristic of this period was a polemic confessional dogmatism. "Pure doctrine" was a catchword of the times, which was sought by discourses in dry scholastic form with theological learning and vexatious disputations, while Evangelical sustenance of the spirit was not furnished. Among the. names of this period are Tilemann Hesshusen (q.v.), Andreas Pancratius (d. 1576; noted for his dialectic and closely woven reasoning), Jakob Andrea (q.v.) and Nikolaus Selnecker (q.v.), a fellow worker in the field of confessional construction. Polemical in type are the sermons of Artomades in K�nigsberg and Johann Pr�torius (who preached on the three-headed Antichrist-pope, Turk, and Calvinist). Lukas Osiander (q.v.) was one of the most passionate polemists of the period. The two Preachers named Johann Benedikt Carpzov (q.v.) were scholastic in type; Philipp Nicolai (q.v.) was reserved in polemics and better known for his hymns. Deserving of mention are Hoe von H�enegg and Konrad Dannhauer (qq.v.), were Hermann Samson of Riga, who could not pass over a point of controversy, yet built up excellent illustrations and comparisons. Alongside of this dry scholastic method there was found a practical, edifying preaching with a mystical coloring; besides the merely intellectual, the polemically keen and the didactical-dogmatic there was a living, warm, and popular style of discourse, taking thought for the religious and ethical needs of life. Orthodoxy had, however, so strong a hold on the times that sermons were written, e.g., upon the greetings, the titles and signatures of the epistles. How minute were the details noticed may be seen by the fact that G. Strigenitz (d. 1603) preached in Meissen 122 sermons on the Book of Jonah! Examples of the better style of preachers are Johann Gigas in Freystadt (d. 1581), Johann Habermann (q.v.), Hieronymus Mencel in Eisleben (d. 1690), Martin Mirus, court preacher in Dresden (d. 1593), �gidius Hunnius (q.v.), Jacob Heerbrand and Martin Chemnitz (qq.v), the eloquent Georg Mylius of Wittenberg, his colleague Polykarp Leyser (q.v.), a foe of all affectation, practical and fearless in application of the truth. Zealous for the coming of the kingdom of Christ was the diligent Stephan Pratorius of Salzwedel (q.v.). Worthy of notice is the practical and Biblically based work of Lukas Osiander (q.v.; d. 1604), whose products were illumined by touches of humor. His Bauzrnpostille (1597 sqq.) is well known, in which he insisted that for the poor peasantry citations and disputations should be omitted, for whom short sermons were the more suitable.

3. Individual Names.

Out of the sorrowful period of the Thirty Years' War, with its desolation of schools and universities, and the consequent lowering of educational tone, comes Johann Arndt (q.v.), with whom may be named the earnest and practical preachers of Danzig, Dilger (d. 1645), Blanck (d. 1637), and Rathmann (d. 1628); the earnest and strong Paul Egard of Nottorp in Holstein (c. 1620) preached without learned ostentation. Comparable to Arndt in spirituality and depth of feeling is Valerius Herberger (q.v.), while Johann Matthaus Meyfart (q.v.) opposed scholastic and errant Christianity and was particularly Biblical in his preaching. Akin in spirit to Arndt was Martin Geier of Leipsic (d. 1680). Seldom mentioned yet worthy of notice is the practical, learned, and Biblical Konrad Dieterich of Ulm (d. 1639), who left several volumes of sermons remarkable for learning, sound conclusions, fresh illustrations, and irenic spirit. Less significant was the Wittenberg Professor Balthazar Meisner (q.v.). Johann Heermann (q.v.) preached the splendor of the Gospel with lively effect and soul-saving earnestness, leaving several volumes of discourses, especially worthy of mention among which is his Nuptialia (Nuremberg, 1657). Johann Gerhard (q.v.) is not to be passed by. Among faithful shepherds of their flocks must be named Justus Gesenius (q.v.), whose sermons on the Gospels and epistles are thorough; but as a preacher he was excelled by Johann Valentin Andrea, (q.v.), who promoted a deeper comprehension of Scripture. A preacher full of wit and humor was Johann Balthasar Schuppius (q.v.), original, spiritual, fresh, satirical but earnest. Free from all false rhetoric was Joachim L�tkemann (q.v.), whose sermons treat of the Gospels and epistles. Worthy also was Heinrich M�ller (q.v.), as was Christian Scriver. The great exegete of the seventeenth century, Sebastian Schmidt (d. 1696) left over 100 sermons on Biblical and confessional topics. Others who displayed somewhat of the spirit of Arndt were: Johann Lassenius of Bernstadt and Copenhagen (d. 1692), who left numerous volumes of sermons which display Biblical learning and concise thoughtfulness; L�tkens of Cologne-on-the-Spree (d. 1712), who helped transplant the spirit of Spener into Scandinavia; the Scriptural and practiced H�berlin of Stuttgart (d. 1699), and the learned Caspar Neumann (q.v.), whose sermons were exegetical. Dilherr of Nuremberg, who was both a poet and an educator, left two volumes of sermons; Arnold Mengering (d. in Halle 1646) was a preacher of repentance; Joachim Schroder of Rostock (d. 1677) was especially severe against the 'ices of the times; Gottlob Cober (d. 1717) was the author of widely celebrated and circulated volumes of discourses. Eccentric in type were Jobst Sackmann (d. 1718), humorous, naive, yet true to life in his delineations, and the South German preacher Sp�rrer of Rechenberg (c. 1720). Heterodox in style was Valentin Weigel of Zachopau (d. 1588), preaching an intellectualism and a mystical spiritualism in opposition to the scholastic dogmatism of the period. In Denmark Niels Hemmingsen (q.v.) was noted for the finished style of his discourse, while Jesper Rasmussen Broekmand (q.v.), whose Sabbati sanctzfecatio went through fourteen editions, was Scriptural and thorough; Dinesin Jersin (d. 1634) was a fore runner of Pietism and one of the moat influential preachers of Denmark. In Sweden the pulpit lagged a full generation behind Germany. From about 1600 the Christian faith was handled as sheer knowledge, though orthodoxism was not so much in the foreground as in Germany. Prominent and strong in the exposition of Christian verities were Bishop Rudbeck in Westerns (d. 1646), and J. Botvidi, court preacher to Gustavus Adolphus II. J. Matthia (d. 1670) appealed more to the emotions; J. E. Terser, bishop of hinkiiping (d. 1678), was a representative of syncretism. Johannes Gezelius the elder (q.v.), the eloquent Archbishop Hagain Spegel (end of the seventeenth century), and Jesper Svedberg (d. 1735) were among the greatest preach ers of Sweden uniting warmth of faith, clarity, and oratorical brilliance with artistic construction.

4. The Reformed Pulpit.

In the Reformed Church the sermon presented much the same features as in the Lutheran, working along emblematic and allegorical lines, though the tendency was toward a simpler style with less adornment perhaps due to the influence of Andreas Hyperius (q.v.). A good representative of the German Reformed preachers is Abraham Scultetus (q.v.), and others are Johann Muller, Felix Wyss of Zurich (d. 1666), Bernhard Meier of Bremen (d. 1681), and Samuel Eyen of Bern (d.1700). Friedrich Adam Lampe (q.v.) led the Cocceian Biblical practical reaction against scholastic orthodoxy. Here is to be mentioned also Johannes Amos Comenius (q.v.), the most significant preacher of the Bohemian Brethren, whose discourses were characterized by quiet exposition, thoroughgoing exegesis of prophecy and fulfilment, and careful arrangement and articulation. In the Reformed Church outside Germany arose a real eloquence, responding more quickly to national conditions. This was especially the case in France, where the political conditions were favorable. The polemic was principally anti-Roman. The more forward condition of the national tongue made easy the productions of pulpit orators after classical models. A stimulus was found in the French literature of the period before and under Louis XIV. and in the brilliant oratory of the Roman Catholic Church. Pierre Du Moulin (q.v.), the most popular Protestant preacher of France, showed less of the oratorical than of a simplicity of illustration, thought, and direction expressed in frank, emphatic, terse, and lively language. Michel de Faucheur of Montpellier and Paris used little of art in his work, which was essentially exegetical and anti-Roman. Molse Amyraut (q.v.) displayed a native oratorical talent, but was dogmatic in tone and synthetic in construction. Rather didactic in type were Jean Daille (q.v.), who left twenty volumes of sermons, and Samuel Bochart (q.v.). While thus far the analytic and polemic had prevailed, the synthetic style began with Jean Claude (q.v.). But' with the revocation of the Edict of Nantes began an exodus of the best French preachers. Claude, whose eloquence in controversy made even a Bossuet tremble for his hearers, by the firmness of his character, his manly earnestness, his majestic calm, his precision, and clarity earned the position of one of the foremost preachers of his time. Such preachers as Ancillon, Abbadie, Lenfant, and Beausobre (qq.v.) were surpassed by Daniel de Superville of Rotterdam (d. 1728), who in lovable disposition, speculative might, and philosophical endowment surpassed his predecessors. Jacques Saurin (q.v.) attained the high point of French Reformed preaching for the eighteenth century; of less significance were Jacob Basnage (q.v.) and Henri Chatelain (d. 1743). In Holland the pulpits echoed with the dogmatic wrangling of Remonstrants (q.v.) and Counterremonstrants. The school of Gysbert Voetius was influenced by scholasticism and the analytical method, devoted to the justification of dogma. For a year the whole church of Holland was moved by a sermon of Conrad Vorst (q.v.) on long hair (I Cor. xi. 14), and Smijtegeld (d. 1739) preached 145 sermons on the bruised reed." Of a better class were Hellenbroek of Rotterdam (d.1731) and the more practical W. a Brakel (d. 1711). When the homiletic practise through the Cocceian school broke away from its scholastic bonds, the prophetic-typical style entered, though remaining drily philological. But gradually life invigorated the dead orthodoxy of the pulpit in the discourses of David Flud van Giffen (d. 1701), Jan d'Outrein (d. in Amsterdam 1722), and H. Groenewegen. Antischolastic preaching was heard from J. Uytenbogaert (q.v.) of the Remonstrants, and Philip van Limborch (q.v.) of the Arminians.

5. The Roman Catholic Pulpit.

Apart from the brilliant flight of Roman Catholic pulpit oratory in France, mission preaching and compact addresses to the peasantry ruled inside that Church. In Italy in the seventeenth century in the missions of Jesuits and other orders, sermons on penitence and confession were the order of the day. The Jesuit Paolo Segneri (q.v.) traversed Italy for twenty years preaching, and with him should be named his nephew of the same name (d. 1713). A continuator of the homely discourse to the peasantry was the Augustinian Andr� of France (d. 1675); a preacher of note was the Augustinian Abraham a Sancta Clara (q.v.). The direct opposite of this folk-sermon was exhibited in the discourse of the brilliantly oratorical pulpit of France in the period of Louis XIV., the basis of which was less in the church itself than in the circumstances of the times and in the general literature of the nation; the pulpit strove for a revival of the eloquence of the early Church. The result was an oratory only for the cultured, to the embellishment of which the graces of rhetoric were skilfully lent. The substance dealt with morality, the fear of God, inculcation of virtues, meditation upon death and its meaning, lessons from history and life. And the results came, with just pride in their finished form, to be included in the classical literature of the nation, and to be regarded as models of style to be employed in the Church both in France and elsewhere. A pathbreaker was the general of the Oratorians, J. F. S�nault (d. 1670); the brightest star in this constellation was Jacques B�nigne Bossuet (q.v.), whose eloquence flamed; his flow of thought was full and genial, and his imagination creative. Of special celebrity were his funeral sermons, and not a few of these belong to the masterpieces of French style. Among these may be mentioned his oration over Henriette Marie, that at the death of the duke of Orl�ans, and that over the bier of the Prince of Cond�, from which cultured Frenchmen make quotations as from classics. One of the faults which somewhat repels, however, is the flattery directed to court circles; unworthy of the house of God are the epithets constantly applied to the king, and the unfortunate impression made is sometimes that of a man-serving courtier. But even more than was accomplished by Bossuet for the uplift of the French pulpit came about through Louis Bourdaloue (q.v.), especially by his passion sermons and those with the title Dei virtutem. After him is to be named Esprit Fl�chier (q.v.), whose sermon on Turenne is his masterpiece, on whom J. Mascaron of Versailles (d. 1703) also delivered a celebrated discourse. Another star in this constellation was the Oratorian Jean Baptist Massillon (q.v.), among whose celebrated sermons are that on the Prodigal Son, that on Matt. v. 3 sqq., on Luke iv. 27, that on the deity of Christ�a model dogmatic sermon-the ten little sermons of 1718 which were intended as exhortations for the young king, which were so marked by terseness yet grace of diction that they were regarded as patterns. Massillon is distinguished for high ethical earnestness, remarkable frankness, and a sympathetic tone, and the totality of excellent qualities found in his work gained for him the title of "the Racine of the pulpit." Fenelon (q.v.) is sharply distinguished from the brilliant Bossuet by the fact that his discourses owe their strength to the element of prayerfulness, meditation on the divine, instructive spirituality, and use of Christian experience. With Massillon closed the classic period of the French pulpit. The Jesuit Segaud (d. 1748), Paulle, and especially the miasioner J. Bridaine (d. 1767) are representatives of the post-classical period.

8. Transformation of the Protestant Pulpit,

1. Pietism

1700-1810. The next period shows the battle of Pietism and ecclesiastical orthodoxy, of supernaturalism and the Enlightenment (q.v.). With Spener began a pulpit service which had a practical aim of upbuilding upon the basis of faith and a consecrated life. The means was a faithful and diligent exposition of Scripture. Mechanical confessions of salvation in Christ alone became experienced salvation, external ecclesiasticism became a living attachment to the true body of Christ. The form of the sermon became simpler, the structure more distinct, the expression plainer. The development was gradual, the movements in theology having their influence as the relations of Pietism and orthodoxy changed, and as the new philosophy and the Enlightenment and supernaturalism contributed to the unfoldings of the period.

2. Spener and His Followers.

Philipp Jakob Spener (see PIETISM, I.) gave in his Pia desideria, chap. vi., and in his Theologische Bedenken, vols. iii.-iv., worthful hints for the reform of the sermon. The discourse was to have as its aim the renewing of man by faith and the production of the fruits thereof in life. Yet Spener accomplished more through his personlity than by the too learned and dry method of his preaching. Spener sought with painstaking endeavor to exhaust the dogmatic and ethical content of the text by an exact and extended exegesis. His discourses were often lacking in unity, the cause being a sort of prelude to the sermon used in order to attain comprehensiveness. Yet by his clear reference to Scripture, his simple and practical-fruitful application, and by the employment of ethical themes and a strongly ethical trend of the dogmatic material he drew crowds to his church and became the introducer of a strong stimulus for the Lutheran Church and its pulpit. His principal collections are those upon the Gospels for the year 1688, Evangelische Lebensplicht�n (1693), Evangelischer Glaubenstrost (1694), sixty-six sermons on the article dealing with regeneration (1695), and a considerable number of volumes on various subjects and occasions. The Halle school of preaching soon gained great celebrity and preeminence. Its characteristic was a greater simplicity in form, while the application was a matter of more concern than the development of doctrine. August Hermann Francke (q.v.), who left several volumes of discourses, showed a simpler structure than Spener, followed the course of the text rather than a theme, though his handling of the material was somewhat mechanical, and the treatment verbose. In content his sermons were practical, and what he produced was individual in character, free in its method, and essentially quick in substance. Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen (q.v.) employed, as did Spener, a prelude, and his theme and division are inartistic. Joachim Justus Breithaupt (q.v.) was leas influential as a preacher than as an instructor and furtherer of the new tendency in learning. Joachim Lange (q.v.) was more a teacher of homiletic theology than a preacher. Gottfried Arnold (q.v.) took high rank by his pulpit work. The Goths superintendent, Georg Nitsch (d. 1729), was a man of great freshness of spirit, exact knowledge of Scripture, possessed of humor, able to appeal to the popular sax, keen in his denunciation of sin, and sturdy in his appeals for the realization of the Christian virtues in life.

3. Various Schools.

The later Halle school failed in that it too frequently spoke over the heads of the congregation in its effort for the didactic and the intellectual; it stressed emotion, producing warmth rather than light. The great teacher and exegete of this school was Johann Jakob Rambash (q.v.), a man of fine grain and irenic spirit, whose Princepta Homiletica aimed at a simpler, more lucid and natural, practical yet texttrue development of theme and exposition in the year's round of sermons. He united intelligible clarity with Christian heartiness and warmth, a poetic and lively imagination with a strong depth of thought. He used a short introduction, simple arrangement based on the text; logical order, a clear and living development on the basis of the best of North German Pietism. Nevertheless he exhibited that schematic stiffness in the arrangement of his sermons which was a heritage from the seventeenth century, as well as a wearying uniformity, which grew out of pietistic leanings, in the practical application of his sermons to converted and unconverted (new matter is to be found concerning him in M. Schian's J. J. Rambsch sls Prediger and Predigtheoretiker, in Beitr�ge zur hessischen Kirchengeschichte, vol. iv., Darmstadt, 1909). Among his lYnitators are Johann Philipp Fresenius (q.v.), Johann F. Starck (d. 1758), author of a Hausgebelsbuch (new ed. by Heim, 1845), and Abbot Steinmetz of Bergen (d. 1762). Wurttemberg produced a series of preachers who developed a fresh, healthy, and many-sided method which has lasted till the present. The characteristics of this school are a firm, realistic, in part mystic Bible faith, with a broad conception of the organism of revelation, real churchmanship, a free and scientific development, and unconstrained construction of the doctrinal basis, especially on the eschatological side. The forerunners were Heinrich Haberlin, named above, Johann Andreas and Johann Friedrich Hochstetter (both d. 1720), Johann Reinhard Hedinger (q.v.), and the best preacher of them all, Georg Konrad Rieger (q.v.). Johann Albrecht Bengel (q.v.) is less famous as a preacher than as an exegete, though his sermons show a classical repose and penetration, and a method of exposition almost catechetical in type. Friedrich Christian Oetinger (q.v.) by his singular mystic-speculative art won a special place in the history of preaching. Now he interwove great thoughts in apothegmatic method, again he dealt with daily life in naive yet popular fashion, once more soared high above the mental range of his hearers, or, again, he spoke from a lower level of thought and conception. His sermons were collected by K. C. E. Ehmann (5 vols., Reutlingen, 1852-57). The speculative branch of the school of Bengel was represented further by Philipp Matthaeus Hahn (q.v.) and J. L. Fricker of Dettingen (d. 1766). The practical branch is naturally represented by a series of preachers Biblical-Evangelical in type rather than specifically Pietistic. Among them may be named Friedrich Christoph Steinhofer and the less known Immanuel Gottlob Brastberger (qq.v.). A special gift of originality was possessed by Philipp David Burk of Kirchheim (d. 1770), in whose Sammlungen zur Pastoraltheologie (new ed. by Oehler, Stuttgart, 1867) are found excellent counsels on homiletic subjects. Similarly, Christian Samuel Ulber of Hamburg (d. 1776) left a rich material in his Erbauliche Denkzetteln (new ed., Kiel, 1847). Karl Heinrich Rieger, son of the Georg Konrad Rieger already named, surpassed his father in his appreciation of the essential points of the Gospel. In this company belong the noted exegete, apologete, and author Magnus Friedrich Roos, Jeremias Friedrich Reuss of T�bingen, and the exceedingly original pedagog Johann Friedrich Flattich (qq.v.). From the Reformed Church should be reckoned here the pious mystic and poet Gerhard Tersteegen (q.v.).

4. The Moravian Pulpit.

A sort of acme of the Halle method, though not without elements of disagreement, was achieved by the preaching of the Moravian Brethren. There were certain ideas which received such emphasis in the pulpit of the latter that other points of the Christian faith were, so to speak, lost to view. Some of these ideas were faith in the merits of Christ and his atoning blood, a childlike trust in the grace of the Lord, an assurance of confidence in the wounds of the Lamb, and the consciousness of possession of the Savior and his bride-like love. With this went a disregard of arrangement, a too frequent use of certain catchwords, together with appeals to the emotions. The founder, Count von Zinzendorf (q.v.), was the most significant and original of their pulpit orators, as well as one of the most dilligent. He had many of the qualities of a great speaker-an intense passion for Christ, an excellent education, geniality, lively emotions, rich imagination and flow of thought, and great strength of language. His discourses were largely expressions of the affections which stirred his soul, and his constant endeavor was to exalt Christ. He was especially eloquent at ordination and consecration services, in which he often carried his congregation into heights of emotion. It is fortunate that the first extravagant period of the Herrnhut community (1743-50), with its creations of religious fantasy and its insipid and effeminate trifling, was only an episode in the history of the church, with no lasting effects. Bishop August Gottlieb Spangenburg (q.v.) was an example of the clear, sober, and worthy sermonizer. One needs only to mention such names as Bartholomew Ziegenbalg, Benjamin Schultze, Christian Friedrich Schwarz, David Zeisberger, Hans Egede, and Thomas von Westen (qq.v.).

Exponents of ecclesiastical orthodoxy made their appearance especially in Saxony, where the battle with Pietism was especially sharp, and among the number were such pious and practical preachers as Johannes and Gottfried Olearius (qq.v.). Among their opponents were Johann Friedrich Mayer, Samuel Schelwig, Johannes Fecht, and Valentin Ernst Loscher (qq.v.). These diligent and gladly heard men, to whom the work of the pulpit was not a first concern, were not from the old scholasticism. Learned investigations, allegories, mystical comparisons, broke into the instructive formation, though there were present warmth and inspiration. Polemics against the court, which had become Roman Catholic, was a part of the substance. The sermons of Johann August Ernesti were full of conception and illumined by Biblical orientalism, as well as packed with thought. From South Germany mention should be made of the military chaplain Johann Friedrich Flattich, a polemist, fresh and able, against atheism and free thinking. From the Reformed Church in Germany may be named the Berlin court preacher Daniel Ernst Jablonski (q.v.), the Zurich president Johann Jakob Ulrich, and Daniel Stapfer of Bern (q.v.).

4. Reform of the German Pulpit and the Preaching of Rationalism:

1. The Conflicting Influences

In consequence of the influence of the stimulus from England and from France the Germans after Mosheim began to lay new emphasis upon pleasing form. As the Enlightenment (q.v.). made way, the striving became great to use logical arrangement and method in the pulpit. But the influence of the Enlightenment covered also the content. Dogmatic propositions, not consonant with "rational" thinking, fell into the background, and the truths of rational verities were put in the front. While the Enlightenment at first combated the ruling supernaturalism (to about 1775), there followed a period when rationalism was in the ascendency (to c. 1810), when a period of emphasis upon Evangelical truths was reached in a reaction partly esthetic and partly Biblical-Evangelical. The period of ruling supernaturalism and germinating rationalism (1740-80) reveals as the starting-point of a better pulpit style Mosheim's translation of selected sermons of Tillotson in 1728. Frederick the Great read to his soldiers his own renderings of the sermons of Bourdaloue, Fl6chier, Massillon, and Saurin. To Fl�chier and Saurin Mosheim did homage. A prophecy of what was coming was furnished by the Basel preaching professor Samuel Werenfels (q.v.), who was estranged from false pathos, elegant, intelligible, and edifying. He and the sensitive Pierre Roques in Basel (d.1748) and the fiery court preacher of Berlin, Jaquelot, show how soon the better form of sermon of foreign Reformed theologians could domesticate itself in Germany. Yet the movement was not merely imitative. There was a general attempt at the purification and development of the German tongue, as witness the establishment of a professorship of German oratory in Halle before 1730, and a search for a national literature which had its bearing upon the pulpit. This movement dealt also with the matter of the sermon. People were weary alike of the theological quarrels and of Pietistic verbosity. Interest was more and more philosophical, due in part to the influence of the foreign pulpit and the Enlightenment outside Germany, in part to the growing taste at home cultivated by the demonstrative, mathematical-philosophical work of Leibnitz and Wolff. Preachers learned the value of conception, arrangement, solidity, definition, and demonstration. Natural religion as the essential content of the Christian, and morals as the essential of natural religion were emphasized. So Mosheim found contrast not merely between Pietist and orthodox but between philosophical and Biblical. The mediation between theology and philosophy was begun by Johann Gustav Reinbeck (d. 1741), who showed careful arrangement, solid application, correct development of the conception, and union of Biblical and philosophical elements.

2. Mosheim and His School.

Johann Lorenz ion Mosheim (q.v.), the German Tillotson or Saurin, revealed an elegant style, an apologetic tendency, a convincing force of proof, strong and sure as it was fine, flowing, and pleasing. In spite of a certain breadth of view, the basis is the Evangelical fundamental doctrines; the aim is to bring to realization the working-out of the verity of Christian doctrine. To this end Mosheim uses historical illustrations, descriptions of the events of the times, all this with fine psychological solidity. His argumentation is thought through and the exposition is wrought out, revealing the divine active force of the Gospel, the divine origin of Christian ethics. The employment of the text is careful, the themes are practical, the discussion is broad and full. Peters (Der Bahnbrecher der modernen Predigt J. L. Mosheim in semen homiletischen Anschavungen, 1910) is undoubtedly right in seeing in Mosheim's preaching and homiletics modern traits. While Mosheim was thus influencing the Lutheran pulpit, Tillotson of England (see below) was doing the same for the German Reformed Church through August Friedrich Wilhelm Sack (q.v.) of Berlin, the religious teacher of Friedrich Wilhelm III. and IV. Johann Andreas Cramer (q.v.) was influential more upon the oratorical side, employing a fiery pathos, a wealth of rhetorical figures which sometimes seemed to overload the discourse, but a fullness of thought, clear arrangement, excellent choice of doctrinal and ethical circumstances. Related to him in style was Gottfried Less (q.v.), while Christoph Christian Sturm of Magdeburg and Hamburg (d. 1786) infused a stronger rationalistic strain together with a poetic-esthetic coloring. Among those who followed the new trend of the times were Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Jerusalem and Johann Joachim Spalding (qq.v.).

3. Entrance of Rationalism.

The period of ruling rationalism (1780-1810) had been prepared for by the constantly growing influence of the Enlightenment. There was a decided break in the preaching of this period from that of orthodoxy and Pietism. The orthodox pulpit maintained the integrity of what it held to be the confirmed verities of faith. The Enlightenment was concerned also with preaching " the pure faith of Christians," and naturally there was a connection with Evangelical church teaching. But the he content of the rationalistic preaching stressed the doctrines of God, virtue, and immortality; ethics was me distinctly in the foreground. This ethical strain was a reaction from the unfruitful and scholastic discourse of orthodoxism, and it led to a handling of the Christian virtues. This turn of work in the pulpit does not suffer when compared with the Pietistic pulpit, though it was in some respects shallower. It protested against the one-sided appeal to the emotions, it called to earnest action and practical activity. It is therefore not to be condemned out of hand, any more than the preaching of orthodoxism is to be considered a sort of bankruptcy. Of course the handling of Scripture in the pulpit of this type corresponded to the method in which the Enlightenment dealt with the Bible, which ruled the preaching of this time somewhat as it did that of orthodoxiam and Pietism, though the thought-world of the Bible retreated in favor of that of the philosophic-moralistic, while Biblical diction made way for the buoyant-poetic or ethical-learned. The chief weakness of the rationalistic pulpit lay in its content; its Christianity was diluted. Its commendation is that it advocated a fundamental and practical religion. Particulars to be noted are first the homiletic journals to which this period gave birth, such as the Journal f�r Prediger at Halle (1770 sqq.), Beyer's Allegemeines Magazin f�r Prediger (1789 sqq.), and Teller's Neues Magazin f�rPrediger (1792 sqq.). In the front rank of the individual preachers of the times stand Wilhelm Abraham Teller and Georg Joachim Zollikofer (qq.v.). A commanding personality was that of August Hermann Niemeyer (q.v.). There were also such pedants as Kindervater, Soldan, Snell, and Schuderoff, who preached on the basis of Kantian learning in a manner unintelligible to their congregations. Numerous preachers of the following of Teller turned to dry didactics; so Stolz in Bremen, Loftier in Goths, Ribbeck in Magdeburg, and the productive Klefecker in Hamburg. Others employed more of pathos; so Hanstein, and Ehrenburg in Berlin. After the French Revolution the history of the church and of the times furnished much material for sermons. This was the case with the Swiss Johann Kaspar H�feli (d. 1811) of Dessau, Bremen, and Bernburg. In his early career an opponent of the Enlightenment, later he came strongly under the influence of Kant; yet his talented control of language and masterful style revealed the born orator. Stolz, named above, preached on Frederick II., the freedom of the press, Zinzendorf, and the like; the pious supernaturalist Rosenm filler in Leipsic, on the noteworthy events of the eighteenth century. When T�llner proposed to preach on the revelation of God in nature, K�ppen, the advocate of the Bible, protested. Such preachers abounded in city and hamlet. J. L. Ewald (d. 1822) issued sermons upon nature (1781) and Predigten �ber Naturtexte (without a Biblical text; 1789 sqq.).

4. the Reaction.

The result was a reaction against the dominant tendency from either an esthetic or a more Biblical standpoint. , This reaction was the result of a deeper and stronger piety which had lived on among the people, to which were added the influences of a surviving supernaturalism. To this other factors contributed, such as the deeply grounded spiritual labors of a Johann Georg Hamann (q.v.), or the earnest piety, the dainty humor, and biting wit of Matthias Claudius (q.v.), or the power in prayer of a Johann Heinrich Jung Stilling (q.v.). Not to be overlooked in this movement were the results of the elevation and enriching due to the bloom of literature of the period, while the political conditions of the country made in the same direction: Of unusual significance, too, was Johann Gottfried Herder (q.v.), who is best compared with Baumgarten as an example of the classically instructed. The culture ideal of the humanists and the life ideal of Christianity were combined in his sermons. A large figure was that of Franz Volkmar Reinhard (q.v.); and related to him as exponent of supernaturalistic rationalism in carefully arranged and smoothly expressed sermons was Henry Gottlieb Tzschirner (q.v.), patriotic chaplain in the field, historian, and apologete. In German Switzerland this reaction was carried' on from the Biblical standpoint by a series of original minds. Johann Tobler of Zurich (d. 1808) showed naivet� and originality in expression, and Evangelical earnestness. Especially noteworthy is Johann Caspar Lavater (q.v.), in his sermons as in his poetry preeminently appealing to the feelings. The text and its fundamental thought came to their own in his discourses, though somewhat overladen with emotion. Another Swiss, Johann Jakob Hess (q.v.), while in warmth, liveliness, and richness of thought behind Lavater, surpassed him in keenness of understanding, possession of historical sense, knowledge of Scripture, clearness of collocation of thought, and aptness of application. David M�slin of Bern (d. 1821) also strove against the tide of the Enlightenment, leaving eight volumes of sermons. A pious Evangelical sense, correct valuation of Scripture, surrender to the leading of the text, earnestness, clarity, and utility are the characteristics of his pulpit work. Karl Ulrich Stiickelberger (d. 1816) of Basel stimulated the study of the Bible in sermons which showed a clear comprehension expressed didactically and leading to a surer knowledge.

5. The Mediating Pulpit.

The effects of the earlier homiletic methods still continued to be felt throughout this period, and were followed by preachers who took a middle position between orthodoxy and Pietism. Thus in Basel worked the ardent Andreas Battier (d. 1793), who devoted himself to the Evangelical doctrine of salvation, and Nikolaus von Brunn, who labored with afresh message for twenty years. In W�rttemberg preached Gottlieb Christian Storr (q.v.), Biblical but not fluent. in type. Karl Friedrich Harttmann of Neuffen and Lauffen (d. 1815) ministered out of a rich fund of Evangelical instruction and religious experience. From Nuremberg came Johann Gottfried Sch�ner (d. 1822), poet and defender of the Bible, holding to the essential truths of the Gospel. His belief was that preaching would be effective if trust and salvation expressed externally the inward experience of the speaker. He was simple and clear in his arrangement of material and fluent in language. Not to be passed by is the unusually fertile work of G. E. Hartog in L�hne and Herford, Westphalia, marked by great clearness, comprehensiveness and intelligibility, strong. and precise expression, intense earnestness, and rich practical application. The county of Tecklenburg produced such men as Johann Gerhard (q.v.), Friedrich Arnold, and Johann Heinrich Hasenkamp (q.v.). Original in force was the Lutheran founder of missions, Johann J�nicke (d. 1827), preacher at the Brethren's Church in Berlin.

6. Preaching Outside Germany.

In this period the waves which rolled on the German sea of thought beat also throughout Continental Europe. In Denmark Pietism found no advocate of first rank in the pulpit; it was represented only by translations from the German and found a stern opponent in Bishop Hersleb in Zealand, whose mighty eloquence contemporaries could not praise too highly. The sermons of Christian Bastholm (q.v.), distinguished for clear arrangement and brilliant diction and much admired by the cultured, revealed the principle that in theory and practise eloquence was a sumptuous dress to conceal poverty of thought. The foremost representative in Denmark of the rationalistic spirit was H. G. Clausen of Copenhagen (d. 1840), whose sermons are lucid and free from trivialities. Among Norwegians to be mentioned are Johan Nordahl Brun (d. 1816), bishop in Bergen, fiery in eloquence and poetic in gifts; he was an advocate of supernatural ism against rationalism, though not profound in thought; more friendly to rationalism were the discourses of Niels Stockfleth Schultz, preacher in Drontheim; and still more rationalistic was Claus Pavels (d. 1822), bishop in Bergen. Hans Nielsen Hauge (q.v.) had the Pietistic bent with a nomistic slant. In Sweden from 1700 to 1770 the prevailing preaching was a blend of the old orthodoxy with Pietism, but with a national coloring. The strong orthodox sermons of court preacher Andreas Nohrberg (d. 1767), though in form somewhat scholastic, are still used with great satisfaction by orthodox Pietists. Erik Tollstadius was a noble representative of the more mystic Pietism, and the few sermons which were printed are still much used. Peter Murbeck of Bleking (d. 1768) introduced more of the logical element, while the spirit of Herrnhut was exemplified in Carl Blutstrom (d. 1772) and Peter Hamburg. Among the bishops of the first half of the century worthy of mention as preachers were G. A. Humble of Wexio, a high-churchman; the second archbishop of Upsala S. Troilius, and Bishop J. Seranius of Strengnas, both statesmen and men who introduced the State-Churchly idea into their sermons, as later did O. Wallqvist (d. 1800), and .1. M. Fant (d. 1813). G. Enebom (d. 1796), belonging to the Enlightenment, introduced a period of Utilitarian moralism. From 1770 to 1809 virtue as the most serviceable thing was the theme of the sermons of J. M�ller, B. von Gotland (d. 1805), C. Kullberg (d. 1808), and the neologian Bishop Lehnberg of Link�ping (d. 1808). P. Fredell was an advocate of Swedenborgianism in opposition to the Enlightenment. In Holland in the second quarter of the nineteenth century no names of prominence stand out, and where the French language was spoken the same state of affairs existed. F. J. Durand left L' Ann�e evang�lique in seven volumes (2d ed., Bern, 1780). Jean Fr�d�ric Oberlin (q.v.) stands out as a true witness to the Gospel in an evil time, earnest and popular in his application of Scripture and life, illustrating his thoughts with instructing fulness. Antoine Court and Paul Rabaut (qq.v.) should be mentioned here, and J. Roget (q.v.). In Holland the sermon was influenced by the English school, and the style changed slowly from the older detailed exposition of the text to the synthetic method. The road in this country was broken by E. Hollebeek of Leyden, and P. Chevalier of Groningen followed in discourses that were ethical and rationalistic in tone, as were those of E. Kist (d. 1822) in Dort. G. Bonnet of Utrecht (d. 1805) united the methods of the old and the new schools; the pious Jakob Hinlopen (d. 1803) for half a century protested by his method against all scholasticism, while L. Egeling in Leyden (d. 1835) was fruitful in his ministry. At the end of the eighteenth century examples of bombastic rhetoric appear in the sermons of J. Bosch and J. van Loo, while the reading of sermons began to be practised after the English model by the middle of that century.

6. The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth Century:

1. Basal Influences.

The revival of church life which took place at the beginning of the nineteenth century found its reflection in preaching, which received new blood and quickening and in turn stimulated the common life. Among the influences which worked in this direction were the political conditions. The necessities of Germany during the Napoleonic period and its rebirth during the wars for freedom, resulting in a feeling of united life among the people, gave to the pulpit an aim and a definite direction. The two men most influential in this extended crisis were Schleiermacher and Draeseke, though they were supported by a host of preachers who with earnestness and courage and in noble spirit led the way. A further influence was the growing consciousness of a concrete Christianity in the piety of the times. While some preachers held to the old ways, the general trend was in the new direction, led by men like Draeseke and Theremin into a new form and to contents which attempted to realize a historical Christianity. Above all was the guidance of Schleiermacher, who made the person of Christ and the redemption central in his preaching. Immediately there developed a style of sermon suited to the movement of awakening, and the use of the Bible was no small part of the method employed, while a confessional interest was powerfully revived. As a whole the preaching of the first decades of the nineteenth century was essentially Christological. The general truths of reason are no longer in control, the Gospel rules. Meanwhile the text has come to its own as the constitutive element, while the dogmatic and confessional are in the foreground; the merely moral sermon has lost its reputation, the Evangelical takes its place.

2. Schleiermacher.

Special importance attaches to Daniel Friedrich Schleiermacher (q.v.), who stands in the front rank of pulpit orators, as is attested by his ten volumes of sermons. His importance rests not alone in the fact that he influenced a generation of preachers and their sermons as did no other theologian of his century; but still more fundamental was his theological and homiletical starting-point in the immediateness of the emotions, to his steady retreat to the innermost Christian consciousness against the old supernaturalism, and also against the ruling rationalism and Kantianism. For him, the living sense of community with God is the center of Christian piety, and the stimulation of this is the purpose of all Christian preaching. His idea was to speak ever as to brethren and develop their Christian consciousness. Hence the chief content of his sermons is a clear exposition of his own inner life for believing Christians. The ethical was not neglected, but its sources were found in the religious consciousness. Characteristic was the way in which sin was treated by him, emphasizing the necessity of the new birth; he believed in a lifting above the situation where the flesh ruled rather than in a continuous conflict with a sinful inclination. In his earlier period he was closely tied to his text, which was generally short; as might be expected of so sturdy a thinker, the disposition of the thought was less formal than material. His preaching was wholly free from pathos, was classically tranquil to its thought development, closely logical in its articulation. Popular in the widest sense his sermons are not, adapted as they are for the cultured; but their clarity and logicalness make easy the understanding of them. He spoke often not simply as a Protestant preacher, but as a pious, experienced sage and moral philosopher. He did not write his sermons, but prepared them by moat careful and painstaking meditation. The fact that one so learned in classical antiquity and in philosophy yet made Christ the central point and gave to ethical conceptions the cast of the New-Testament methods of viewing them was to many, tired of the old rationalistic preaching, not merely attractive but positively grateful. And long afterward the influence of his method was found among preachers who still regarded him as their model. New light has been cast in this direction by the publication by J. Bauer of Schleiermaeher's Ungedruckte Predigten aus . . . 1820-28 (Leipsic, 1909), and Bauer's Schliermacher als patriotischer Prediger (Giessen, 1908).

3. His School.

His services were supported by a number of preachers of significant homiletical power. As advocates of a faith based on a Biblical revelation may be mentioned Gottfried Menken, Johann Baptist Albertini, and Johann Christian Gottlob Krafft (qq.v.), Theodore Lehmus of Anabach (d. 1837), a victorious combatant of rationalism; Christian Adam Dann (q.v.), a preacher with suggestive themes and a diction juicy and forceful; Wilhelm Hofacker (q.v.); and J. E. F. Sander (q.v.), careful in the exegesis of his text, rather learned than forceful. Also Biblical in his basis but concentrating his thought upon sin and grace was Ludwig Hofacker (q.v.). Preachers of another type were equally Biblical in their sphere of thought, but more confessional in their development. Such a man was Claus Harms (q.v.), a man of kindly, serene, and poetic sensibilities and fresh humor which made him acceptable to all classes. His originality lay in the plasticity of his diction and in richness and weight of thought. Pathos was sometimes unpleasantly abundant. His subjects were suggestive and catchy; while his arrangement is philosophical, it is not determined always by the text. He had numerous followers, of whom may be named here Martin Stephan and A. G. Rudelbach (qq.v.). Biblical and confessional in type were the two Krummachers, Gottfried Daniel and Friedrich Wilhehn (qq.v.). Of the latter it may be said that he was an artist in the use of words, supported by a tangible realism and an uncommonly lively power of construction, by which he was able to make real the characters of the Bible story. Yet in his word pictures he did not always adhere to the historically true. The New Testament was frequently read back into the Old, while his use of the typical and allegorical was rather excessive. In this group belong also Hermann Friedrich Kohlbriigge and the Reformed preacher Friedrich Ludwig Mallet (qq.v.). While between Claus Harms and Bernhard Draeseke (q.v.) certain connections existed, in general they are of different types. The latter's sermons can not be characterized accurately as prevailingly either Biblical or confessional; they were more general in type. Related to him in style was the important Bishop Ruhlemann Friedrich Eylert (q.v.), in whom buoyancy became extravagance and freshness unction. Other preachers, while supernatural in trend, were not of the narrow supernatural school; such were the K&nigsberg preacher Ludwig August Kghler (q.v.), and Heinrich Leonhard Aeubner of Wittenberg (q.v.). Franz Theremin (q.v.) was akin to this group in the expression which he gave to his piety.

4. Remainders of Rationalism.

Another group may be designated as the stragglers of rationalistic preaching. Belonging here is the celebrated Cbristoph Friedrich von Ammon (q.v.). In his earlier sermons he appears as a Kantian moralist; in a later period he devoted him self to the exposition of ecclesiastical doctrine. Finally, in his third period he returned to practically his first position. Gifted in the matter of form, diplomatically clever in expression of courtly fluency, and often of lofty and witty flow of thought, his sermons were especially adapted to the educated. The most important representative of the popular rationalism in these times was Johann Friedrich Rohr (q.v.). In clarity and logical coordination he follow Reinhard. In general his sermons escape many o he inherent weaknesses of the rationalistic discourse, though the basis is thoroughly rationalistic. Here belongs also Moritz Ferdinand Schmalz (d.1860), who served pastorates in Vienna, Dresden, and Hamburg; prolific and lively in thought, he recalled Reinhard in the careful and often comprehensive disposition of his material. Of like prominence were the Hamburg pastors J. K. W. Alt and C. U. A. Krause.

5. A New Trend.

The decades after the wars for freedom, in which on one side rationalism was one of the forces and on the other the influence of Schleiermacher and of the awakening was potent, constitute a period of ferment for the pulpit. Strong individuals like those already described broke away from the rationalistic, emotional-judicious, stirring-pathetic method, and a type gained the aseendency corresponding to the new influences. The result was not unlike that produced by Schleiermacher, though the resemblance was not due to dialectic trenchancy nor to depth of thought. The new preaching became often a preaching of repentance under the stimulus of the emphasis upon the significance of Christ for salvation. But the fine lines of Schleiermacher's dialectic, due to his dogmatic system, were hidden behind the grosser outlines of ecclesiastical confessions. In sum the new preaching was a return to Christ and the Bible. Hence the relation of the sermon to the text was recast. Rationalism formally allowed the authority of the Bible, but interpreted as it chose. The new understanding of Christianity caused the employment of the text in its original meaning as the guiding principle of the sermon. Of course traces of the earlier usage remained here and there, and the Word was sometimes misconstrued, especially the Old Testament, into which the New Testament was read. But the pulpit was essentially Biblical, the pericopes retained their importance, although the use of free texts was not unknown, while sometimes whole books of the Bible were the occasion of courses of sermons. The diction of the sermon was also influenced by that of the Bible, sometimes so strongly as to have an archaic sound. Similarly, the content of the sermon underwent change. Rationalism had chosen ethical themes, and these fell into discredit. Religious or religious-dogmatic themes were the rule, with a polemic against rationalism, the Friends of Light, liberalism, the new theology, and especially against the unchristian spirit of the times. Standard themes, of course with infinite variation, were repentance, grace, judgment, the person of Christ, the atonement. Consequently there was danger of the sermon becoming stereotyped. The way in which text and sermon contents were bound together was controlled by the ruling analytic-synthetic method. The text furnished the chief suggestions or themes; the thoughts furnished by the analysis of the text were united in a theme and then put in order according to the divisions, and these latter were prevailingly threefold-more than four divisions are rare. The length of the sermon gradually became shorter, from thirty to forty minutes. Here and there other than a Biblical text was chosen, while catechetical sermons were not unknown, as were those on the Apostles' Creed.

6. The Confessional Type.

A considerable proportion of pulpit orators laid emphasis upon Christ and Scripture, after the forms of the Lutheran confessions, and were at no pains disguise this spirit of confessional energy and dogmatic stress. The cardinal doctrines of the person of Christ, of sin and grace, and of the atonement ruled the sermon; and along with the positive exposition of these themes there was a polemic against errant tendencies of the period. The endeavor was to have the sermon practical with reference to center of the Gospel. Among the exponents of spirit of the pulpit may be named from South Germany Johann Konrad Wilhelm L�be, Gottlieb Christian Adolf von Harlese, and Gottfried Thomasius (qq.v.); from North Germany especially Ludwig Harms (q.v.), Ludwig Adolf Petri, and K. K. M�nkel (qq.v.). Petri's sermons were simple in construction, but so deep and rich in their thought that they were adapted rather for the educated. The text governed in the working-out of his -discourses, and was often exegetically treated. He emphasized doctrine without obscuring the Gospel, and revealed an earnest, keen thoroughly trained personality of the Lutheran-confessional type. M�nkel, while stressing less the form, exercised a like care in the workingout of his discourses and in their clearness He preached to the church of a village, and that influenced his diction and his illustrations; the result is that his sermons may be designated popular. He avoids all that is coarse; he is learned, the church standards define his exposition, and his exegesis is unadorned. In this connection Bernhard Adolph Langbein of Saxony should be:mentioned. From Christian Ernst Luthardt'a pen have come down a number of volumes of sermons which unite a full utilization of the text with determination of its religious testimony. Simple and forceful repose combines with a great active ethical strength and rich theological content. Gerard Uhlhorn (q.v.) had a remarkable gift of exposition, and vigorous material found a corresponding form of expression, while a mighty ethical earnestness was combined with the energy of the Lutheran proclamation. Of Lutherans outside of Germany mention may be made of A. F. Huhn, preacher at Reval, prolific in production.

7. Emphasis on the Practical.

From this group of distinctively confessional preachers a second group may be distinguished by a closer grip of the confessional element and a sharper emphasis upon practical, communal, and individual matters. To be named here are Karl Heinrich Caspari of Munich and J. F. Ahlfeld (q.v.) in Leipsic. The sermons of the former in their simplicity appeal more to the ordinary man than to the educated; but they show a rich experience, a deep knowledge of men special aptitude in individualization, concrete illustrations, and a plastic exposition. Johann Friedrich Ahlfeld was too practically disposed to be a mere partizan. In the many volumes of sermons from his pen there are shown an engaging warmth, a religious-ethical earnestness, and an extraordinary power of presentation combined with popular homeliness. The Wiirttemberg Church produced Wilhelm Hoffmann (q.v.), a preacher whose discourses lead clearly and surely to into the Scriptures and their plea of salvation and illuminate the practical life. Another man of note is B. B. Br�ckner (q.v.), preacher in Berlin and he professor in Leipsic, a man of gentle orthodoxy, Pleasing speech, fine employment of the text, and correct in his methods of arrangement. Of Carl Gerok (q.v.) it may be said that he possessed a great as power of pleasing, a gentle mildness, a pronounced the clarity, a poetic beauty, none of which lessened the this earnest depth of his Christian thought and comprehension of the teat. He was, however, more of a practical man than thinker, partaking of the qualities of Ahlfeld as a saver of souls. Also to be named are the brothers Max and Emil Frommel, the former of whom belonged to the group of practical sermonizers who based their work on the Bible. Max's sermons may be said to be more forceful and earnest than his brother's, and carry a tinge of Pietism with a joyous and certain faith in God. They are artistically complete. Emil , court preacher and military chaplain at Berlin, especially in his sermons on festival days took great delight in leading his congregation into the world of Biblical thought; he also was practical in type, polished to a degree. Events, history, application, interpretation, illustration, followed each other throughout his discourses. He was a preacher for all ranks of society, though the fineness of his discourse made him appreciated most by the cultured. Two preachers of recent date are Rudolph K�gel and Heinrich Hoffmann (qq.v.). The former, in dogmatics stronger than Frommel, did not strive for dogmatic profundity; his forte was a rhetorical art which made all else serviceable. Hoffmann's strength lay in his fine, searching, saving, and keen psychology, in the energetic compactness with which he brought to expression his rich and deep thinking, in the forcefulness of the testimony which he brought to the Gospel, and finally in the holy earnestness with which he appealed to the conscience. T. J. R. K�gel (q.v.), preacher at the cathedral in Berlin, was the foremost Evangelical clergyman in Prussia, possessed of great national and courtly opportunities, a prince in the pulpit, the rhetorician of sacred oratory, a master of style; on the other side was Heinrich Hoffmann, restricted to the narrow sphere of the Neumarktkirebe in Halle, without notoriety, yet a herald of earnest and philosophical thought, a real shepherd of souls. Both of them were preachers to the educated; for simple people the genius of K�gel was too lofty, the compressed thought of Hoffmann too difficult of comprehension. Neither had the fine, light touch of Emil Frommel, the gripping power of narration of Ahlfeld, or the gentle art of Gerok. Only briefly to be mentioned here are Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Arndt (q.v.), the Berlin preacher Strauss, whose sermons are distinguished by devoutness and feeling, and Karl Biichsel (q.v.), whose rough, formless, knotty, but uncommonly earnest and practical sermons had aide influence. The sermons of F. L. Steinmeyer (q.v.) might be called essays toward the understanding of Scripture. The material for them he derived from the text, while the exegesis was almost too broad and artistic; but the thoughts were ever deep and original, the structure well thought through, the form beautiful and connected, and the aim was to produce religion, not theology.

8. Pietistic Antirationalistic Preaching.

A third group show either Pietistic or Scripturalistic influences. They are pronouncedly antirationalistic, and reveal the sharp ecclesiastical tendency. They are preachers of repentance, or salvation, or awakening, or conscience, but never, in the pulpit, theologians. They have little to do with exegesis and offer their own witness. They seldom speak as the mouth of the congregation, though they are the more successful as Evangelists. They regard little the arrangement of the discourse, at any rate the formal carrying-out of a plan and the formulation of subject and divisions. A peculiar position in this group was gained by Johann Tobias Beck (q.v.), who was Scripturalistic. Other men of W�rttemberg to be named are Sixt Karl Kapff and Johann Christoph Blumhardt(qq.v.). The latter was mighty as a preacher, and often opened wide the treasure of knowledge and experience hidden in the Scriptures. His sermons rang true, and he was smooth yet popular in his diction. Here should be named a German Swiss who belonged to the speculative division of the school of Bengel and Oetinger, the original and spirited David Spleiss of Schaffhausen (d. 1854), who traced the inner unity of nature and Scripture. In his earnestness he used mouth, hand, and foot in the pulpit in order to give expression to the press of thought, was impressive, fiery, clear, suggestive, yet always popular. His discourses were uncommonly full and connected. From the Prussian rural church came August Tholuck (q.v.), whose Pietistic coloring was toned down by his academic activity. His idea of the sermon was that it should not be a demonstration of man's intelligence but a testimony of the divine Spirit. His discourses owe their force especially to the masterful psychological development of a deep and binding apologetics, sharpening the conscience. The noble, cultured, and impressive diction is inspired with the warmest feeling and the deepest earnestness, while the exposition is lightened with the play of a lively but sanctified imagination. He was free in the matter of form, in the method of handling his text, even in the choice of a text, not restricting himself to Scripture but using, e.g., passages from the Augsburg Confession. Purely a Pietist was Gustav Knak (d. 1878), especially successful in his appeal to the heart and emotions of the congregation, and possibly the most sensitive and appealing of all the preachers of the nineteenth century.

9. Individulaism Dominant.

A fourth group is composed of those who first set forth Christian verity in an external garb drawn not so much from the Bible as from the individuality of the preacher; they also show a desire to rub off many corners and edges of Biblical pronouncements, thus to present Christian doctrine in a milder form and one Dominant. more in accord with the characteristics of the times. Preachers of this type of academical theologians are especially numerous, and particularly those who belong to the mediating theology. It is not strange that among many of these the thoughtful working-out of the verities of faith seemed more important than immediate influence upon heart and conscience, and one might even assign Tholuck to this group, though in him the pietistic-Biblical element preponderated. This last was not the case with Karl Immanuel Nitzach (q.v.), whose sermons, like Schleiermacher's, showed a complete blending of the religious and the ethical; he also laid little stress upon form and diction. The deep inner harmony of his being, grounded in a fully ripened completion of his philosophical, theological, and practical ecclesiastical views, the imperturbable peace, and the conciliatory character of his mind were mirrored forth in his preaching. Julius M�ller (q.v.) showed in his preaching an argumentative exposition of Scripture and a learned and dialectic development which required sympathy of energy in the hearer or reader. The sermons of Richard Rothe (q.v.) were such as could spring only from his own singularly deep and cultured nature; what he uttered was wholly his own, in speech and in flow of thought entirely individual. Externally his sermons present a finished oratorical and artistic form. Karl Theodor Albert Liebner and Friedrich August Eduard Ehrenfeuchter (qq.v.) belong to this group, as do Albrecht Wolters, remarkable for poetically beautiful and thoughtfully fine testimony, and Willibald Beyschlag (qq.v.), a brilliant preacher of fine sensibilities, who employed a mild apologetics to the reconciliation of Christianity and modern culture. He was a witness for Evangelical Christianity with great freedom of spirit and constraint of conscience, a noted exegete, uniting the thought of the text with individual comprehension and elaboration. Here also must be placed Julius Miillensiefen (q.v.), though his sermons reproduce more faithfully than those just mentioned the Biblical coloring; he is also much more popular, deeper mentally, and richer in feeling than many of them.

10. Moderninstic Groups.

The fifth group includes within its numbers preachers with wide differences; they share with the preceding independence in the form of thought and of construction, and they speak not in the language of the Bible but in that of the times. The general attitude is that of Carl Schwarz: "Not only is the present born again through the spirit of Christianity, but Christianity itself is born again through the present." It is not the old rationalism which comes out in this group, however; all in which that form of thought failed, religion, in which lie the depths of the soul's life, is that which these preachers would supply on the basis of the incarnation of Christ, real and effective, and no less on the basis of the entire and complete humanizing of Christianity. Of this group Carl Schwarz (q.v.), cited above, is the leader and chief representative. His idea was to make use of whatever had been critically established by Lessing, Herder, Schleiermacher, and Hegel, and to make it available to the congregation. He translated Christianity, formally as well as essentially, into German in sermons which were religiousethical. Christ was not pushed into the background, though the presentation of him was of a sort other than that of the Biblically based church doctrine. His sermons might be described as highly idealistic, rhetorically forceful, warmly religious, ethically earnest, in their conception of life free. Of another type, yet in many respects related to Schwarz, is the worthy Albert Bitzius of Switzerland, who spoke out openly and frankly, perhaps even more plainly than Schwarz, his dissent from the earlier church doctrine. Schwarz was in his homiletical art a pure idealist; Bitzius was as emphatically a realist; where Schwarz is all buoyancy and inspiration, Bitzius is reality, fact. But the latter is never dull or dry, the expression is forceful, comprehensively and yet simply beautiful. As a result the matters treated are intimately joined with his subject. He does not deal with generalities, but handles many special themes from common life and from other spheres. It follows that for him the text can not have the upper hand; his sermons are never analytical; they deal with the material furnished by his congregation in a serious, essentially religious, ethical, end vigorous manner. Ethical sermons, in the strict sense of the phrase, he never delivers; yet he feels his connection with the faith of Christians of all periods, and he urges his hearers each to have a faith which is individually his very own. If any of the preachers of the nineteenth- century is practical, then is Bitzius practical. The fresh, picturesque, and inspired sermons of the Swiss Heinrich Lang (q.v.) differ from the discourses of Bitzius in that they do not follow of purpose a set ethical-religious aim; they set relentlessly before the hearers his own free religious position and woo those hearers to adopt them. Daniel Schwenkel, Carl Weizsicker, and Alexander Schweizer (q.v.) should be in this group.

8. The Recent German Pulpit;

1. Emphasis on the Practical.

In this section only a survey can be afforded of the prolific product of the pulpit. The first and the second groups of the last period find their continuance in this period: The general tendency is to make the dogmatic retreat before the practical. Following the first group as given above are on the Wilhelm Walther of Rostock and Theodor Zahn (qq.v.) of Erlangen. Affiliated with the second group, strongly represented,are O. Pank in Leipsic, producing thoughtful and forceful discourses; Paul Kaiser of the same city, noted for smooth diction, clear construction, easy comprehensiveness, and living conceptions; E. Quandt, who has produced several volumes of sermons; Hermann Cremer (q.v.), who stresses the grace of God in Christ to sinful man; and Adolf Schlatter, a Swiss, whose activities are displayed in Tabingen. These all intend to preach the " old Gospel " in the sense of the doctrine of the Church; they are opposed to the modern tendency and polemize against the emptying of the Gospel by theologians of liberal spirit as against positive tendencies against Christianity. They notice little the questions and doubts urged by modern skepticism; they start with the trustworthiness of the Bible, appeal to experience for confirmation, and address wholly the flock as standing on the old faith. They are in part, therefore, masters of form; they know how to use the text practically and to apply it to the inner religious life. The fourth group described in the foregoing is also represented in the latest period, though not without characteristic deviations. Ernst Dryander (q.v.) of Berlin may be set in this group. One of his dicta is: `� We are accustomed to say and to believe that the Gospel is akin to all that is great and noble in man." He is noted for his fine culture, for the eloquent though unrhetorical control of form, for religious fervor, and for depth of Biblical feeling. The school of Nitzsch is continued by a number of preachers mostly in academic positions, though the tendency of these in their theological conceptions is conservatively mediating, not without influence. Such are Erich Haupt of Halle (q.v.), possessing an extraordinary exegetical keenness, a thrilling force of thoughtful development, and a deep fervor; Gustav Kawerau (q.v.), who seeks to move men through the holy earnestness, the depth and strength of God's word alone; Julius Kaftan (q.v.); Ernst Christian Achelis (q.v.) of Marburg; and Wilhelm Faber of Berlin, who recalls KSgel in his rhetorical form. They preach the old Gospel for the modern comprehension and adapt it to present conditions, of which they have a deep apprehension.

2. A Composite Group.

Yet those who have been named differ widely from each other, and the line between them and those of a freer tendency or of the right wing is tenuous. To the right wing belong those preachers who in the matter of the sermon sharply separate theology and religion, assigning the debated questions of religious knowledge to theology and reserving matters of religious influence for the popular ear. Men of this tendency were particularly under the guidance of Albrecht Ritschl and include such names as Kaftan (ut sup.), B. W. Bornemann, Hermann Schultz, Paul Drews, J. Gottschick, Theodor Haring, and Friedrich Loofa (qq.v.). A somewhat freer theological position is taken by preachers like Otto Baumgarten (q.v.), Erich Forster, and H. Hackmann. Between this group and the left wing of the freer theology stands the distinction that the latter in the sermon take up expressly the contest with the traditional apprehension of Christian knowledge, but of course with individual differences of method and viewpoint. Thus there are Heinrich Holtzmann (q.v.) of Strasburg, spiritual, thoughtful, and deep-reaching in exegesis and reflection; P. Kirmas and W. Bahnaen, and Heinrich Ziegler, an idealist of the type of Carl Schwarz; and the two Bremen preachers A. Kalthoff and Moritz Schwalb. There is another strain as yet uncharacterized. The idealistic tendency of Schwarz had its counterpart in the realistic lines of Bitzius; the abstract-religious or general-ethical implies a special-concrete opposite, in which the text is less directive in the sermon than the definite situation of the congregation. As Drew puts it: "It has come forcibly to our apprehension that each community has its individuality, and that to each in its appropriate method the Gospel is to be adapted." Special circumstances are to be handled to the profit of the congregation, chief among which are problems arising in social conditions. Among preachers who take cognizance of matters social Friedrich Naumann has especial prominence by reason of his masterly grip and clear handling of the fundamental problems of the present, including those in the ethical and religious worlds. While his solutions are perhaps never fully satisfying from a theoretical standpoint, they show a marvelously clear and practical piety. He conceives his message to be "to those who in the-midst of the life of the new age would find a personal relation to Christianity," and to these he speaks in their own tongue, starting with them as a sharer in their own conception of things, yet by reason of the strength of his faith is their leader. A preacher of the type of Naumann is Bernhard Doerries; in his concreteness and aptness of dealing with affairs of the congregation and individual he reproduces Naumann at his best. Here belong also Geyer and Rittelmeyer of Nuremberg, with their excellent modern fresh and plastic methods. Gustav Frenssen does not always preach real village sermons; but he does not take fright at any particular circumstances. Yet the thinking auditor finds something lacking in his work; he gives religious conceptions without theological insight; he is an apologete for Christianity, but above all as a preacher he is a poet. Very concrete and suited for a rural people are the discourses which H. Kaiser has collected, as well as the addresses of Erwin Gros. K. Hesselbacher, now at Carlsruhe, has established a firm reputation as village preacher. The descendants of the third group named above have experienced also great changes. The Pietistic emotional sermon suits no longer the taste of the Methodist-revivalistic hearer. The modern sermon of Evangelization has many types, from the onesided and fanatical works of Karl Idel to the more restful ones of J. Stockmeyer, the psychologically fine and many-sided ones of Elias Schrenk, and the energetic, rousing, apologetic, and modern discourses of Samuel Keller. But all these claim the right to be distinguished from those who use the stormy, impetuous, and nerve-racking methods so largely dominant, even while they receive their impulse toward the "Field-Mission" from the very decided movement manifested among the different congregations. Whether the Methodistic flavor of these sermons is great, less, or very little, whether they are prevailingly Biblical or modern and practical, their aim is conversion, their object is decision, and their method is a rousing call to repentance. The modern pulpit has certain well-marked characteristics. It appeals to the soul life of the hearer with firm grip and full understanding; it is religious and practical and ill-disposed to dogmatics, realizes the logic of necessity in requiring a solution of the problems of the times.

7. The Continental Pulpit Outside Germany:

1 In Scandinavia.

For Denmark the first name worthy of mention is that of Jakob Peter Mynster (q.v.), bishop of Zealand, simple but noble in diction and deep in thought. Not simply a preacher but also a religious author, the prophet of the inner life and the opponent of ecclesiastical Christianity was S�ren Aabye Kierkegaard (q.v.). Mynstei s successor, Hans Lassen Martensen (q.v.), with all his versatility in the study of the text and its application, yet many a time misses a really enchaining style. Nikolai Frederik Severin Grundtvrig (q.v.) was a preacher of really original power. With the early strength of his polemic against rationalism, somewhat decayed, there remained the undauntedness of his living testimony, resting upon his inner experience, against a declension of faith in the Father, the fire of his temperament, and above all his popular, poetic, blazing eloquence. His great influence was seen in such men as W. Birkedal and C. Hostrup. D. G. Monrad had a keen eye for the psychological approach and great ability in delineation of character. N. G. Blaedel, R. Frimodt, H. H. Paulli (d. 1865), Wilhelm Beck (d. 1901), are names meriting mention. Living Danish preachers of eminence are T. S. Roerdam (q.v.), bishop of Zealand, a pupil of Grundtvig, J. Paulli, son of H. H. Paulli, and H. B. Ussing (q.v.). It may be said in passing that the prevailing usage in Denmark is against the use of manuscript in the pulpit. In Norway, Willem Andreas Wexels won great renown both as an eminent preacher and as a distinguished foe of rationalism. O. Andreas Berg (d. 1861) was entirely orthodox in his short, penetrating, clear and practical sermons, but after the Norwegian method which combined Lutheran orthodoxy with Pietism. Somewhat similar in character was Honoratus Hailing, and the still living G. Jensen of Christiania shows the influence of Grundtvig and Lutheran orthodoxy. In the most recent years a more "modern" spirit has invaded, closely akin to that of Germany. It has been recognized as a function of the pulpit to meet the modern educated man with a warm-hearted understanding and to win him for Christianity and the Church. A noted exponent of this tendency is T. Klaveness of Christiania. In Sweden also there set in early in the nineteenth century a current against rationalism, in the form of a strong confessional Lutheranism combined with a strong Pietistic movement among the laity. The sermons are of the synthetic type, but for the chief service of the day the pericopes furnish the text, for other services the choice of text is free; the reading of the sermon is more frequent than in Norway and Denmark, at least in the established Church, indeed many bishops expressly recommend that form. In the antirationalistic campaign a leading influence was that of Professor Samuel Oedmann of Upsala (d. 1829) and C. P. Hagberg of Lund (d. 1837), who led also in the changes in sermon form. In the following period in the Established Church three groups appeared. Those who were under the influence of romanticism opposed rationalism as an empty religion of reason and approximated closely to Lutheran doctrine as the expression of their convictions. This class was represented by a series of poetically endowed men of very different qualities, such as the celebrated poet of the Frithiofs Saga, Esaias Tegn6r (d. 1846), the childlike and lovable Bishop Franz Mikael Franz6n (d. 1847), and Johann Olof Wallin (d. 1839), who in catchy diction, roundness of expression, beauty of rhythm, and perspicuity of arrangement was unexcelled in Sweden. In a second group are to be placed C. G. Rogberg of Upsala (d.1842), whose sermons showed great beauty of form, in the early period a liking for the Enlightenment, later a better agreement with Christian doctrine; Johan Henrik Thomander (d. 1865), called by his friends "the new Luther," was extemporaneous in style, with an uncommon freshness of presentation; and Anton Niklas Sundberg (d. 1900), a mighty personality. All these had a broad outlook, but especially emphasized freedom in the pulpit. A third and somewhat larger group were in control in the second half of the century, and advocated a strong orthodox Lutheranism. The pathbreaker was Henrik Schartau (q.v.), with his passionate zeal for pure doctrine, who founded a homiletical school which is yet influential in the south and west of Sweden. He was full of Evangelical zeal as a saver of souls, though no Pietist, in his sermons full of thought, psychologically fruitful, with a mystical depth of content and of spiritual experience, carefully exegetical not only of the text but of the context. With him stood E. C. Bring (d. 1884), bishop in Link�ping, and J. C. Bring, director of the deaconess institute in Stockholm. Revivalist in type was Levi Lastadius (d. 1861), while a Methodistic preacher was the layman Karl Olof Rosenius (d. 1868), who emphasized free grace. Of more recent preachers the bishop of Lund, G. Billing, is worthy of mention.

2. The German Swiss Pulpit.

The preachers of German Switzerland followed the lead of Bitzius and H. Lang (ut sup.); and of contributors to the literature of preaching there are Konrad W. K. Kambli, A. Hauri, A. Bolliger, and B. Riggenbach. G. Benz, in Basel, and R. Aeschbacher have sprung in recent years into wide fame as preachers. In French Switzerland men of prominence were Fran�ois Samuel Robert Louis Gaussen, Paul Ami Isaac David Bost, Solomon Caesar Malan, and Jean Henri Merle d'Aubign� (qq.v.). These were all of the revivalistic type of pulpit orators. Of a totally different kind was the preaching of Alexander Rodolphe Vinet (q.v.), in which emotion is suppressed in favor of dialectically sharp thought which requires the close attention of the reader. While the text is in the background, definite themes are marshalled in masterly fashion, with deep comprehension of what is essential and with religious warmth. His illustrations are from history, nature, and life rather than the Bible; and he rests upon a clear comprehension of the essence and needs of the soul, of its relationship to time and the world, and of its search for freedom and God. Here should be mentioned Frank Coulin (q.v.).

3. In France and Holland.

In France, out of the circles which were in relations with the Swiss revivalistic school sprang Adolphe Monod (q.v.), possibly the first French preacher of the century; his brother Fr�d�ric (q.v.) is of less prominence. In the first rank stand Grandpierre and Eug�ne Artur Fran�ois Bersier (q.v.). While these orthodox representatives are noted, it would be unfair to omit mention of such followers of a freer method as Athanase Coquerel father and son (qq.v.). The former was guided by the earlier French liberalism, quietly moderate in tone; and the polish extended beyond the rich and full flow of thought, the clear, incisive language, to the gesture and pose, to the dignity of the very man himself. The son was a leader of the freer Protestantism in France, a genial and versatile personality. His sermons were greatly valued for their religious force and penetration, with which he united simplicity and elegance. With these men Ferdinand Fontanes should also be named. In Holland the sermons of the first half of the century were essentially practical. Meriting first plane is E. A. Borger (d. 1820), brilliant and original, still studied. The court preacher at The Hague, J. J. Dermout (d. 1867), was called the Napoleon of the pulpit because of the imperative force of his discourses. H. H. van der Palm (q.v.) was celebrated as an expounder of Scripture, and was known as "doctor mellifluus" for the elegance of his style. Among those who adorned the pulpit of the Remonstrants were Amorie van der Hoeven, father (d. 1855) and son (d. 1848), the first of whom, a polished speaker, issued a study of the eloquence of Chrysostom, while the son was even more fundamental in thought than the father. Others of eminence were J. J. van Oosterzee (q.v.), J. I. Doedes (q.v.) of Rotterdam, J. P. Hasebroek of Amsterdam, and J. J. L. ten Kate of Middleburg; while of recent date is C. E. van Koetsveld. In Holland alongside of the orthodox Calvinistic pulpit, then, goes a strong tendency toward the free and modern style.

8. The Roman Catholic Pulpit:

1. Early Characteristics.

In Germany only very slowly did the Roman Catholic pulpit work itself free from formlessness and unimportance into the respectability which it reached in the nineteenth century as illustrated, for example, by the work of Johann Michael von Sailer. The influence of the blooming German literature affected the Roman Catholic pulpit later than it did the Lutheran. Even the brilliant orators of the French Roman Catholic pulpit failed to affect their coreligionists in Germany as much as they did those of Italy. In the same way the philosophic and rationalistic stream was later in making its way into Roman Catholicism than into Protestantism; but the return to an ecclesiastical orthodoxy was achieved contemporaneously with the same movement in the Protestant pulpit. The value of the Church, the papacy, and its holy treasure, the veneration of the saints, above all of the mother of God, were the principal themes, but treated in a more modern way. This is true of the first decades of the nineteenth century, where preaching obtained. In the last half of the century three phases are to be discriminated. One was rooted in dogmatics, the second was under the influence of rationalistic philosophy and the Enlightenment, the third was a return to the ultramontanistic spirit. At the beginning of the eighteenth century many preachers mingled with their discourses quotations from the Church Fathers, so that in some cases the discourses were half Latin. Exponents of this mixed style are the Benedictine Placidus Urtlauff, the Augustinian Samuel Depfer of Vienna, and the Benedictine Sebastian Textor. Others delivered a course of sermons dealing with morals, sometimes covering a considerable period; so the Capuchin Jordan Annaniensis and the Carmelite Pacificus a Cruce. Preaching was at a low ebb, men did not learn from the great patterns; hence the flatness of the work of Xaver Dorn, Maximin Steger, Joseph Angelus a St. Claudia, whose diction and figures belong to the seventeenth century. Still there were prophecies of better things to come as in the discourses of Hermann Schlosser, who with approach to better form united an uncommon knowledge of Scripture. Anti-Protestant polemics characterized the sermons of Franz Neumayr of Augsburg, and of Alois Merx (d. 1792); a much finer diction was employed by Ignaz Wurz of Vienna (d. 1784), as well as an excellent style and material full of substance. The influence of the Enlightenment was seen in B. Bolzano (d.1848), B. M. von Werkmeister, and the Franciscan Eulogius Schneider (d. 1794). A. Selmar represented a utilitarian tendency. One of the noblest figures of the Roman Catholic pulpit was Johann Michael von Bailer (q.v.), pious, gentle, and broad, whose theory of preaching was that it was not the duty of the preacher merely to stimulate to performance of duty, but he was to furnish sustenance, to the hungry soul. He displayed great clearness, versatile exposition, a wealth of deep and often flashing thought, a deep veneration of God, warm love for man, and a corresponding charitable peace of soul. With Sailer stood a group of men who might be called his school, in some of whom the universality of Christianity was emphasized against the Roman Catholicism of others. Of these may be mentioned Michael Nathanael Feneberg (q.v.), who preached a faith made fruitful in good works; Xavier Bayr, and the highly endowed Langenmayr of Augsburg; and the praiseworthy Christoph von Schmid (d. 1854), the writer fob young people. In the bishopric of Augsburg alone were sixty priests with this tendency. Much assailed because of his preaching of righteousness through faith was Martin Boos (q-v.); Ignaz Lindl was one of the most popular preachers of his day, and was called to St. Petersburg, where he preached long in brilliant and inspired style, sermons somewhat ecstatic in method and content, as well as chiliastic in tone, which brought finally his separation and building of an independent congregation. Johannes Evangelists Gossner (q.v.) preached in Munich the Gospel of "Christ in us and for us," a really Evangelical preacher in the fold of the Roman Catholic Church, from which he finally went out, and numerous collections of his sermons attest the real value of his pulpit work. Aloys Henhdfer and Charles Paschal Telesphore Chiniquy (qq.v.) are to be named here, as well as J. H. Wichern (q.v.).

2. Later Tendencies.

Apart from this Evangelical movement are to be remembered such pulpit orators as G. A. Dietl of Landshut (d. 1809), savory in illustration and expression; and the independent and suggestive T. A. Dereser (d. 1827), court preacher at Carlsruhe and professor in Lucerne and Breslau. Still more significant from the standpoint of the pulpit was the convert from Judaism Johann Emil Veith, author of works on medical science and in belles lettres as well as in homiletics. His sermons are rhetorical in style, natural, clear, richly illustrated from history, picturesque, with an infusion of versatile polemics, and normal in arrangement. With him are to be recalled men like Melchior Freiherr von Diepenbrock (q.v.), Johannes von Geissel (d. 1864), Joseph Othmar von Raucher (d. 1875), archbishop of Vienna, Prince-bishop Heinrich von FSrster of Breslau (d. 1881), Franz Xaver Dieringer (d. 1876), professor at Bonn. In France about the middle of the nineteenth century a brilliant figure was Jean Baptiste Henri Lacordaire (q.v.), while Ptre Hyacinthe (Loyson, q.v.) later left the Roman Catholic fold. The Roman Catholic pulpit of the present has an essentially ecclesiastical-missionary character, emphasizing not the doctrines of sin and the free grace of God, but the Church as an institution of salvation, and obedience to her commands. Scripture as furnishing the text has a much looser connection with the sermon than in the Evangelical pulpit, and the sermon itself is shallower. Of course there are not wanting sermons which fathom deeply Christian verity, but this type is rather exceptional. The general method is practical and popular, stressing the ecclesiastical, not avoiding reference to the saints and their legends. This has its advantages from the standpoint of people to whom thinking is unusual, but it reveals the general weakness of the Roman Catholic pulpit.

(M. SCHIAN.)

IV. Preaching in the English Tongue.

1. Before the Reformation:

1. The Anglo-Saxon Period.

Traces of the beginnings of preaching in Anglo-Saxon are found in Bede's Historia ecclesiastica. Through the preaching of Paulinus in the year 625 " the nation of the North Umbrians, that is, the nation of the Angles," received Christianity. Further, Paulinus of York (q.v.) labored " to convert some of the pagans to a state of grace by his preaching." Thus it would appear that he addressed them either directly or through an interpreter in their own tongue. This work was not enduring, but later (in 633) King Oswald wished to bring the Northumbrian Angles back to the faith, and sent to the Scots for a preacher. Aidan (q.v.) was dispatched from Iona, and his ministry was highly successful. He preached through interpreters. One charming story relates that " when the bishop, who was not skillful in the English tongue, preached the gospel, it was most delightful to see the king himself interpreting the word of God to his commanders and ministers." Others of the Saxon kingdoms received the word through preaching. Among the preachers to the-common people was Saint Cuthbert (q.v.), who is described as a "skilful orator," who delighted to go to obscure places for weeks at a time and "allure that rustic people by his preaching and example to heavenly employments." Bede himself reports in Latin a number of monkish sermons, of more or less doubtful authenticity. Bede also preached to the people in their own tongue, and tradition reports that his word was with power. From the eighth century on there was much preaching by English monks in the vernacular, and there are a number of Saxon homilies dating from both before and after the Norman Conquest in 1066. One of the homilists was Wulfstan (q.v.), archbishop of York (d. 1023). Of him Professor Earle says (English Prose, p. 383, London, 1890), " Of all the writers before the Conquest whose names are known to us, Wulfatan is the one whose diction has the most marked physiognomy." There is also a collection of translations from the Latin into Saxon which bears the name of Aelfric (see Alfric) and dates from early in the eleventh century.

2. The Norman Period.

After the Norman Conquest there are no traces of preaching to the invaders in their own language; though there are Latin sermons from this period. To the English people themselves, however, there was preaching in their own tongue. Many Anglo-Saxon homilies from this time are extant. From the twelfth and thirteenth centuries comes the highly valuable collection of Morris, Old English Homilies, which contains many interesting specimens of the English preaching of that epoch. During this period at least four notable prelates are also entitled to notice as preachers. These are: Ailred of Revesby (q.v.), Peter of Blois (q.v.), who, though a Frenchman, learned the English tongue and preached in it; Stephen Langton (q.v.), the celebrated archbishop of York, in his earlier years a preacher of distinction; and the famous bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste (q.v.), a preacher of force as well as a polemical prelate. In the early fourteenth century William of Macclesfield and Walter of Winterbourne were prominent preachers of the Dominican order in England.

3. The Pre-Reformation Period.

The leading name here is that of John Wyclif (q.v.). His great work as Bible translator and reformer does not obscure that of his preaching. Some of his homilies have come down and give good evidence of his earnestness, learning, acuteness, and popular power. He trained and sent out many preachers to instruct the common people in Bible truth and give them a purer Gospel than they received at the hands of monks or parish clergy. Among the churchly clergy of his age none appear to have reached distinction as preachers.

2. The Reformation:

1. General Account.

In Great Britain, as on the continent, the religious upheaval of the sixteenth century was vitally and powerfully related to preaching. (1) The worth of preaching as a religious force came to be more highly esteemed both by the preachers themselves and their hearers, and this naturally improved its tone. (2) Preaching was more Biblical. It now not only more clearly recognized the authority of the Bible, but it adopted a far more accurate and serious interpretation of Scripture. (3) Unavoidably the preaching was controversial and often hotly so. (4) The contents of sermons were thus quite theological and Biblical; but there was also much reasoning and illustration. (5) Preaching sought the people more than ever; less and less was it mere instruction of the clergy. Hence also the vernacular became now the rule and Latin the exception in the pulpit. This was not due solely to the Reformation, but it was accepted and fixed by that movement. (6) Preaching did not wholly escape the scholastic forms and the allegorizing methods of the Middle Ages, but there was improvement and progress toward better methods. (7) Modern preaching in the English tongue is the product of the Reformation. Before that time English preaching was comparatively undistinguished. Since then there has been none greater in history.

2. English Preachers.

John Colet (q.v.), professor at Oxford and dean of St. Paul's, though Erasmian rather than Lutheran, was a preacher of power. His striking lectures on Paul's Epistles at Oxford, and his popular preaching in London gave great impulse to the new ideas. The Bible tranalators-especially Tyndale and Coverdale (qq.v.)-were also preachers of influence. Chief among the preachers was Hugh Latimer (q.v.). His earnestness, boldness, acuteness, his knowledge of Scripture, his shrewd humor and tact, his racy English, all make Latimer one of the great preachers of history. Three other victims of the Marian reaction and persecution in 1555 are also notable as preachers: John Hooper (q.v.), bishop of Gloucester, who was diligent in and out of the pulpit, and from whom a few sermons of grasp, strength, and pungency have come down; Nicholas Ridley (q.v.), bishop of London, who was perhaps the deepest theologian of them all, but from whom no sermons are extant, though his preaching is highly praised by Foxe and others; and good John Bradford (q.v.), perhaps the most spiritual and edifying of the group, from whom remain a few excellent sermons. In the early years of Elizabeth there was something of a dearth of preachers and preaching. This was in part due to the preceding persecution, but also in part to the queen's cautious policy and her dislike or fear of the political influence of the pulpit. Worthy of mention are: Thomas Lever, whose sermons are said to have resembled Latimer's in boldness and spirit; Bernard Gilpin (q.v.), "the apostle of the north," whose eloquence and devotion are warmly praised by contemporaries; and the archbishops Edmund Grindal and Edwin Sandys (qq.v.). But the best preacher among the Elizabethan prelates was John Jewel (q.v.), bishop of Salisbury, who made his mark in the pulpit by his learning, eloquence, and devoutness.

3. The Scotch Preachers.

The Reformation in Scotland was perhaps more directly promoted by preaching than was the case anywhere else, and yet the literary remains of that preaching are very scanty. Such accounts and specimens as are extant exhibit the three essentials of reformatory eloquence: Scriptural basis, depth of conviction and corresponding fervor in appeal, and popular power. Before Knox the two preachers most often mentioned as preparing the way for him are Patrick Hamilton and George Wishart (qq.v.), both of whom were noted for earnestness and persuasiveness, and died as martyrs to their convictions. Nor must John Rough (d. 1557) be forgotten, the first minister to the reforming refugees at St. Andrews, who introduced Knox to the ministry there. Of John Knox himself (q.v.), maker and writer of history, patriot and statesman, theologian and reformer, the main thing to say is that he was all these by virtue of being in and above them all a preacher. One sermon only, with alight accounts of others, is all that remains from his pen; but the notices and results of his preaching give him a place of first rank among the great. Among his contemporaries and followers were: John Willock (d. 1585), who ranks next to Knox in power and influence; Christopher Goodman (d. 1603), an Englishman by birth and education, but a faithful preacher of reform in Scotland; and James Lawson (d. 1584), the successor of Knox at St. Giles in Edinburgh.

3. The Seventeenth Century:

This is well called "the classic age of the English pulpit." The momentous events of the age profoundly affected its preaching; and the pulpit was no small factor in shaping thought and action in all departments of the national life.

1. Character of Preaching.

Seventeenth-century preaching generally, but less in England than elsewhere, exhibited some reaction from the freshness and force of the Reformation, yet manifested and continued both the substantial gains and much of the spirit of that revolution. Doctrine and controversy on the basis of Scripture continued to be a large element of the sermon, but there was also much appeal to the more spiritual and devotional sides of religious life. In English preaching marked diversities appear. The differences between Anglicans, Puritans, and Non-conformists, with a multitude of individual peculiarities, led to a rich and interesting variety in pulpit work. In Scotland, owing to the influence of Knox and the dominance of Presbyterianism, there was a greater uniformity of type. Yet there were certain common characteristics which distinguish the great preaching of this age. The more glaring faults may be reduced to three: (a) The general prevalence-perhaps inevitable, yet carried too far-of the dogmatic and polemical spirit; (b) the tendency to minute analysis and tedious prolixity; (c) the affectation of both pedantry and fancy, which mar much of the best pulpit work of the time. On the other hand the admirable virtues of that " classic " preaching may also be set down under three general statements: (a) the Protestant principle of appeal to the Bible as authority led to power in the grasp and application of Scriptural truth, though with some polemical forcing and use of allegorical fancies; (b) the place and effect of preaching as a recognized and practical force in life and affairs gave to the preachers a sense of mastery and power in their work; (c) the varied and splendid use of the English language fixed its rank as one of the noblest instruments of religious utterance ever known.

1. Leading Preachers.

(1) English. These fall into the two well-defined groups of Anglican as against Puritan and Nonconformist. The Anglicans divide into an earlier and a later group. Among the earlier Preachers. may be named: Bishop Lancelot Andrewes (q.v.), somewhat heavy and pedantic, but strong with a tendency to mysticism; John Donne (q.v.), in early life courtier and poet but later a devout and earnest preacher somewhat given to poetic conceits and fancies; Joseph Hall (q.v.), bishop of Exeter and Norwich, pure and sweet of spirit, winsome in speech with a slight excess of ornament; and the eloquent defender of Protestantism, William Chil6ngworth (q.v.). The later group falls within the troublous times of the Commonwealth, Restoration, and Revolution, and chief among the mighty are: Jeremy Taylor (q.v.), marvelously gifted in fancy and diction, erudite and pious; Isaac Barrow (q.v.), mathematician, scholar, theologian, profound and exhaustive thinker, with a richness and strength of diction well suited to his mental methods; Robert South (q.v.), sharp and pugnacious in spirit and speech, but clear, forcible, and interesting; and John Tillotson (q.v.), moderate in temper and thought, strong without being powerful, clear without much beauty, a model of common sense. Of the Puritans proper there are: Thomas Adams (q.v.), weighty in thought and vigorous in style, called the "Shakespeare of the Puritans"; Thomas Goodwin (q.v.), devout, fanciful, strong; and the ever memorable pastor and earnest preacher at Kidderminster, Richard Baxter (q.v.). Among the Independents are the great theologian John Owen (q.v.) and the powerful thinker John Howe (q.v.). One English Presbyterian of first importance is Edmund Calamy (q.v.), popular preacher in London. The Baptists have the worthy names of John Bunyan (q.v.), Vavasor Powell (see FIFTH MONARCHY MEN), a mighty Welsh preacher, and Benjamin Keach (q.v.), a scholarly and able pastor in London. (2) Scotch. Presbyterianism was the established religion of reformed Scotland, and among the faithful preachers of the time are: Alexander Hamilton (d. 1646), well trained, calm, able pastor at Edinburgh; David Dickson (q.v.), pastor, preacher, professor; Samuel Rutherford (q.v.), author of the well-known devotional Letters, a queer compound of devout preacher and sharp controversialist. (3) American. A number of Oxford and Cambridge men came over to New England, both Puritans and Independents, and brought the characteristic English preaching of the age to found that which was soon to become really American. A few of these early New England divines are: Francis Higginson, John Eliot, Thomas Hooker, John Cotton, Richard Mather, John Davenport, Roger William s (qq.v.). The son and grandson of Richard Mather-Increase (1639) and Cotton (qq.v.)-were born in Boston and are the first notable American preachers of native growth. But distinctively American preaching is of the eighteenth century and after.

4. The Eighteenth Century In the British Islands:

1. Survey.

In this period a low tone of religion prevailed, so that the time has been called "the dark night of Protestantism." The effect of the age was to produce a lower vitality in morals in the ministry, rationalism in the pulpit, and much tame and lifeless preaching even among the orthodox. But it was not all dark; there was among Christians a good leaven of faith and devotion, and in this century came the great revival under Whitefield and Wesley. Considerable diversity appeared in types of doctrine, in methods and spirit of individuals and groups. Morals received great emphasis. In theology relaxed views found expression in Unitarianism; Arminianism had a mighty uplift through Wesley; but Calvinism had able exponents among the evangelicals and the followers of Whitefield. Methods of preaching and style naturally varied with individuals. As compared with the former age there was less artificiality and Pedantry, but some loss of life, beauty, and power. English preachers had never given as much attention to expository preaching as the Reformers on the continent, and sermons of the topical sort are more frequent in England. Some traces of the stiff and severe analysis of scholasticism remain; but the tendency is toward a more popular and simple presentation of truth. In general the eighteenth-century style is stately and solemn, sometimes heavy and pompous.

2. Leading Preachers.

(1) Roman Catholic. In England the Roman Church had a distinguished pulpit representative in John Milner (d. 1826). In Ireland Bishop Doyle was an admired pulpit orator, and is said to have been the first Irish Catholic preacher of distinction to use the English tongue. Walter Blake Kirwan (q.v.) began as a Roman Catholic but became Protestant. He was a man of remarkable eloquence. (2) Church of England. The lax and worldly group is represented in Jonathan Swift (d. 1745) of Dublin, and Lawrence Sterne (q.v.), rector of Sutton; both were more distinguished in literature than in the pulpit. The churchly orthodox include Francis Atterbury (q.v.), bishop of Rochester, who was more showy than profound; Joseph Butler (q.v.), bishop of Durham, author of the Analogy and of a series of sermons on Christian ethics; Samuel Horsley (q.v.), bishop of St. Asaph's, the powerful opponent of Unitarianism, and a vigorous preacher. The Evangelical group includes George Horns (q.v.), bishop of Norwich, a pleasing and popular preacher; William Grimshawe (d. 1763), rector at Haworth; William Romaine (q.v.), a much loved pastor chiefly in London; John Newton (q.v.), rector of Olney and later of St. Mary Woolnoth in London, friend of Cowper , writer of hymns and useful pastor and preacher. Above all were the two famous revivalists. George Whitefield (q.v.) came of humble origin but took a degree at Oxford and was ordained. He had a wondrous faculty of popular eloquence, and led thousands to Christ. John Wesley (q.v. and see METHODISTS) was of good birth and breeding, very thoroughly educated at Oxford. Calm and logical, but determined and masterful as preacher and organizer, he did work unsurpassed in the history of preaching. (3) Presbyterian. In England no distinguished preachers are found among the Presbyterians, but it is otherwise in Scotland where Presbyterianism was the established church. The "moderates" included John Logan (d. 1788) and Hugh Blair (q.v.), author of the Rhetoric. The Evangelical group contained John MacLaurin (d. 1754) and John Erskine (q.v.), both highly regarded as pastors and preachers. The "secessionists" were led out of the lax establishment by the pious Thomas Boston (q.v.) and the brothers Ebenezer and Ralph Erskine (d. 1756, 1754), three devoted and influential preachers. (4) Non-conformist. The famous scientist Joseph Priestley (q.v.) was also famed as a theologian of Unitarian opinions, and was a preacher of ability. Among the orthodox Independents the two best-known names are those of Isaac Watts (q.v.), better remembered as a hymnist than preacher, and Philip Doddridge (q.v.), teacher, hymnist, writer, pastor-a man of noble character and abundant usefulness. Among Baptists were the brilliant and scholarly Robert Robinson (q.v.), the judicious and solid Andrew Fuller (q.v.), theologian and missionary. leader; and the fervent William Corey (q.v.), whose historic sermon before the Northampton Association in 1792 gave mighty impulse to the modern missionary movement.

5. The Eighteenth Century is North America:

The Puritan preaching of New England, with its Biblical authority, its Calvinistic theology, its intellectual and ethical elevation, its ponderous scholasticism, and its solemn earnestness, forms the a basis of American preaching in general. But the conditions of life-social, political, and religious-- in the New World soon began to work important modifications in the developments from this original impulse, though without destroying its force. Among the more obvious distinctive qualities of American preaching may be noted: (1) Its remarkable variety-which makes any accurate general characterization impossible. The great medley of Christian denominations is reflected in the pulpit. Social life also-pioneer, rural, urban-produced different types of ministry. Nor has the intense political life of Americana been without influence upon their preaching. This suggests (2) the freedom which has characterized the American pulpit in all its history. " Liberty of prophesying " has found its goal in America. (3) An element of the first importance in American preaching has been its emphasis on evangelism. American preachers have not conceived their mission as a teaching function only, but also as proclamation of the Gospel. The labors and influence of George Whitefield (q.v.) in America entitle him to mention here also. Jonathan Edwards (q.v.) is the most eminent American preacher of this age. Philosopher and college president, he was also a preacher of admirable gifts of mind and heart. After him came his son, Jonathan Edwards, Jr. (q.v.), and his grandson, Timothy Dwight (q.v.), both of them distinguished theologians and preachers. Other Congregationalists are: Joseph Bellamy (q.v.); and Ezra Stiles (q.v.), brilliant scholar and president of Yale. The Presbyterians have the honored names of David Brainerd (q.v.), missionary to the Indians; Samuel Davies (q.v.), pastor of a rural charge in Virginia, then president of Princeton, who died at the age of thirty-six, a noble and admirable preacher, whose published sermons were long recognized as models; the remarkable Temment family, of whom Gilbert (q.v.) was the most important, a "terrible preacher," austere but strong. Of the Baptists were such men as James Manning (q.v.), Daniel Marshall, Oliver Hart, John Gaao, John Leland (q.v.), Samuel Stillman , who did their work about the middle and end of the century. The Methodists had the high-minded, self-sacrificing Francis Asbury (q.v.), who was chief among the founders of American Methodism and a preacher of considerable power.

8. The Nineteenth Century in the British Islands:

1. The First Third of the Century 1801-1833.

All elements of the national life responded to the vigorous movements of this great epoch. The pulpit felt the touch of the time, and there is no greater preaching in modern history than that of the British Islands during the nineteenth century. Movements in the political, social, and literary spheres all influenced the pulpit. And there was the more direct touch of the benevolent and religious activities of the age among which missionary and philanthropic organization and effort are of special moment. In religious thought the three church parties, later distinguished as "low," "broad," and "high," began to appear in this period. The "Evangelical" view of Christianity was dominant in pulpit and pew. But under the lead of Unitarians and a few thinkers in the Church of England, aided by other influences, there was a decided trend toward "liberal" views. A few strong men in the establishment also were preparing the way for the coming sacramentarian movement. In respect of style, generally apcaking, the eighteenth-century vogue-stilted, formal, dignified-was yet prevalent. In respect of influence the pulpit was able and esteemed. The Church of England Evangelical group was led by Charles Simeon (q.v.), beloved pastor at Cambridge for fifty years; not a deep thinker, but a preacher of spiritual power and a skilled homilist. Of the churchly school was Henry John Rose (q.v.), an impressive preacher. Among the beginners of the "Broad-church" tendency were Richard Whately (q.v.), archbishop of Dublin, a notable author and man; and the famous teacher at Rugby, Thomas Arnold (q.v.), whose sermons to boys exhibit his greatness of nature and mind. The Presbyterians of various schools had some distinguished men. The Unitarian element in England was headed by Thomas Belsham (q.v.). The Moderates in Scotland had a few leaders, while the Evangelical party was well represented by Andrew Thomson (q.v.). The brilliant but erratic Edward Irving (q.v.) attracted crowded congregations during his brief career in London. But the greatest Presbyterian preacher of this period was Thomas Chalmers (q.v.) notable for thoroughness and height of thought, sweeping and grand style, elevated and commanding character. It is hard to place the eccentric Rowland Hill (q.v.), who was ordained a deacon in the Established Church, sympathized in theology with the Calvinistic Methodists, and was pastor of the famous Surrey (Independent) Chapel in London; odd, but true and sincere, a preacher of freshness and power. The Independents possessed the pious and useful William Jay (q.v.), long pastor at Bath; not profound but an excellent preacher of strong Evangelical views, and writer on devotional topics. The most important Methodist preacher of the time was the eminent theologian and secretary of missions, Richard Watson (q.v.). Among the Baptists the admirable and once popular essayist John Foster (q.v.) preached with some success, and the wonderful Welshman, Christmas Evans (q.v.), was a preacher of powerful imagination and fervor but first rank easily belongs to the gifted Robert Hall (q.v.), philosophical in intellect, highly cultured, elevated in style, commanding in eloquence, devout in spirit-one of the great masters of English pulpit discourse.

2. Middle of the Century, 1833 - 69.

Literary and scientific work of a high order is characteristic of the age, and a powerful stimulus to preaching. There was also much thought and movement in religion, and these naturally and profoundly influenced preaching. Movements toward. fuller liberty in religion must not be overlooked. The influence of philosophical, scientific, and critical speculation is strongly felt in modifying religious views. There was better exegesis of Scripture, but less regard for its authority. Social reforms encouraged and went along with evangelistic and missionary activities and found advocacy in the pulpit. There was a great variety of thought and method in groups and individuals, but the general trend of pulpit utterance was in the direction of freedom from conventionalisms, more adaptability to the people, without loss of either intellectual vigor or strength of conviction. Among Roman Catholics Cardinals Wiseman, Manning, and Newman were eminent prelates, but only Newman was specially distinguished as a preacher, and that was before he entered the Roman Catholic communion. In Ireland, however, there were not a few able preachers, such as: Thomas N. Burke, Archbishop Walsh (q.v.), Father Mathew (q.v.)-the great temperance orator, Father Boyle, Thomas J. Potter. In the Church of England the Evangelical group contains the rhetorical, popular, and earnest canon of St. Paul's, Henry Melvill (q.v.); and Hugh McNeile (d. 1879), .Irish by birth and training, moving and tender in speech, beloved as rector in Liverpool and dean of Ripon. "High-church" views were strongly advocated by the unconventional but highly esteemed Walter F. Hook (q.v.), attractive preacher in Coventry and Leeds, and dean of Chichester. Here also belong the Oxford leaders, John Keble, E. B. Pusey, and J. H. Newman (qq.v.), of whom Newman was greatest in the pulpit. As a preacher he was deep toned, intense, magnetic, with appealing personality and utterance, and a master of expression. Three quite different but influential men must be reckoned to the Broad-church party: Julius Hare (q.v.), devout, cultured, and sweet; F. D. Maurice (q.v.), thoughtful and independent in theology but a very influential mind; and the sensitive, high-strung, courageous F. W. Robertson (q.v.), whose posthumous and briefly reported sermons are choice read ing still and have had wide influence. Of the Independents there were: John Angell James (q.v.) of Birmingham, good pastor, and pleasing though not profound preacher; James Parsons of York (d. 1877), a clear and intense thinker with forceful utterance, and much in demand as preacher on occasions; Thomas Binney (q.v.), a powerful, practical leader and thinker of weight and strength in the pulpit. Two well-known men among the Methodists were Jabez Bunting (q.v.), a strong leader and preacher; and W. M. Punahon (q.v.), oratorical and popular and a widely useful man. The Presbyterians had John Cumming (q.v.) of London, whose eloquence drew crowds to hear his famous sermons on prophecy; Henry Cooke (q.v.), of Belfast, Ireland, a vigorous professor and preacher; and the several branches of Presbyterianism in Scotland had such famous preachers Thomas Guthrie, R. S. Candlish, John C. Norman McLeod (qq.v), and John Ker. Of the Baptists F. A. Cox, B. W. Noel (q.v.), and Willi Brock deserve mention; but the preeminent name is that of the young but already celebrated Charles H. Spurgeon (q.v.), who sprang at one bound into a world-wide and lasting fame as a preacher of wonderful power and built up a remarkable congregation and working church in London.

3. Close of the Century, 1869-1900.

A general view of British preaching in this period reveals the continued influence of most of those forces which have already been described. If anything, the pressure of scientific and critica views was greater. Social questions and movements were more than ever characteristic of the age and the pulpit. Theological thinking was infinitely various, and no one school could claim dominance. A group of influential mystical preach ers arose in the Keswick movement (see KESWICK CONVENTION); and there was much evangelistic preaching with earnest endeavor to reach " the masses." In the Church of England the older Evangelical views were fairly represented by J. C. Ryle (q.v.), bishop of Liverpool. A greater preacher than he was the witty and eloquent W. C. Magee (q.v.), bishop of Peterborough and archbishop of York. To the High church group belongs the leading Anglican preacher of the age, H. P. Liddon (q.v.). Elevated in character, thought, and style, learned, fair to opponents, with pleasing presence and voice, he was a master in the pulpit. Perhaps to this school must be assigned the thoughtful and profound preacher on difficult subjects, J. B. Mozley of Oxford (q.v.). To the Broad-church group belong the cultured dean A. P. Stanley of Westminster (q.v.) and the brilliant and versatile F. W. Farrar (q.v.). The great scholars J. B. Lightfoot and B. F. Westcott (qq.v.), both bishops of Durham, are also to be enrolled among the effective preachers of the age. The Roman Catholics had several preachers of ability and influence, chief among whom are perhaps Bernard Vaughan, who severely arraigned popular society in London, and Father Harper, who preached with effect a series of rather philosophical discourses. The Baptists of this period are ably represented by William Landels (q.v.); Alexander Maclaren (q.v.), the long active and beloved pastor at Manchester, whose published discourses have been an inspiration to thousands, with their clear, accurate, and spiritual exposition and application of Bible truth; John Clifford (q.v.), of London, the still active pastor and champion of religious freedom; John Turner Marshall, Hugh Stowell Brown (qq.v.), Richard Glover, and Charles Brown. Presbyterians of note are John Watson (q.v.), of Liverpool; Alexander Whyte (q.v.), of Free St. George's, Edinburgh, devout and mystical with special success in character studies; George Matheson (q.v.), the blind poetic and philosophic preacher and devotional writer; and George Adam Smith (q.v.), who with the "advanced" views of a modern critic combines fervor and power in the pulpit. The leading Methodist was Hugh Price Hughes (q.v.), active in social reforms as well as a preacher of great acceptance and success. With him should also be named M. G. Pearse, a man of talent and vigor, and the elevated, clear-thoughted, impressive W. L. Watkinson. The Independents have not been behind others in the number and worth of their ministers, among whom were the eminent theologian and pastor R. W. Dale of Birmingham (q.v.); the world-famous Joseph Parker of London (q.v.), a man of rare personality and conviction; George Campbell Morgan, Reginald John Campbell (qq.v.), and Charles Sylvester Horns. Besides the eminent leaders who have been named, there were many others in all the churches who helped to render the closing years of the nineteenth century illustrious in the annals of the British pulpit.

7. The Nineteenth Century in Greater Britain:

In Canada, Australia, British India, and South Africa-making necessary allowance for differences of environments and conditions-preaching in English has exhibited very much the same character as in the mother country. The different churches and opinions have had their representative men. There has not been a numerous native ministry, except in Canada: the supply has been kept up mostly from the home lands. The movements of modern thought in regard to both social and religious affairs have been keenly felt, but there has been on the whole perhaps a closer adherence to the Evangelical traditions. In India the earlier missionaries, William Carey, Alexander Duff, and Bishops Heber and Wilson (qq.v.), preached with acceptance to their fellow countrymen as well as conducted missionary operations; nor have there been wanting excellent preachers in later days, such as Bishop J. E. C. Welldon (q.v.). In Australia and New Zealand preaching has been more independent of the missionaries than in India. A few notable names are those of Dr. Gittos, Methodist, and Dr. North, Baptist, of New Zealand, whose work has counted for much in that dominion. In Australia the Roman Catholics had Cardinal Moran, and the Anglicans Bishop Moorhouse among their leading preachers. Presbyterians have taken a high stand in pulpit work, with such men as Principal Harper of Sydney, Dr. Marshall of Melbourne, and others. Of Methodists leading names are those of "Father" Watsford, a successful evangelist, and Dr. Fitchett, editor and author. Canada has naturally had the advantage of the other British possessions in the nativity, number, and independence of her preachers. Some of the better-known are Canon Cody among Episcopalians, Dr. Wilkes of Montreal among Congregationalists, Drs. McDowell, Herridge, Johnston, Milligan, and Gordon (q.v.; " Ralph Connor"), among Presbyterians; Douglas and Potts of the Methodists; and Cameron, Wallace, Trotter, McNeill, Farmer, Thomas, and others among the Baptists. Some of these-as well as others not mentioned-have published sermons and other writings, but the literature of preaching for Canada is not large.

8. The Nineteenth Century in the United States:

The war between the States marks a deep cleft in the national life and gives a dividing line for the history of all subjects; religion and preaching no less than others. A general survey of preaching in the earlier period shows that the main lines of life and progress which began in the eighteenth century had their natural development. Variety, freedom, practical adaptation and directness, evangelistic power continue to characterize the American pulpit. It responded to the demands of a progressive age and kept pace with the growth of culture and religion. The traditions, history, and sermons of the period indicate that the views of Christian truth which are usually called "orthodox," and "Evangelical," were in the ascendant, though "liberal" opinions did not lack free and able utterance. Preachers as a class were held in high esteem and had a strong influence. The pulpit was conscious of power, able and efficient. It is probable that the two decades from 1840 to 1860 witnessed on the whole the highest point of American preaching. Among the Roman Catholics may be named Bishop England (d. 1842) of Charleston, Archbishop Spalding (q.v.), and Archbishop Kenrick (q.v.). The Episcopalians had such men as G. T. Bedell (d. 1854), Stephen H. Tyng (q.v.), and his sons; Bishop Alonzo Potter of Pennsylvania (q.v.), and Bishop C. P. McIlvaine of Ohio (q.v.). Foremost among the Unitarians was W. E. Charming, (q.v.), pastor in Boston, highly gifted in thought and style. Others of this body were Kirkland, Norton, H. W. Bellows (q.v.), and the agitator and reformer, rather than preacher, Theodore Parker (q.v.). The Congregationalists had many great men. Nathaniel Emmons (q.v.) had already achieved fame as a preacher and theologian in the preceding century, but his remarkable work and influence went on well into the nineteenth. Lyman Beecher (q.v.), the father of distinguished children, was himself a man of might and influence in the pulpit. Charles Grandison Finney (q.v.) with his strain of mysticism was also a cogent reasoner, a theologian and college president (Oberlin), but is best remembered as a remarkably successful evangelist. Horace Bushnell (q.v.), pastor at Hartford, was a man of powerful and independent mind, whose thoughtful sermons have had lasting influence. In the middle stage of his remarkable career Henry Ward Beecher (q.v.) was perhaps the most famous of all American preachers; a man of acute and versatile intellect, broad sympathies, splendid imagination, impressive personality, and so an orator of the first rank. To the Presbyterians likewise this was an age of pulpit excellence. Some of their best representatives are: Archibald Alexander (q.v.), and his son, James W. (q.v.), professor at Princeton and pastor in New York; Albert Barnes (q.v.), the commentator, pastor in Philadelphia; and James H. Thomwell (q.v.), of South Carolina, educator, theologian, preacher. To the Dutch Reformed Church belongs the beloved and eloquent George W. Bethune (q.v.), pastor in New York. Of notable Methodists were: the young Irishman John Summerfield (q.v.), called " seraphic " for his moving eloquence; William McKendree (d. 1835), one of the early Methodist bishops, a man of large mind and labors; Stephen Olin (q.v.), a strong and logical preacher; John P. Durbin (q.v.), original and striking; and the exuberant and rhetorical Henry B. Bascom (q.v.), one of the first bishops of the Southern Methodist Church. The Baptists also had not a few notable preachers, among whom were: William Staughton (d. 1829), of English birth, a very impressive speaker; Andrew Broaddus (d. 1848) of Virginia, preferring rural pastorates, a man of noble eloquence and great influence; Spencer H. Cone (d. 1855), pastor in New York, strong preacher and trusted leader; Francis Wayland (q.v.), for a short time pastor in Boston but better known as president of Brown University, a great preacher of solid thought and balanced judgment; and, now just at the height of his great powers and influence, Richard Fuller (q.v.), of South Carolina and Baltimore, a preacher of striking personality, broad culture, deep piety, and sweeping eloquence.

2. The Civil War and After.

Most of the characteristics and tendencies noticed in the preceding section went on with developed force during the wonderful era of expansion and growth in the country since the war. But some additional matters require notice. The differences between the North and the South-social, political, religious, temperamental-naturally were more or less reflected in the pulpit. The North was more commercial and progressive, the South more rural and conservative. There was more of political and reformatory preaching in the North, but the South had the balance in favor of a devout adherence to the evangelical traditions. In the armies on both sides there was excellent preaching by chaplains with much resultant good. After the war the North prospered and entered on an age of rapid accumulation of wealth; the impoverished South recovered very slowly, and only toward the close of the century began to regain its place in the national life. The North was more hospitable to new ideas in science, philosophy, and religion. There the struggle with scientific and critical unbelief, with the influx of various foreign peoples, and other modifying influences upon religious thought and custom, were more keenly felt; and the pulpit reflected all these things. Modern modes of thought have profoundly influenced preaching at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, and have greatly changed the aspect of American preaching on the whole. The pulpit has been less dignified, more inclined to sensation and opportunism, and has had less hold upon popular respect than formerly. Yet such loss has not been total, and some advantages haveaccrued. American preaching has been modern, popular in style, aggressive, evangelistic, successful. The Episcopalians have had such excellent preachers as Bishops Huntington, Doane, Potter, Dudley, Gailor, together with Drs. Newton, Rainsford, Greer, and others; but the preeminent name in the Episcopal pulpit of America is that of Phillips Brooks (q.v.), pastor in Philadelphia and Boston, and bishop of Massachusetts, a man of large mold, devout, sympathetic, cultured, refined, spiritual, with rapid and forcible address. The Congregationalists still had Beecher in his closing years and declining influence; but along with him were: R. S. Storrs of Brooklyn, W. M. Taylor of New York, N. J. Burton of Hartford; and later Lyman Abbott, Newman Smith, George A. Gordon of Boston, F. W. Gunsaulus (who began as Methodist) of Chicago, Newell D. Hillis of Plymouth Church Brooklyn (qq. v.), and the widely known and useful evangelist, D. L. Moody (q.v.), a man of direct and forceful ways, no great thinker, but deeply in earnest, and a master of assemblies. The Presbyterians had not a few great men, such as John Hall (q.v.), Irish born, but pastor in New York; T. DeWitt Talmage (q.v.), of Brooklyn, sensational and flowery, but popular and effective; the erratic but moving David Swing (q.v.), of Chicago; the venerable and beloved Theodore L. Cuyler; A. T. Pierson, C. H. Parkhurst, D. J. Burrell, M. D. Babcock, G. T. Purves (qq.v.), and others in the North; and in the South Moses D. Huge (q.v.), of Richmond, and B. M. Plamer (q. v.) of New Orleans, both of them cultured, beloved, and eloquent. The northern Methodists are represented by Bishops Matthew Simpson, J. P. Newman C. H. Fowler, F. T. Bristol, and the Rev. L. A. Banks (qq.v.). Southern Methodists also had some names of strong preachers to their credit, such as Bishops E. M. Marvin, Geo. F. Pierce, A. G. Haygood, A. W, Wilson, J. C. Granberry, J. J. Tigert, C. B. Galloway. Here also belongs the sensational and often rude popular lecturer and preacher, Samuel P. Jones (q.v.), whose fame and work were achieved partly because and partly in spite of his extraordinary pulpit methods. The Baptists had a number of excellent preachers during the period. George C. Lorimer (q.v.), born in Scotland, but active in Boston Chicago, and New York, was a preacher of commanding abilities of thought and expression; P. S. Henson (q.v.), of Philadelphia, Chicago, and Boston, has had a long and brilliant ministry; other notable names of living and dead are those of A. J. Gordon, R. S. MacArthur, T. G. Jones, J. L. Burrows, J. R. Graves, B. H. Carroll, J. B. Hawthorns. But preeminence was cheerfully accorded by his brethren to the devout and scholarly John A. Broadus (q.v.), for a short time pastor at Charlottesville, Virginia, but best known as professor and president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, at Louisville, scholar, author, teacher, leader, but above all a tender, simple and persuasive preacher of the gospel.

9. Twentieth-Century Outlook;

It is too early in the century to do more than point out that in all English-speaking lands the main elements and forces which ruled the pulpit at the close of the nineteenth century are operative and powerful at the beginning of the twentieth. Social and ethical preaching abounds. The turn of speculative philosophy toward spiritual idealism, instead of the materialism of the preceding age, leas been accompanied by a mystical tendency in preaching, both among conservative Evangelicals and advanced critics. Some of the men already named are still active, and there are many others in all the churches to illustrate the varied spirit, aims, and methods of modern preaching in all countries where the lish languageguage prevails.

E. C. DARGAN.

 

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: Much of the literature under HOMILETICS will be found pertinent. as manuals on the subject often contain a brief history of the pulpit, The works on the history of the church contain hints of value and the literature under the articles on the great preachers named in the text is pertinent for details into which this bibliography can not enter. On the history of preaching in general consult: E C. Dargan A History of Preaching 70-1572, New York, 1905 (with a bibliography, which, however, does not give places or dates of publication); John M. Neale Mediaeval Preachers and Mediaeval Preaching, London, 1858: H. C. Fish. History and Repository of Pulpit Eloquence, 2 vols., New York, 1856-57; J. A. Broadus, Lectures on the History of Preaching, ib. 1878; A Nebe, Zur Geschichte der Predigt. Charakterbilder der bedeutendsten Kanzelredner, 3 vols. Wiesbaden,1879; R. Rothe, Geschichte der Predict von Anf�ngen bis auf Schleiermacher, Bremen, 1881; G. J. Davies, Successful Preachers. Being Biographical and Critical Sketches of Eminent Preachers, New York, 1884; E. P, Hood, The Throne of Eloquence:Great Preachers, London 1885; F. H. Wallace, Witnesses for Christ; or, a Sketch of the History of Preaching, Toronto, 1885; F. W. Farrar, Hist. of Interpretation, New York, 1888; J. Ker Lectures, on the History of Preaching, London, 1888; G Longhaye. La Pr�dication. Grandes ma�tres, Paris. 1888; E. Boucher, L'�loquence de la chaire. Histoire litt�raire, Lille, 1894; J. Telford, A History of Lay Preaching, London, 1897; F James, The Message and the Messengers, lessons from the history of Preaching, ib., 1898: T. H. Pattison, The History of Christian Preaching, Philadelphia, 1903. On the pulpit in different countries--Germany: J. N. Brischar Die katholischm Kanzelredner Deutechlands in den drei ldzten Jahrhunderts 5 vols Schaffhausen, 1887-71; C. G. Schmidt, Geachichte der Predipt in der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands von Luther bis Spener, Gotha, 1872; L. Stiebritz, Zur Geschichte der Predigt in der evanqelischen Kirche von Mosheim bis auf die Gegenwart, Gotha, 1876; R. Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predict im Mittelalter, Detmold 1879: G. Renoux. Lee Pridicateurs c�l�bres de Allemagne, leur vie, leursa �uvres, Paris, 1881; H. Rinn, Kulturgeschichrliches aus deutschen Predigten des Mittelalters, Hamburg 1883; W. Beste, Die bedeutendsten Kanazelredner der �ltern luther. Kirche von Luther bis zu Spener, 3 vols., Dresden, 1888; A. Linsenmayer, Geachichte der Predigt in Deutschland von Karl den Grossen zum Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1886; K. H. Sack, Geschichts der Predigt in der deutschen evanagelischen Kirche von Mosheim bis auf die letzten Jahre von Schleiermacher und Menken Heidelberg, 1888; F. R. Albert, Die Geschichde der Predigt in Deutschland in bis Luther, G�tersloh, 1892-96; A. E. Schoenbach Studien zur Geschichte der alldeutschen Predigt, Vienna, 1898; On France: R. Turnbull, The Pulpit Orators of France and Switzerland,  New York, 1848; A. Vincent, Hist. de la Pr�dication langue fran�aise au XIX. si�cle (1800.-1866), Geneva, 1871; A. Hurel, Les Orateurs sacr�s a la cour de Louis XIV., 2 vols., Paris, 1874; L. Bourgain, La Chaire francaise au XII. si�cle d'apr� les manuscrits, ib.,1880; P, Jacquinet Les Pr�dicateurs du XVII. avant Bosseut, ib., 1885; A. Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire francaise au '"oven aye, ib. 1888; J. Fontaine, La Chaire et l'apolog�tique au XIX. si�cle; Etudes critiqus d portraits contemporains, ib., 1887; A. Samouillan, �tude sur' la chaire et la soci�t� francaise au quinz�me si�cle, Toulouse, 1891; P. Stapfer La Grande Pridication chritienne an France, Paris, 1898; A. Bernard, Le Sermon au XVIIl, si�cle. 1789, hist, et critique sur la Pr�dication en France de 1716 � 1789, ib., 1901; A. de Coulanges, La Chaire fran�aise au dixhuitème siècle, ib., 1901; C. H. Brooks, Great French Preachers, 2 vols, London 1904. On great Britain: J. C. Ryle, Christian Leaders of the Last Century,  Edinburgh, 1869; J. E. Kempe, Classic Preachers of the English Church, 2 series, London, 1877-78; E. J Evans and W. F. Hurndall, Pulpit Memorials, ib. 1878; J. H. Bloom, Pulpit Oratory in the Time of James the First Considered and beautifully Illustrated by Original Examples, A.D 1620 - 21 - 22, ib 1831; O. Jones, Preachers of Wales, ib., 1885; J. C. Jones, The Welsh Pulpit of To-Day, ib., 1885; W. M. Taylor. The Scottish Pulpit from the Reformation, ib , 1887; W. G. Blaikie, Preachers of Scotland, 6th to 19th Century, Edinburgh, 1888; H. Rashdall, The Friars Preachers of the University, Oxord, 1890; E. L. Cutts, Parish Priests and their People in the Middle Ages in Engand, London 1898; J. Brown, Puritan Preaching in England, ib., 1900; Liber exemplorum ad usum pr�dicantium, ed. A. G. Little. Aberdeen, 1908 (a work compiled between 1270 and 1279 by an English Franciscan in Ireland). On the United States: H. Fowler, The American Pulpit: Sketches, Biographical and Descriptive, of living American Preachers, New York, 1856; W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, 9 vols., New York, 1857 sqq.; J. W. Thornton, The Pulpit of the American Revolution: or, the Political Sermons of the Period of 1776, Boston, 1880; H. Haupt, Die Eigenart der amerikanischen Predigt, Giessen, 1907. On other countries: J. Hartog, Geschiedenis van der Prodikkunde in de Rork van Nederland, Utrecht, 1887; V. L. Nannestad, Portraiter fra %irken. Bidrap til en Karakteristik of danak Pradiken i let nittende Aarhundredes sidste Saludel,  Copenhagen, 1899; F. Zanotto, Storia dells Predieazione nei aecoli della letteratura italiana, Modena, 1899; L. Marenoo' L'Oratoria sacra italiana nal media evo,  Savona, 1900. On the modem pulpit: H. C. Fish, Pulpit Eloquence of the Nineteenth Century,  New York, 1857; E. A. Park, Pulpit Eloquence of the Nineteenth Century . . . with an Introductory Essay, Boston, 1874; A. M. Littlejohn, The Christian Ministry at the Close of the Nineteenth Century, New York, 1884; Camera Obecura, Modern Anglican Preachers, London, 1892; Preachers of To-day, ib., 1899; J . Edwards, Nineteenth Century Preachers and their Methods, ib., 1902; L. 0. Brastow, Representative Modern Preachers, New York, 1904; idem, The Modern Pulpit, Homiletic Sources and Characteristics, ib., 1906; W. C. Wilkinson, Modern Masters of Pulpit Discourse, ib., 1905; C. L. Slattery, Present Day Preaching, ib., 1909.

PREBEND: The term applied originally to the food given to monks or clergy at their common table; later it was made to include the Benefice (q.v.), when, in consequence of the breaking-up of community life, the revenues of the corporate foundations were divided and fixed incomes were assigned to individual members of such foundations. Although this process did not everywhere lead to the creation of prebends, wherever they were thus established a portion of the revenues was still reserved for daily distribution so that the term "prebend" sometimes retained its original application. As a rule, however, a distinction is drawn between prebends and daily allotments. To the prebend belong fixed and definite revenues, including tithes, usufruct of certain real estate, and especially a residence for each prebendary. There are also various distributions from endowments, although these as a rule apply only to actual residents.

E. SEHLING.

In English ecclesiastical law, which here as everywhere is closely connected with common usage, the term prebend is used for any endowment given to a cathedral or collegiate church for the maintenance of a clergyman. A canonry is a right to a place in the cathedral chapter and stall in the choir, a prebend is the income for the support of the canon. Hence prebendary and canon are commonly used as equivalent. In strictness prebend and prebendary are more inclusive terms, as some in receipts of prebends are not members of the chapter and therefore are not canons. It is not necessary that a prebendary be resident; he may have a benefice elsewhere with cure of souls, where he must live except when at the cathedral for his term of service.

 

PRECIOUS STONES.

  1. I. General Description and Uses.
  2. II. Names and Varieties.

 

I. General Description and Uses:

Under the term "precious stones" the Hebrew included not only the "noble" stones but the less valuable gems. These were obtained not in Palestine but from the outside world, according to tradition from Ophir (I Kings x. 11), and the queen of Sheba presented such to Solomon (I Kings x. 2). Ezek. xxvii. 22, cf. vii. 13, seems to show that the people of Sheba and neighboring tribes were the merchants who supplied the markets of Tyre with these articles (see ARABIA), while the Phenicians supplied the Hebrews. The art of mounting and engraving gems, along with the knowledge of industrial arts, came to the Hebrews from Phenicia, though just when this took place is not known. According to the priestly writer (Ex. xxviii. 11), the art of seal engraving was practised by the Hebrews in the wilderness. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the seals which have survived resemble those of the Phenicians in form, writing, and ornamentation, so that discrimination between Hebrew and Phenician gems is not always possible. The only certain criteria. are the place of discovery, or the style of the design, or the name in case that contains a divine name as an element (as in the seals of Obadyahu, Shebhanyahu, Abhiyahu, cf. cuts in Benzinger, Arch�ologie, pp. 225 sqq., Freiburg, 1907). But wherever these seals were made, they betray the influence of Assyrian-Babylonian art; the lion on the seal embodying the design from Megiddo (Milteilungen and Nachrichten des deutachen Paldietina Vereins, ii., 1904) is the same as on Babylonian sculptures. One may therefore speak of a conventional manner of representation; this is further confirmed by the use of such ornaments as the winged disc of the sun, the steinbok, hare, tree of life, etc. Precious atones were employed principally for seals and signets. The latter were at all times important in the East, furnishing as they did a substitute for the signature. Gems may have served also as ornaments in earrings, nose-rings, frontlets, and bracelets (Cant. v. 14). II Sam. xii. 30 may refer to the crown of Moloch (q.v.); precious garments were no doubt adorned with gems (Ezek. xxviii. 13; Judith x. 21); golden vessels also were decorated with them (Ecclus. 1. 9). This luxury, however, belongs to a late period, being foreign to the Simplicity of ancient custom. Precious stones constituted a considerable part of the treasures of Hezekiah, according to the Chronicler (II., xxxii. 27), while the same writer enhances the splendor of Solomon's Temple by describing its walls as adorned with them (I., xxix. 4; II., iii., 6), though the earlier record does not involve this (I Kings iv.) and it seems to be precluded by I Kings xiv. 26; II Kings xiv.14, xvi. 17, xviii. 16, where the:emoval of every thing that was valuable in the Temple is recorded. The later high-priestly dress, as described in the priest code, shows a lavish use of precious stones (Ex. xxviii. 9 sqq.). The custom of describing precious possessions in terms of gems (Job xxviii. 15 sqq.; Prov. xvii. 8, xxvi. 8, vii. 9) led to the practise of using the names of precious stones in describing the glories of the future city of God (Isa. liv. 11-12; Rev. xxi. 18 sqq.), even of the very glory of God (Ezek. i. 26; Dan. x. 6; Rev. iv. 3).

II. Names and Varieties:

The following list of precious stones mentioned in the Bible is arranged according to the Hebrew or Greek alphabet. The explanation of the Hebrew names can not always be given with certainty, nor can the correspondence of certain stones with the Greek names be always certified (cf. Josephus, Ant., III., vii. 5; War, V., vii.; Pliny, Hist. nat., xxxvii. for treatment of gems known to the ancients). (1) Odhem, Septuagint sardion, Vulgate sardius, is the carnelian, a stone popular in antiquity and often used for signets (a seal from Jerusalem is of this material; Revue biblique, xii. 605). The best specimens come from the vicinity of Babylon (Pliny, xxxvii. 105-106). The Hebrew name is derived from its reddish-brown color, the Greek name from the city of Sardis, where Pliny asserts that it was found. (2) 'Ahlamah (Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12) is according to the Septuagint and Vulgate the amethyst (Rev. xxi. 20), a comparatively common transparent, violet, winecolored, gray-white, or brownish crystalline quartz found according to Pliny (xxxvii. 121 sqq.) especially near Jerusalem, but also in Egypt, Arabia, and Armenia. (3) Ekdah, "the sparkling" (Isa. liv. 12), probably the carbuncle (see no. 10), unless the Septuagint reading " crystal " be followed (see no. 13). (4) Bareketh (Ex. xxviii.17, xxxix. 10;  Ezek. xxviii. 13), Septuagint, Josephus, and Vulgate smaragd, A.V. "carbuncle" (Judith x. 21; Tobit xiii. 17; Ecclus. xxxii. 8; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 19), A.V. " emerald," Sanscrit markata (P. de Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, iii. 44, G�ttingen, 1896). It is found on the confines of Upper Egypt and Nubia, was highly valued among the ancients, and was used for medical purposes, being regarded as good for the eyes. Herodotus, Pliny, and Theophrastus speak of smaragda of colossal size in certain sanctuaries; they also comprised under that name less valuable green stones like dioptase and green jasper. (5) Gabhish (Job xxvii. 18) is the crystal (Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1), properly "ice," "the frozen" (P. de Lagarde, Reliqui� juris, xxii., Leipsic, 1856); the ancients regarded the rock-crystal as ice hardened by vehement cold (Pliny, Hist. nat., xxxviii. 9; cf. Diodorus, ii. 52; see no. 13). (6) alom (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11; Ezek. xxviii. 13), always yaspis in the Septuagint and Vulgate, A.V. " diamond," mentioned also Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 11, 18, 19, an opaque quartz of diverse coloring (red, brown, yellow, greenish, gray, dark), was much used by the ancients for seals. So the lion seal from Megiddo is " jasper." The common opal and semiopal may have been included in this category by Pliny (xxxvii. 217). (7) Yashpe (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13; Ezek. xxviii. 13) on account of the similarity of the sound of the name is identified with the jasper, though no etymological connection is traceable. The Septuagint and Josephus render it "onyx," the Vulgate "beryl"; an interchange of (6) and (7) may be assumed in the Septuagint. (8) Kadhkodh (Tsa. liv. 12, Septuagint yaspis, Symmachus karchedonion; Ezek. xxvii. 16, Septuagint chorchos) ; Hebrew r and d are interchanged or misread in the versions, so that karchedon is the chalcedony of the ancients (De Lagarde, Reliqui� juris, x.), a red stone of glittering splendor (Pliny, "Carthaginian carbuncle"), not the common blue flint. It was used for gems and seals (cf. Rev. xxi. 19). (9) Leshem (Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12), Septuagint ligurion, Vulgate liguriua; according to Pliny (viii. 137, xxxvii. 54) a fire-colored atone like the carbuncle, considered by the ancients a kind of amber (xxxvii. 34-35). (10) Nophek  (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 16, xxviii. 13), Septuagint anthrax, Vulgate carbunculus, a red stone, the ruby. On account of its hardness it was not cut by the ancients. It is better to identify it with the lappaka of the Amarna Tablets and the Egyptian mphkt, green malachite, obtained by the Egyptians in the mines of Sinai. (11) Sappir, often mentioned (Ex. xxiv. 10; Ezek. xxviii. 13; Job xxviii. 6, 16; Isa. liv. 11; Rev. xxi. 19); when the precious sapphire is mentioned, the blue variety is doubtless meant. Pliny (xxxvii. 120 sqq.) and Theophrastus call the lapis lazuli �sapphire," which is the stone probably meant in the Old Testament. (12) Pitedhah (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxi. 10; Ezek. xxviii.13; Job xxviii. 19), Sanscrit pits, "the yellow," according to Job, coming from Ethiopia (see Gtrsa), answers to topaz ,(Rev. xxi. 20), a transparent stone described by Strabo (xvi. 770) and Diodorus (iii. 38) as " golden " (Pliny, " greenish yellow "), said by the last-named to have come from the topaz island supposed to be in the Red Sea. (13) Ferah (Ezek.i. 22), properly " ice," see no. 5. (14) Shebho (Ex. xxviii. 19), according. to early tradition the agate, highly appreciated in antiquity, though not in the time of Pliny; there are many varieties, and it is abundant in Syria. (15) Shoham, often named (see below); the Hebrew tradition places its origin in Havilah (q.v.). Two large stones of this variety, each having the names of six tribes of Israel in scribed, were on the shoulders of the high priest. Tradition regarding it vacillates: the Septuagint (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13), the Targum, and the Peshito call it " beryl," with which corresponds the Septuagint of Gen. ii. 12, prasinos, " leek-gem," since the leek-green chrysoprase was classed an ciently among the beryls (so Pliny, xxxvii. 77, 113). In Ex. xxviii. 9, xxxv. 27, xxxix. 6 the Septuagint renders smaragd, "emerald," in Job xxviii. 16 "onyx," and once sardius. The Vulgate reads sardonyx. The last-named, sardius, and onyx belong to the same species, the chalcedony (cf. Dillmann on Gen. ii. 12). (16) Shamir (Jer. xvii. 1; Ezek. iii. 9; Zech. vii. 12), the diamond, is not numbered among the precious stones; the Hebrews could not polish it, but knew its use as a point and its insuperable hardness (Jer. xvii. 1; Ezek. iii. 9< scripRef id="iv.iv.xxi.p3.67">; Zech. vii. 12). (17) Tarshish (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13; Ezek. i. 16, x. 9, xxviii. 13; Cant. v. 14; Dan. x. 6), generally rendered " chrysolite " by the versions, but the Septuagint retains tharsis in Ezek. i. 16; Cant. v.14, anthrax in Ezek. x. 9 (see no. 10); the Vulgate renders " hyacinth " in Cant. v. 14. There is no consistent tradition. The Apocalypse in describing the foundation stones of the New Jerusalem (xxi. 19 sqq.) names twelve precious atones, seven of which can with probability be referred to Old-Testament names (see nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12 above). In all likelihood these twelve stones are identical with those on the breast-plate of the high priest, so that the other five have a place among those enumerated, but cannot be certainly identified. They are: (18) the beryl (Rev. xxi. 20), perhaps identical with no 15, a variety of the emerald of smaller value; the sea-green stone most valued by the ancients came from India. (19) Chrysolite (xxi. 20), often identified in tradition with no. 17 above; the stone so called in modern times is a light green, but that a gold-colored stone exists is stated by Fraas (cf. E. C. A. Riehm, Handw�rterbuch, p. 334 note, Bielefeld, 1894-99); Pliny (xxxvii. 90-91, 126-127) also describes it as gold-colored. (20) Chrysoprasus (xxi. 20) may perhaps be identified with no. 15, a gray transparent chalcedony. (21) Hyacinth, A.V. " jacinth " (xxi. 20), came from Ethiopia (Pliny, xxxvii. 125-126), and answers to the stone known to mineralogists as zircon, a changeable red or yellow stone. (22) Sardonyx (xxi. 20) is partly identified by tradition with no. 15 above.

I. BENZINGER.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Furtwfingler, Antike Gemmen, 3 vols., Leipsic, 1900; A. T. Hartmann, Die Hebr�erin am Putztisch and als Braut, i. 278 sqq., iii. 27 sqq., Amsterdam, 1809; K. E. Kluge, Handbuch der Edelateinkunde, Leipsic,1860; C. W. King, Natural Hist. of Precious stones: Antique Gems, London, 1866; J. Menant. Les Pierres grav�es, 2 parts, Paris, 1883-85; J. H. Middleton, Engraved Gems of Classical Times, Cambridge, 1891; H. Lewy Die semitischen Fremdwőrter im Griechischen, pp. 53-82, Berlin, 1895; Nowack, Arch�ologie, i. 130 sqq.; DB, iv. 619-621; EB, iv. 4799-4812; JE, v. 593-596; and the commentaries on the passages of Scripture cited in the text.

PRECIST: One who has the expectation of a benefice, this expectation being granted him by the possessor of the " right of first, requests." Since this right involves the duty of issuing formal rescripta de providendo, which the pope may issue in certain cases, those for whom papal provision is thus made are also termed precists until they receive the benefices in question.

(H. F. JACOBSON�)

 

PRECONIZATION:A term derived from the medieval Latin pr�conizare, pr�conisare, "to proclaim publicly," and denoting the act whereby the pope, in the college of cardinals, proclaims as bishops those prelates who have been found on examination to be properly qualified for the episcopal office, and assigns them their sees.

(H. F. JACOBSON�)

 

PREDESTINATION.

I. Scriptural Doctrine. II. Church Doctrine. Scholastic Theology (� 5).
The Old Testament (� 1). The Eastern Church (� 1). Later Roman Catholic View (� ,6).
The Gospels (� 2). The Western Church (� 2). The Reformers (� 7).
The Pauline Epistles (� 3). Augustine (� 3). Post-Reformation History (� 8).
Other New-Testament Writings (� 4). Post-Augustinian Views (� 4).  

Predestination in the wider sense is the eternal predetermination of God's universal design or specific ends; and, in the most restricted sense, the foreordination in the inscrutable counsels of God by an eternal unchangeable decree of a certain number to eternal salvation, which is called election, and a certain number to eternal destruction, which is called reprobation. The doctrine, historically, results from the search for the. certainty of salvation, which resolves itself in a conscious faith in the everlasting foundations of grace in God.

 

I. Scriptural Doctrine:

1. The Old Testament.

Fundamental in the Old Testament is the belief in the election of Israel as God's own people, revealed first to the patriarchs and finally illustrated in the covenant. God is the source of blessing and a safe refuge: Israel is the elect, the bearer of salvation (Isa. xlv. 4). Every event is determined in the divine will. God leads and inclines men, even hardens their hearts to bring to pass his higher purposes (Gen. xxv. 23; Ex. iv. 21, vii. 3, ix. 16; Josh. xi. 20); but his activity is not irresistible. The election of Israel rests upon divine grace and is the act of unqualified love. Not until the time of Ezekiel was this election regarded as applied to individuals, and then it was regarded as an act before time.

2. The Gospels.

In the New Testament, Israel, by the rejection of the Messiah, has forfeited its distinction, and election has passed to the believers in Christ. According to the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus is sent to all that were lost. He, as the risen one, sends forth his disciples and offers salvation to all the nations (Matt. xxviii. 19-20). Salvation is based solely on God's loving purpose conceived before the foundation of the world (). God does not coerce but leaves the acceptance of salvation to the free will of man (Matt. xxiii. 37). Meanwhile the idea of free will makes place for that of divine election, especially in Matthew. Many are called but few chosen (Matt. xx. 16, xxii. 14); for the elects' sake the days of tribulation shall be shortened (Matt. xxiv. 22; Mark xiii. 20). But the elect are those found worthy among the called and embrace all the community of the New-Testament believers. Condemnation falls on those only who reject Christ. In the Fourth, Gospel the Evangelist has in mind a certain metaphysical predisposition determining the receptivity of Christ's influence and accordingly dividing men into those who are "of the truth " and those who are children of evil (John vi. 44-45, x. 29, xvii. 2, 6, 9, xviii. 37). But the saving purpose of God's love embraces all men (John iii. 16), and whosoever comes will be accepted (vi. 37, vii. 37). The attainment of salvation is 'based on the inworking of God. Man may accept or reject Christ and is responsible. For all those who have attained salvation the work has been wrought entirely by God and they are proved to be " of the truth "; for those who are lost, the divine activity consists in punishment for the rejection of salvation.

3. Pauline Epistles.

The doctrine of election received a closer definition by the Apostle Paul. The Gentiles are also elected, in spite of the Jews having been the chosen race, and the Jews shall nevertheless be saved in spite of their apparent rejection and hardening of heart for man is justified by faith, not works. In other words, the ultimate ground of salvation is not in man's effort, but in God the source of all good, and he chooses by his sovereign freedom as he will, out of love, the gift of which is his grace (cf. Rom. ix.-xi.). To make certain of the gift of grace through conscious faith and of eternal salvation in God, assurance is given by reference to divine election. Paul sets forth, principally in the Epistle to the Ephesians, that man, though involved in sin, yet remains an object of divine love. God has provided salvation in Christ and offers pardon and reconciliation. That which is realized in time was determined in the ever-existing, immutable divine counsel; namely, to send Christ and save all those joined by faith in him. This eternal purpose is that upon which the conscious salvation of those in Christ rests; as the self-determination of God to benevolence, it also appears as grace. This purpose recognized through grace involves the selection of those to be redeemed, the elect. Correlates of this are election and calling which are inseparable. Calling is, for Paul, the entrance into Christian unity; election, however, is a transcendental act in which the universal design is to be distinguished from a predetermination to a specific end. The word election in II Thes. ii. 13, refers to the primordial choosing; in I Cor. i. 27-28, to an election by which believers are to enter into a certain relation with the world. Election fulfils itself in the act of faith. If the calling makes certain who is chosen, the gift of salvation to the elect results on the ground of faith. In the consciousness of faith the individual is certain of his election, for the fact of his believing is a result of his election. But the negative deduction, that unbelief is likewise grounded in an act of the divine will, is not drawn by Paul. How the election of individual believers reconciles itself with the universal will of grace is to be made clear by the condition of the fulfilment of that will in time. How the experience of salvation conditioned upon human self-determination is reconciled with the fact that God while working faith fulfils election remains to be explained. Acts of self-determination are acts of obedience to God, the source of all good (Phil. ii. 12-13; Col. iii. 12-13). Of special importance is the question whether salvation is absolutely assured to the elect, or whether they may fall from grace. In this connection those passages are relevant which are supposed to support the doctrine of particular predestination. In Eph. i. 4-6, election is foreordained; but a pretemporal division of mankind is not expressed. In Rom. viii. 28-30, the phrase "the called according to his purpose" seems to justify particularism. The sense of the passage turns upon the term "foreknown," which may mean not an effective foreknowledge but a recognition beforehand of individual believers and their predetermination to become Christlike. In Rom. ix.-xi., Israel is to be saved in time in spite of its resistance, and in ix. 22-24 there seems to be present the idea of a predetermination to destruction as well as to glory. Different constructions have been made of the passage: (a) In Rom. ix. the absoluteness of God's will is assumed but later supplemented (Meyer); (b) Paul, in this discussion, has in mind God's part which has its causes as well as its effects in the historical development (Beyschlag); (c) there is an antinomy between a benevolent God and a hostile God, and Rom. ix. teaches a determinism which leaves in doubt whether a particular or a universal predestination is meant (Holtzmann, Pfleiderer); (d) in Rom. ix. election no less than reprobation presupposes belief no less than unbelief, which does not occur without free self-determination. The attitude of man somehow conditions the divine act, and there is no double counsel of election. Ripe for destruction are those who through their own guilt have brought it down upon themselves (Hofmann; B. Weiss). Paul has in mind the historical fate of a people, not the consideration of salvation and destruction. Again, when God hardens the hearts, this is a primitive judgment; necessity to sin is the penalty for yielding to sin. Free self-determination is emphasized as well as divine omnipotence. The Pastoral Epistles continue the same conception.

4. Other New-Testament Writings.

The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews starts with the postulate that the believer may fall from grace, and holds that God does no violence to the free will of man; but on the other hand, the impossibility of repentance on the part of those who have lapsed from their faith is represented as the consequence of the divine judgment. Self-hardening is suggested (iii. 7-8, xii. 17), and the passages indicate but a single period of probation for everyone. In Revelation the chosen are those who have accepted their election by faith (xvii. 14). The counsel of salvation is universal. Even the last judgment is intended to call the world to repentance (cf. ix. 20-21, xvi. 9, 11). The elect are those who partake of salvation (cf. I Peter ii. 9). Election pertains to the choosing of the individuals fulfilled in time and is synonymous with calling. The passage I Peter ii. 8 implies a predestinarian historical point of view, but does not teach a predetermination of unbelievers to reprobation. Christians owe their state to regeneration (James i. 18) and to election 1). In the Acts election of grace is implied (ix. 15, xiii. 48, vii. 42), which presupposes the free self-determination of individuals.

(G. HOENNCKE.)

 

II. Church Doctrine:

1. The Eastern Church

Previous to Augustine there was no serious development in Christianity of a theory of predestination. Until then the rich materials of the New Testament, especially of the writings of Paul, remained unutilized or were subject to exegetical discursiveness. That the Greek Fathers stopped short with merely superficial historical revelation and free personality is due to the necessity of asserting over against pagan and Gnostic naturalistic determinism the autonomy of man; and over against the evolutionary primal power, the transcendent personality of God. To them this autonomy was the distinguishing characteristic of human personality, the basis of moral responsibility, a divine gift whereby man might choose that which was well-pleasing to God (Justin, I Apol., x. 63, xliii. 10, II., vii. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 165-66, 216 177). Sin could not destroy this autonomy, could at most only weaken it and lead it intellectually astray (Origen, Contra Celsum, iii. 86-69� Eng. transl., ANF iv. 490-492); and Irenaeus (H�r., IV., xxxvii. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 519) could place side by side "the autonomy of man and the counsel of God who constraineth not." None of the Greek Fathers conceived a revelation by the Spirit to the individual soul transcending a historical and intellectual presentment of the truth; and though there are vague allusions to the "synergism" of God in the mysteries, with the man of moral endeavor the human will always selects from those operations. God gives the power, man must furnish the will (Clement, Quis dives, xxi.; Strom., VI., xii. 37, VIL, vii. 82; Chrysostom on Phil. ii. 13; Origen, De principiis, III., ii. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, iv. 331; and on Rom. iii. 19II Tim. ii. 25 (cf. Justin, Apol., I, xxviii. 56; Eng. transl., ANF, i.172; Trypho, xlii. 78; Eng. transl., i. 216; Irenaeus, H�r., IV., xxix. 2; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 502); and similar meanings were attributed even to Biblical passages of directly opposite tendency. According to Justin (I Apol., lxi. 71; Eng. transl., ANF,1.183) birth differs from regeneration in that the former is a thing done to man, while the latter he voluntarily chooses. John of Damascus, first formulating the doctrine of predestination (De fide orthodoxa, II., xxix. 95; MPG, xciv. 968-969), distinguished the divine "will preceding," which conditionally aims at the salvation of all men, from the "will following," which restricts the number of the elect in particular to those whom foreknowledge perceives to be worthy. This is yet the orthodox doctrine of the Eastern Church. The Russian Catechism (i. 3) accordingly declares: " Since God foresaw that some would choose the good and others the evil, he predestined the former to glory and rejected the latter."

2. The Western Church.

In the Western Church, up to the time of Augustine, the fixed principles of free will (Tertullian, Adv. Marcionem, ii. 6; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 301-303; Ambrose, De Jacobo, i. 1) and of divine foreknowledge (Tertullian, ut sup., ii. 23; Eng. transl., iii. 315; Ambrosiaster on Rom. viii. 29) underwent no essential revision, though so deep was the feeling of the working of grace on the individual that the statements of the Latin Fathers are far more in harmony with the Bible than those of the Greek Fathers. The development of the doctrine of original sin after Tertullian, and the emphasis which Cyprian laid on the Church and her means of grace deepened the concept of the operations of grace, transcending mere illumination of intellect. Cyprian ascribes all good to God (Epist., i. 4; Eng. transl., ANF, v. 276; De oratione Domini, xiv.; Eng. transl., ANF, v. 451); Tertullian, on the other hand, teaches a power of grace which modifies free will (De anima, xxi. 39; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 202); and Ambrose in passages expresses himself synergistically (In Lucam, i. 10, ii. 84), and also almost in terms of predestination (vii. 27).

3. Augustine.

The deeper Western doctrine of grace was carried to its logical conclusions by Augustine (see AUGUSTINE, SAINT, OF HIPPO), both as a result of personal experience and in consequence of his study of the Bible, especially of the writings of Paul. At first he wavered between the conviction that feeling and experience yielded to the working of grace but that reason clung to free will (cf. Soliloquia, I., i. 5). Even then his religious interest led him to distinguish clearly faith as the root from works as the fruit, thinking to have found the point, in the origin of faith, where free will is alone operative; election was based on the foreseeing of faith (Rom. ix. 11). In 397, however, he came to the conviction that faith itself is a divine gift, and henceforth this belief in a grace that is the source of all good in man underlies Augustine's entire theological system. This attitude of Augustine evoked the opposition of Pelagius (see PELAGIUS, PELAGIANISM), who sought to lead souls to a better life by reminding them of their innate, inalienable power. Man shall acknowledge to himself powers of will and "spiritual riches," "which he shall then be able to employ well when he shall have learned that he has them." The motive force in Augustine's development of the doctrine was not the theory or the practise of the Church, but his personal experience of sin and grace. According to his system, the decisive and inalienable characteristic of man is not abstract freedom of choice but loving union with God (Expositio Psalmorum, v.; Eng. transl., NPNF, 1 ser., viii. 11-15; Conf., I., i. 1, VII, x. 16; Eng. transl., viii. 45, 109-110). Without divine aid (enabling power, adjutorium), transcending natural moral powers, even Adam could not remain good, though this aid gives only the possibility, not the realization, of fellowship with God (De nature et gratia, xlviii. 56; Eng. transl., v. 140; De correptione et gratia, xi. 32; cf. x. 27; xii. 34, 38; Eng. transl., v. 482-187). God gave first a good will to man, in which, however, he could not continue without the gift of enabling power; and that man should be willing to continue God left to his free will. This free will is inherent in human personality, nor can man, from the point of view of love, be considered as acting under compulsion, so that the guilt of sin falls on him alone (De gratia et libero arbitrio, ii. 4, xviii. 37; Eng. transl., v. 445, 459). This delivers his idea of free will from pantheistic naturalism; on the other hand, his religious interest will not permit him to emancipate free will from God. Hence, initial will is rather a divine content for its further development, by which it wins its freedom in a higher sense as an autonomous agent in the sphere of life. The lower form of freedom was but a transition point to true freedom (xi. 32, xii. 33; cf. x. 28; Eng. trawl., v. 484-485; De praedestinatione sanctorum, xv. 30; Eng. transl., v. 505-506). From the sin of Adam, in virtue of the unity of the human race, arose the necessity for the condemnation of all mankind ("mass of perdition"), salvation being possible only through the second Adam, Christ, for all united with him (Contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum, IV., iv. 7; Eng. transl., v. 419; De correptione et gratia, x. 26, 28; Eng. transl., v. 183; De natura et gratia, v. 5; Eng. transl., v. 123). This historic dispensation of salvation is carried out so rigidly that even the patriarchs were saved only by the sight of the risen Christ on whom they believed (De peccato originali, xxvi. 30-31; Eng. transl., v. 248). The Church of all ages, historically founded on Christ, hides the elect within itself, unlike the lost world (De civitate Dei, xv. 1; Eng. transl., ii. 284). In the empiric admission to "the body of Christ," set forth already in the reception of infant baptism (De natura et grati, viii. 9; Eng. transl., v. 124), God's free dispensation to his elect discloses itself (De correptione et gratia, viii. 42; Eng. transl., v. 489). In his writings on predestination Augustine considers, for the most part, only those whom the grace of God leads to his kingdom of their own free will; and even the Church is the body of the elect only in a general sense, since it contains "vessels to honor" and "vessels to dishonor," the latter not belonging fully to the Church (De baptismo, VII., li. 99). The basis of the idea that election is not accomplished merely by external incorporation into the Church, but fulfils itself finally by the personal operation of grace, was afforded by the experience of "grace free but not freed" (De correptione et gratia, xiii. 41-42; Eng. transl., v. 488-�189), and the formally free will must, therefore, be filled with good (De gratia et libero arbitrio, xv. 31; Eng. transl., v. 456-457). By his experience of conversion Augustine found his free will instantly, whereby he submitted absolutely in divine service (Conf., ix. 1; Eng. transl., i. 129). From which the conclusion follows that "the human will does not attain grace by freedom, but rather freedom by grace" (De correptione et gratia, viii. 17; Eng. transl., v. 478). Faith is especially, from first to last, the work of God in man, so that "the elect are not elected because they believe, but they are elected that they may believe" (De praedestinatione sanctorum, viii. 16, xvii. 34; cf. ii. 3-4, xx. 40; Eng. transl., v. 506, 514-515, 499, 517-518). God chose a "certain number" from the "mass of perdition" (De coreptione et gratia, x. 26, xiii. 39; cf. vii. 12; Eng. transl., v. 482, 487-188, 476; De dono perseveranti�:, xiv. 35; Eng. transl., v. 539; De pr�destinatione sanctorum, xii.23; Eng. transl., v. 509). For Augustine there is thus a division only on the whole, never with reference to individual persons. The former sense of foreknowledge continues, but now comes to be applied to God's own operations of grace, not to human resolves (xiv. 31, xix. 38), and, so far as the elect are concerned, foreknowledge is thus identical with predestination (De dono perseveranti�, xix. 47-48; Eng. transl., v. 545). As to the others, emphasis on the elect relieved the necessity of mentioning the non-elect. "Predestination can not exist without foreknowledge, although foreknowledge may exist without predestination" (De pr�destinatione sanctorum, x. 19; Eng. transl., v. 507). This distinction steers clear of supralapsarianism even as to the fall; for God foreknew the fall of Adam, but did not compel it (De correptione et gratia, xii. 37; Eng. transl., v. 487). After the fall, the non-elect were simply left in the "mass of perdition," from which no one had any claim to be saved (De gratia et libero arbitrio, xxi. 42-13, xxiii. 45; cf. De correptione et gratia, xiii. 42; De dono perseveranti�, xiii. 33; Eng. transl., v. 462-463, 489, 538). These variants of emphasis spring from Augustine's fundamental postulate that all good is of God and all evil of free will, a view aided by his Platonic notion that evil is essentially a defect, the "not-being" (De libero arbitrio, II., xx. 54). Later in the development of Augustine's thought he was able to postulate redestination to destruction, even if not to sin (Enchiridion, c.; Eng. transl., iii. 269; cf. De civitate Dei, XXII., xxiv. 5; Eng. transl., ii. 504). I Tim. ii. 4 means that God does not will that every man be saved, but that no man is saved apart from his will, and "all men" refers to the whole race in its varieties (Enchiridion, ciii.; Eng. transl., iii. 269). The carrying-out of the counsel of grace to the elect is secured by admonitory preaching (De correptione et gratia, vii. 13; Eng. transl., v. 477). This entire treatise aims to prove that the general historical and the individual operations of grace are not mutually exclusive (xiv. 43; Eng. transl., v. 489); hence room is left for free moral activity to such an extent that Augustine repeatedly speaks of "merits" though these rest, in the last analysis, on divine activity (e.g., De gratia et libero arbitrio, vi. 15; Eng. transl., v. 450). The "grace" of Augustine is a divine power to which man owes moral "vivification" or "infusion of love," of which remission of sins appears to be a natural concomitant (cf. De gratia et libero arbitrio, xi. 23-24; Eng. transl., v. 453-454). Behind human preaching God's secret instruction works on the elect (De pr�destinatione sanctorum, viii. 13; Eng. transl., v. 504-505). In view of the guidance in experience of the elect, Augustine distinguishes various degrees of grace (De gratis et libero arbitrio, xvii. 33; Eng. transl., v. 457-458); the aid to those in divine communion exceeds the first enabling power as actuality surpasses possibility. Not only can human will resist the divine will (De correptione et gratia, xiv. 45; Eng. transl., v. 489-490), but God alone grants the gift of perseverance to his elect (De dono perseveranti�, i. 1; Eng. trans]., v. 526), who, without this gift, are not truly elect (De correptione et gratis, vii. 14, ix. 20-21, xii. 36; De pr�destinatione sanctorum, xvi. 32; Eng. transl., v. 477, 479-480, 486, 513).

4. Post Augustinian Views

While the authority of Augustine, combined with the deeper character of the Western doctrine of grace, easily overthrew Pelagianism, so that even the Semipelagians (see SEMIPELAGIANISM) disowned the anathematized heresies of Pelagius, Augustine's doctrine of predestination fell far short of acceptance. Jerome, Hilary, and Faustus of Riez (qq.v.) adhered to free will, nor did the Semi-Pelagians make it clear that admission to Christianity through baptism, regarded as necessary to salvation, signified predestination. Later followers of Augustine seem to have reduced the operation of grace as based on divine election to this point, for the Synod of Orange (q.v.) in 529 (Mansi, Concilia, viii. 735 sqq.), in effect, denied a predestined reprobation in connection with its commitment on the grace of baptism, affirming that the divine election had designed no division among the baptized. Although an essential thought of Augustine was thus sacrificed, yet the way was opened to reunite on the middle ground represented by the old theory of foreknowledge which was facilitated for the followers of Augustine in that he had never formally assailed the traditional teaching of foreknowledge. The new content he had given the older doctrine was by no means firmly established, so that later it could be affirmed much more emphatically than by Augustine himself that foreknowledge of evil was not a predestination "imposed by necessity upon the human will" (Fulgentius of Ruspe, Ad Monimum, i. 7; MPL, lxv. 157). Except for a number of obscure deviations, no new concepts were developed during the succeeding centuries. On the Augustinian side the only event of interest was the attempt of the unknown author of the fifth century De vocatione omnium gentium (cf. MPL, li. 664 sqq.) to reconcile the particularism of election with a serious universalism of the will to save, and by faith he rose superior to the paradox that God alone works salvation and gives it to all men, though all are not saved. On the opposing side certain passages of Llber praedestinatus (iii. 1; MPL, liii. 629-632; See PRAEDESTINATUS, LIBER) mark the first attempt to refer predestination from human persons to the general plan of salvation. A new factor first entered into the controversy in the ninth century with Gottschalk (see GOTSCHALK, 1). His formula of a twofold predestination applying equally to those who had thus far been distinguished as "foreordained" and "foreknown," however disturbing to theologians who officially recognized Augustine but were far from sharing his views, was, nevertheless, a reproduction of Augustine's own theory. Even for his supralapsarianism he could appeal not only to Augustine (ut sup. ) but also to Fulgentius (De veritate praedestinationis; iii. 5) and to the declaration of Isidore of Seville (Sent. II., vi. 1; MPL, lxxxiii. 606): "there is a twofold predestination, of the elect to blessedness, and of the reprobate to death." Gottschalk's theological views, however, would scarcely have brought condemnation upon him had he not employed the doctrine of predestination, in connection with his own experience, to assert the independence of the inner man from the Church. The numerous followers of Augustine who gave Gottschalk literary support did not accept the doctrine of the assurance of salvation, so that Ratramnus (q.v.), like Augustine, maintained that no man might presume to consider himself one of the elect (De praedestinatione, ii.). In the mass of writings produced at this period the sole new element is the multiplication of ambiguous formulas with which each one sought to make his own divergent opinions pass as Augustinian. A master of this type was Hincmar of Reims (q.v.), who emphasized, in the theses of the Synod of Chiersey (853), the universality of salvation, but as regards free will and predestination advanced Semipelagian views in Augustinian terminology, affirming that "God elects from the mass of perdition after his foreknowledge those whom through grace he predestined to life; others, moreover, whom he abandons in the mass of perdition, by a just judgment, he foreknew would perish but did not predestine that they should perish" (cf. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iv., 217-218). Rabanus Maurus (q.v.) declared that "God does not predestine all that he foreknows; for he only foreknows evil, he does not predestine it; but good he both foreknows and predestines" (Epist. ad Notingum, MPL, exii. 1532-33). At the same time he openly expressed Semipelagian views on free will (ut sup., pp. 1541, 1553; Epist. ad Hincmarum, p. 1524). In the controversy only resolute Augustinians spoke in unmistakable terms, although the most of them had changed the Augustinian point of view. The interest is no longer in the anthropomorphic problem, admitting of various irreconcilable views, but in the construction of a simple, speculative formula of God. Gottschalk manifests a decided tendency to determinism, wishing to avoid foreknowledge in the formulation of a conception of God immutable, a trend found in milder form in Ratramnus (De praedestinatione, ii.), who applies the twofold predestination of God simply to his all-embracing government of the world. On this scheme, which now appeared to receive a pantheistic application, Scotus Erigena (q.v.) based his De praedestinatione, though in fact he agreed far more with Gottschalk's determinism than with the current Semipelagianism.

5. Scholastic Theology

The Gottschalk controversy ended with the transformation of a vital problem into a scholastic theory, a character which was retained throughout the Middle Ages. During the following centuries the prevailing doctrine, while carefully avoiding both Semipelagian terms and the extreme deductions of Augustinianism (irresistible grace and perseverance), exalted the operation of grace alone and constantly repeated the formulas of Augustine on foreknowledge and predestination to good, but mere foreknowledge of evil (Anselm, De concordim praescientia; praedestinationis cum libero arbitrio, i. 7; MPL, clviii. 517; Peter Lombard, Sent. I., xl. 1, 4; MPL, cxcii. 631; Thomas Aquinas, Summa, I., xxiii. 5). At the same time it was held, with Augustine, that the will of fallen man remained free, but was made and maintained good only by grace, the gift of God (Anselm, ut sup., iii. 3-4; Bernard of Clairvaux, De gratia et libero arbitrio, xiv. 46-47, MPL, clxxxii. 1026- 27; Peter Lombard, ut sup., II., xxviii. 4; Thomas Aquinas, ut sup., I., cv. 4). This would indicate thoroughgoing predestinarianism, were it not for a sentence of Bernard (ut sup., x. 35) according to which those fallen in this life by their free will may be saved by divine aid, but not after the resurrection. Since, however, perseverance was now placed in the future life, it became possible not only for Adam but for the elect even to fall from grace; and the Augustinian doctrine of two forms of divine aid (possibility and actuality; ut sup.) was disregarded. From this view only Thomas Aquinas is to be excepted, and his more deterministic position (cf..Summa, I., xxiii. 7) henceforth was the pillar of genuine Augustinianism. A complete change was inaugurated by Duns Scotus (q.v.) whose widely divergent expressions on predestination can be explained only on the assumption of an equally justifiable twofold point of view. The will is by nature the sole cause of its own acts, so that even God does not work immediately on the human will (Sent., II, xxv. 2, xxxvii. 2, 8, Ill., iii. 21); therefore, the will of God, being determined by nothing beyond itself, is the ultimate cause of everything that happens in the universe and of human fortunes. Duns Scotus gave the first impulse to the undisguised "Pelagianism" of the late Middle Ages with his doctrines of "merit of the fit" and "act of love," which would tend to shift all back to foreknowledge. By his emphasis on the absolute freedom of the divine will he furnished weapons for the uncompromising opponents of this entire development. During the centuries immediately preceding the Reformation the status of the doctrine of grace was but superficial, except where the profounder view was guarded by the Augustinian friars. Early in the fourteenth century, the Thomist Thomas Bradwardine (q.v.) assailed Pelagianism, and was followed by John Wyclif (q.v.), an Augustinian of the most deterministic type, who identified the "true Church" with the "number of the predestined" (De ecclesia, i.) and denied that the pope could be the head of such a body since "without special revelation" he could not even know whether he was a member of it.

6. Later Roman Catholic View.

The teaching of the Roman Catholic Church on predestination was unchanged by the Reformation. In its doctrine of grace the Council of Trent returned to the position of earlier scholasticism (vi. 5, 16), but as regards predestination contented itself with warding off deductions perilous to the Church (vi. 9 sqq.). The doctrine itself remained fundamentally undecided, so that toward the end of the sixteenth century a controversy could break out between the Thomistic Dominicans and the Semipelagian Jesuits. A Congregatio de auxiliis gratia sat for nine years without being able to condemn either party as heretical. When, however, in the following century Jansenism renewed the unabridged teachings of Augustine, the papal condemnations of Jansen (see JANSEN, CORNELIUS, JANSENISM) and Pasquier Quesnel (q.v.) not only rejected the doctrine of possible salvation independent of the Church, but also a series of genuine Augustinian concepts, such as irresistible grace. In recent years there has been an unmistakable tendency toward the Semipelagian Jesuit position. It is held, with tacit recommendation of the theory of foreknowledge, that "the Church never wishes to resolve that controversy; each one, therefore, may without impairing the faith hold that opinion which appears more probable, and seems to aid the better in resolving the difficulties of unbelievers and heretics" (G. Perrone, Praelectiones theologicae, 47th ed., Turin, 1896.)

7. The Reformers

In the early days of Protestantism, predestination, as the expression of the power of grace from personal experience, opposed individual certainty of salvation to the claims of the Church, and formed the one central dogma common to all the Reformers. Before beginning his career as a Reformer, Luther had expressed an Augustinianism which theoretically opposed the rigid deductions of the system; but later he passed far beyond the position of Augustine to an actual supralapsarianism which regarded even the fall of Adam as divinely decreed He included in the nature of man, or the enabling grace of Augustine, not only possible but actual union with God. For the theoretic maintenance of this position there was at hand the doctrine of the absoluteness of the divine will, as posited not only by Duns Scotus and the nominalists who followed him, but also by Laurentius Valla and (for Zwingli) by the mystic pantheist Pico della Mirandola (see PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA, GIOVANNI). The argument was, accordingly, carried not only from the empirical servitude of the sinful will to the allefficient grace of God, but also from the all-comprehending activity of God to the inconceivability of free will. All the Reformers proceeded from the assumption that this doctrine alone was in harmony with a truly living faith. Luther was led to make a systematic presentation of his doctrine of predestination by the De libero arbitrio of Erasmus (Basel, 1524), to which he replied in his De servo arbitrio (Wittenberg, 1525). Without these predecessors, Zwingli would scarcely have advanced extreme views in his Anamnema de providentia Dei (1530). Starting from the postulates that God, as the unchangeable good and infinite power, reigns by his providence throughout all that transpires in the universe, he affirmed that man is not different from nature by having an undetermined will, but by a capability of knowing God and entering into fellowship with him. Such knowledge is realized in the irrevocable law which is the expression of the divine will. The law, however, can not overcome the conflict of spirit and flesh, because of which man had to fall, but only discloses it. It follows that the fall was necessary to the complete divine revelation. God did not merely foresee but caused it. This act was not revolting to God's ethical being; for he is above law. God's goodness manifested itself first in the fall but especially in salvation. Should election be based on foreknowledge (which is excluded) God would be degraded into man. Luther's later views display the fact that the newly acquired faith did not explain the qualities of the regenerate by the almighty working of divine grace but realized the grace of God, through the preaching of the words of promise. As a matter of fact, however, Luther's type of faith, based on the Scriptures and the sacraments, often emphasized the objective efficiency of the means of grace in such a way as would ultimately undermine the dogma of predestination. Zwingli, on the other hand, derived the assurance of salvation not merely through the preaching of the Word, but also through the efficacious Word; that is, through the personal life of faith awakened by God. Though he was thus led to depreciate the means of grace, the doctrine of predestination with him and his successors remained more permanently associated with the consciousness of faith. The divergent estimate attached to the external means of grace, moreover, caused Zwingli to weaken the bounds of the Church, so that he could teach the salvation of certain heathen and of unbaptized children dying in infancy; while the identification of the "invisible Church" with the elect, only occasionally made by Luther, formed an important element of his theology. Luther's doctrine of predestination underlies his Catechism (ii. 3) and the Augsburg Confession (arts. v., xix.); but the Confessio variata of 1540 effaced these traces, and after 1532 Melanchthon taught a synergistic and universalistic system, with special endeavor to save the seriousness of preaching unto salvation. Of the more important theologians of the century, however, he was followed only by the Reformed Johannes �, Lasco (q.v.), who, however, adopted Zwingli's views on the salvation of unbaptized children. Meanwhile the man had appeared who was to make predestination the necessary basis of belief for those who should follow him. The teachings of John Calvin (q.v.) on election are only what may be found scattered in Martin Butzer's commentaries, but his systematic ability enabled him to weave these elements into a doctrine, and to connect them indissolubly with the foundations of Protestantism. His very avoidance of paradoxical speculation and his rigid determination to adhere strictly to the Bible made his doctrine an immovable pillar of the system. Presented skilfully as a support of the doctrine of justification, yet it rests securely in his fundamental premise of the divine glory. Calvin is far removed from Zwingli who, somewhat close to the pantheists, postulates an a priori necessity to sin for the glory of God; but be finds that to set forth God's glory rejection must follow no less than election. Though nearer to Augustine than Luther on the original state, yet he maintains supralapsarianism (Institutes, I., xv. 8, III., xxiii. 8). The absolute decree, irresistible grace, and the gift of perseverance are prominent (III., xxi. 5). He shares with Zwingli the need of the certainty of salvation in the personal life which dispenses with an objectivity of the means of grace in the Lutheran sense of the term. God operates through them "in an orderly way," their efficacy being due to the working of the divine spirit, with the resulting formula that the means of salvation are efficacious only to the elect. The Christian who would be assured of his salvation must, therefore, test the operation of the Word in himself (III., xxiv. 4), so that both practically and theoretically belief in election serves to awaken living faith and to elevate the moral nature (III., xxiii. 12, xxiv. 5) The actual members of the Church are, of course, only the elect.

8. Post Reformation History

In the Reformed confessions of the sixteenth century the doctrine of election was set forth both in harsh (Confession de foi, 1559) and in mild form (H. Bullinger's Confessio Helroetica posterior, art. x., 1562), or presupposed in their practical consequences (Heidelberg Catechism, 53-54, 86). For several decades there were no con-troversies with the Lutherans, nor was it until the struggle between Johann Marbach and Hieronymus Zanchi (qq.v.) at Strasburg in 1561 that the Gnesio-Lutherans were found to have deviated from Luther. Two years later the Formula of Concord (q.v.) was drawn up, positing the universality of the divine promises, the necessity of moral endeavor, and election as the foundation of faith, betraying only by a single word that the doctrine of the perseverance of the elect had been abandoned. On these affirmations is constructed the eleventh article of the Formula of Concord, which, aiming to set limits to various tendencies, declares that election is not based on the foreknowledge of faith, and, on the other side, that the earnestness of the "universal promise" admits of no hidden will of God at variance with his revealed will. At the same time no universal purpose of salvation to include every individual is implied; the heathen are doomed to just judgment, and only where God causes his Word to be preached is it intended for all. The elect are all those placed by baptism in the state of grace, though it is possible afterward to lapse. Real predestination doctrine vanishes and the objectivity of the means of grace only serves to cloak a refined synergism. In the Reformed Church, the synergism of the Arminians (q.v.) led to a reaffirmation of the doctrine at the Synod of Dort (q.v.), where it also became evident how indissolubly the historical Reformed mode of faith had become one with this fundamental element. The harshness of its deductions, however, called for modifications, not only in Germany, but also on genuinely Calvinistic soil. While Theodore Beza (q.v.) had far overleaped Calvin by declaring (Quaestiones theologicae, i. 108, 1580) that "predestination is an eternal and immutable decree whereby he [God] determined to be glorified by saving some in Christ by mere grace, and by damning others in Adam and by his own just judgment," the school of Saumur, on the other hand, began to develop the ethical side of Calvinism, the "hypothetical universalism" of Moise Amyraut (q.v.; see also PAJON, CLAUDE), which had absolutely no connection with the theory of foreknowledge, at least leaving the foundations of religious experience entirely unassailed. The harsh antithesis of the Helvetic Consensus Formula (q.v.) in 1675 was shortlived. In England the Thirty-Nine Articles (q.v.) set forth the doctrine of election clearly and mildly, without allusion to reprobation; nor was the attempt to give official sanction to the harsh Calvinism of the Lambeth Articles (q.v.) of 1595 successful. The latter, however, were practically incorporated in the Westminster Confession of 1647; but even in Calvinistic circles the logical deductions of the system have been felt oppressive, so that in 1903 the Presbyterians of the United States introduced certain modifications of statement into the Westminster Confession, which left that document essentially unaltered, yet declared the faith of the Church in the all-embracing love of God, the election of children dying in infancy, and the duty of missionary activity (cf. Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A., 1903, pp. 124 sqq., where the changes and additions are given in official form). See CALVINISM.

(E. F. KARL M�LLER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Material on the Biblical side of the subject is to be sought in the commentaries on the passages cited especially that of Meyer, and in the works named in and under BIBLICAL THEOLOGY, particularly those of Dillmann, Schultz, Bennett, Smend and Davidson on the O. T., and Beyschlag, Weiss, Adeney, Stevens, and Gould on the N. T. Consult further: B. Weiss, in Jahrb�cher f�r deutsche Theologie, 1857; O. Pfleiderer, Der Paulinismus, Leipsic, 1873, Eng. transl., London, 1877; E. Menegoz, La Praedestination dans la theologie paulinienne, Paris, 1884; V. Weber, Kritische Geschichte der Exegese des . .Romerbriefes, Wurzburg, 1888; K. Muller, Die gotttliche Zuvorersehung and Erwahlung nach dem Evangelium des Paulus, Halle, 1892; J. Dalmer, Die Erwahlung Israels nach der Heilsverkundigung des . . Paulus, G�tersloh, 1894; F. L. Steinmeyer, Studien uber den Brief des Paulus an die Romer, Vol. i., Berlin, 1894; O. K. A. Holtzmann, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, Freiburg, 1895; W. Beyachlag, Die paulinische Theodicee, Rom. 9-11, 2nd ed., Halle, 1890; E. Kuhl, Zur paulinisehen Theodicee, G�ttingen, 1897.

For the history of the doctrine consult the works under DOCTRINE, HISTORY OF, especially those of Shedd, Sheldon, Thomasius, Hagenbach, Harnack, Seeberg, and Fisher. Also the literature under AUGUSTINE, SAINT, OF HIPPO; CALVIN, JOHN; PELAGIANISM; and ZWINGLI, HULDREICH. Consult further: J. G. Walch, Miscellanea sacra, pp. 575 sqq., Amsterdam, 1744; G. F. Wiggers, Prapmatische Darstellung des Augustinismus and Pelagianismus,, 2 parts, Hamburg, 1833; F. Worter, Die christliche Lehre von Gnade and Dreiheit . . bis auf Aupustinus, Freiburg, 1850; idem, Der Pelapianismus, 2d ed., ib., 1874; idem, Zur Dopmenpeschichte des Semipelapianismus, Paderbom, 1898; F. Kattenbusch, Luthers Lehre von unfreien Willen, G�ttingen, 1875; J. B. Mozley, A Treatise on the Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination, 2d ed., London, 1878; F. Klasen, Die innere Entwickelung des Pelagianismus, Freiburg, 1882; K. Werner, Die Scholastik des spateren Mittelalters, .Vienna, 1883 sqq.; Dieckhoff, Der missourische Pradestinationismus, Rostock, 1885; H. Reuter, Augustinische Studien, Gotha, 1887; M. Staub, Das Verhaltnis der menschlichen Willenafreiheit zur Gotteslehre bei Luther and Zwingli, Zurich, 1894; M. Scheibe, Calvins Praedestinationslehre, Halle, 1897; A. Lang, Der Evangelienkommentar M. Butzers, Leipsic, 1900; R. Seeberg, Die Theolopie des . . . Duns Scotus, ib., 1900; F. H. Foster, in S. M. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, pp. 382 eqq., New York, 1903; K. Miiller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, Leipsic, 1903; H. von Schubert, Der sogenannte Pradestinatus, ib.,1903; W. Walker, John Calvin, New York, 1906.

The doctrine is discussed on the dogmatic side in the manuals of theology (cf. CALVINISM; DOCTRINE, HISTORY OF; and DOGMA, DOGMATICS, where the authors, titles, and dates are given), especially the works by Kuyper, Warfield, Hodge, Shedd, Beckwith, Stearns, Sheldon, Martensen, Geierman, Wilhelm, and Scannell (the last two are Roman Catholic). Consult further: D. Whitby, A Discourse on the Five Points: Election..., London, 1817; J. Kelly, The Eternal Purpose of God in Christ Jesus Our Lord, London, 1840; N. L. Rice, God Sovereign and Man Free; or, the Doctrine of Divine Foreordination, Philadelphia, 1850; S. D. Clarke, The Utility and Glory of God's Immutable Purposes, Boston, 1860; A. Schweizer, Die protestantischen Centraldogmen, Zurich, 1854-56; J. Forbes, Predestination and Free Will and The Westminster Confession of Faith, Edinburgh, 1878; J. L. Girardeau, Calvinism and Evangelical Arminianism; compared as to Election, Reprobation . . and Related Doctrines, Columbia, 1890; S. Cox, The Hebrew Twins: A Vindication of God's Ways with Jacob and Esau, London, 1894; J. S. Dodge, The Purpose of God, Boston, 1894; E. F. Wyneken, Das Naturgesetz der Seele and die menschliche Freiheit, Heidelberg, 1906.

PREGER, pr�' ger, JOHANN WILHELM: German Lutheran; b. at Schweinfurt (70 m. e. of Frankfort) Aug. 25, 1827; d. at Munich Jan. 30, 1896. He studied at Erlangen 1845-49, and at Berlin 1850; and in 1851 he was called as city vicar and professor of Protestant religious instruction and history in the student institutions at Munich, becoming gymnasial professor in 1868. For seventeen years he gave instruction in religion in the commercial schools there, his duties being modified when there was a change made in the direction of the school curriculum. During forty-five years of service at Munich, he developed a many-sided activity and yet found time for important literary labors. His Geschichte der Lehre vom geistlichen Amte (Nordlingen, 1857) was evoked by W. Lohe's Kirche and Amt (Erlangen, 1851) and T. Kliefoth's Acht Butcher von der Kirche (Halle,1857), and develops the thought that the doctrine of the ministerial office depends upon the doctrine of justification. His next work was M. Flacius Illyricus und seine Zeit (2 vols., Erlangen, 1859-61), historical and impartial in aim. The following years were occupied with preliminary studies for the great work of his life, Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter (3 vols., Leipsic, 1874-93). The chief personages dealt with are Eckhart, Suso, and Tauler, but the study embraces the lesser lights. A fourth volume was projected but did not appear. In preparation of this work a large number of preliminary studies found entrance into various journals and reviews (list in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xvi. 2). He wrote also, among other works, a Lehrbuch der bayrischen Geschichte (Erlangen, 1864) which passed through many editions; Luthers Tischreden aus den Jahren 1531-32 (1888); and Ueber die Verfassung der franzosischen Waldesier in der alten Zeit (1890).

He was a man of wide knowledge and interests, receptive and courteous toward the opinions of others, a clear-minded teacher who won the regard of his pupils, and a helpful worker in ecclesiastical circles.

(W. CASPARI)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The memorial addresses at the grave were by Kelber and Von Stahlin, Munich, 1890; a memoir by Cornelius is in SMA, 1896; and T. Kolde's tribute is in Beitrage zur bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, 1890.

 

PREGIZERIANS: A German religious sect taking its name from Christian Gottlob Pregizer (b. at Stuttgart Mar. 18, 1751; d. at Haiterbach, 30 m. s.w. of Stuttgart, Oct. 30, 1824). At first rigidly ascetic, he became known as a powerful revivalist while preacher in the Schlosakirche in T�bingen. In his first pastorate at Grafenberg (1783-95) he seems to have been under the influence of theosophical pietism and was coolly received by his congregation. When, however, he became pastor at Haiterbach in 1795, he inaugurated a profound movement among the congregations of the vicinity. Conventicles arose here and there, several of them under his own leadership. After 1801 he became associated with the so-called "Blessed Ones" who arose in the last decade of the eighteenth century in the valley of the Rems and the Schwarzwald, and who, rejecting the new hymnal of 1791, sang the old hymns to merry popular tunes with appropriate instrumental music. In opposition both to the moralism of the Enlightenment (q.v.) and to the doctrine of sanctification taught by Johann Michael Hahn (q.v.), they laid an exaggerated stress on justification by faith. The excesses of his followers caused Pregizer to be summoned before the consistory in 1808, but although his somewhat ambiguous explanations were not wholly satisfactory, no ground could be found for proceeding against him. His conduct and mode of life were blameless; he did not teach the sinlessness of those who had found grace; and he so strenuously opposed the anti-ecclesiastical and antinomian tendencies of his followers that the extremists among them turned away from him.

The sect expanded after Pregizer's death, but there was a distinct lack of leaders. The moral excesses of the Pregizerians became so great that police interference was necessary. Gradually, however, a small body of nobler type broke off from the main sect, rejected all vagaries, and evolved views on justification and baptism along the lines marked out by Luther. The cardinal tenet of Pregizerianism centers in justification, which occurs once and for all in each individual, and which is essentially connected with baptism. The Christian must ever be joyful because of the grace which he has experienced, and the Pregizerians were, accordingly, often called "Hurrah Christians" (Juchhe-Christen), or, because of their belief in ictic conversion, "Galloping Christians" (Galopp-Christen). They also taught that there is no sin and that confession and penance are unnecessary; they disregarded the Sabbath and manifested other antinomian tendencies; and they practically rejected the Lutheran Church. They were chiliasts and restorationists, but refused to take any part in either foreign or domestic missions. The only official source for a knowledge of the doctrines of the sect is the Sammlung geistlicher Lieder zum Gebrauch fur gldubige Kinder Gottes, to which is appended Pregizer's confession of faith. There are still about eighty Pregizerian communities in Wurttemberg and Baden, though their number is steadily diminishing. Extravagances have been abandoned, but they retain their joyous characteristics. They are marked by Lutheran piety and use Luther's writings along with the Bible. They are for the most part faithful to the Lutheran Church, and are united by a conference held thrice annually at various places in Wurttemberg.

(C. KOLB.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Gruneisen, in ZHT, 1841; C. Palmer, Die Gemeinachaften and Sekten Wurttembergs, T�bingen, 1877; C. Dietrich and F. Brookes, Die Privet-Erbauungagemeinschaften innerhalb der evanpeliachen Kirche Deutachlonds, Stuttgart, 1903.

PRELATE: The title of certain ecclesiastical dignitaries. Canon law classifies church offices as "major and minor benefices." To the former belong those which carry power of administration, and the occupants are termed prelates. Strictly, this category covers only the pope, patriarchs, primates, archbishops, and bishops. Among prelates of the second order are reckoned cardinals, legates, and nuncios; prelates of the Curia, exempt or privileged abbots, provosts, and deans of chapters.

Of particular importance are the prelates of the Curia, ecclesiastics who exercise functions of the pontifical government proper. These also enjoy a peculiarly honorable precedence, have the title "Monsignors," and may wear violet apparel, exercising these privileges as honorary prelates, but taking no part in actual jurisdiction (cf. J. H. Bangen, Die romische Kurie, Munich, 1854). Admission to the prelacy, which is viewed as a first step to the cardinalate, is attended with certain conditions, such as a stated age of twenty-five years, five years of legal study at a university, possession of the degree of doctor utriusque juris, two years of legal practise at a spiritual tribunal, and formal examination before the Signature justitiae. In behalf of special training for the prelacy, Benedict XIV. founded the Academia ecclesiastics. See PRELATURE.

E. SEHLING

 

PRELATURE: A name originally and strictly applied to an ecclesiastical office carrying with it jurisdiction exercised in the name of the incumbent. These dignities are divided into three classes: (1) those possessed by all diocesan bishops, but not by coadjutor or titular bishops; (2) those to which the dignity was later attached by a special act, including cardinals, papal legates and nuncios, the medieval archdeacons and archpriests, and the heads of collegiate foundations, abbeys, and knightly orders in the cases when they were exempt from episcopal jurisdiction and endowed with a quasi-episcopal jurisdiction of their own; (3) the provosts and deans of chapters in so far as during the Middle Ages, as archdeacons, they had acquired a certain jurisdiction of their own, after the loss of which they still claimed the rank and title. Nowadays both rank and title are given by the pope to a large number of actual or nominal officials of the Curia who possess no jurisdiction. Prelates are distinguished by special titles and dress, and by the right of being received with incense on their formal entrance into a church. See PRELATE.

(O. MEJER†.)

PREMILLENARIANISM. See MILLENNIUM, MILLENARIANISM, �� 10-11.

 

PREMONSTRATENSIANS (N0RBERTINES, WHITE CANONS): An order of regular canons, combining as their object personal holiness, preaching, and living according to the so-called rule of Augustine. Their founder was St. Norbert (b. at Xanten, 15 m, s.e. of Cleves, 1080-82; d. at Magdeburg June 6, 1134).

The Founder.

Being the second son of Count Herbert of Lennep, according to contemporary custom in a noble family he was destined from birth for the spiritual career and obtained a canonry in the chapter of St. Victor, at Xanten. Being transferred to the archiepiscopal see of Cologne, he passed thence into the chancery of Emperor Henry V. to whom he was related on the paternal aide. He accompanied the emperor on his expedition to Rome in 1111, and witnessed the arrest of Pope Paschal II. Having been struck by lightning near Wreden in Westphalia, he resolved to renounce worldly enjoyment and to apply himself to the earnest preaching of penance. After a brief sojourn in the cloister of Siegburg near Bonn he was ordained priest, in 1115, by Archbishop Frederick I. of Cologne. Utterly failing in his attempt to reform the canons of St. Victor, Norbert seems to have traveled about the vicinity of Xanten as a preacher of penance and was accused before the papal legate, Cuno of Praeneste, at the synod of Fritzlar, in July, 1118, of preaching without a commission and call. This hostility opened his eyes to the necessity of seeking another scene for his activity, and of securing papal sanction. He now cast himself in dependence upon the pope, laid down his benefices, and entered upon his mendicant journeys. In Nov., 1118, he met Pope Gelasius II. at St. Gilles in the diocese of Nimes, who authorized him to preach. He now traversed France as a proclaimer of penance, and arrived at Valenciennes in the spring of 1119, where he won his most faithful companion, Hugo de Fosses.

Founding of the Order

At the Synod of Reims, in 1119, Norbert had a conference with Pope Calixtus II., but the papal assent to his preaching was not renewed. He now conceived the idea of a model school for the training of clericals according to strict ascetic rule, which, in 1120, he founded in the forest of Coucy, in the diocese of Laon, department of Aisne, and called it Premonatratum (" foreshown ") for he believed that God had shown him the vision of a new monastery. In that year he and Hugo received the white habit from his friend the bishop, and soon after he gave his followers, increased to thirteen, the rule of Augustine and established them as regular canons. In Germany he induced Count Godfrey of Kappenberg, in 1122, to convert his opulent ancestral castle into a cloister of Norbertines. In 1124, Norbert was called to Antwerp, where, by founding a cloister, he was able to withdraw the people from the influence of the heretic Tanchehn (q.v.); and on Feb. 16, 1126, at Rome he obtained of Pope Honorius II. the confirmation of his order. In 1126 he was elected archbishop of Magdeburg. Barefoot, a preacher whom the multitude admired as a saint by reason of his austerity, Norbert made his entrance and was consecrated and enthroned on July 25, 1126. An ecclesiastical zealot and stern ascetic, he began to rule with strictness; and exerted himself with encroaching zeal to replace the former incumbents of the best foundations with Premonstratensians, arousing particular displeasure in the instance of the Church of St. Mary at Magdeburg in 1129. He was canonized by Gregory XIII. in 1582.

Organization and Character of the Order

The Congregation founded by Norbert was a closed order after the plan of organization of the Cistercians; but differing from them by following the rule of Augustine, together with largely borrowed by Norbert from the articles of the Parisian Congregation of St. Victor. From these institutions of the Premonstratensians were later taken literally the provisions of the Dominican rule (see DOMINIC, SAINT, AND THE DOMINICAN ORDER). Its innovation consisted in the appointment of the regular canons to the preacher's office, the confessional and pastoral charges. The constitution of the order developed similarly to that of the Cistercians, since, in like contrast with the older orders, it, too, attained an international character. At the head of the whole order stood the abbot of Pr�montr�, as abbot-general upon whom the Premonstratensian constitution conferred a strict monarchical power. There is nothing distinctive in the liturgical regulations of the Premonstratensians. Flesh food for those in health is strictly forbidden; fasts occur frequently, and the scourge is used for mortification of the flesh as well as for chastisement. Penitential exercises are to be observed daily. Sins are classified as venial, intermediate, grave, graver, gravest; being subject to varieties of penance according to the class in question. The lightest penalties are to recite certain prayers and supplications in the convent, the severest involve lifelong incarceration and expulsion from the order.

Later Growth

The order spread very rapidly. The bull of ratification, in 1126, enumerated eight foundations. Both prior to the Cistercian order and collaterally the Premonatratensians especially spread through eastern Germany, and to it the district on the right bank of the Elbe owes its Christianization. Significant were the creation of model colonies among the new Dutch and Saxon settlers and the training of the Wends in agriculture, from Magdeburg as a center. Not until the firm grasp of Henry the Lion and Albert the Bear held the heathen in check did Premonstrant settlements flourish on Slavic soil, east of the Elbe. The cathedral chapters at Brandenburg, Havelberg, and Ratzeburg were supplied with Premonatrants; and as time passed, the episcopal sees in these bishoprics became occupied almost continually by them. The order spread among all countries of Roman Catholic Christendom: Hungary, Denmark, England, Sweden, Norway, Livonia, Portugal, Spain, Italy; likewise in the Holy Land. A century after its founding there were no less than 1,000 foundations of canons, 500 abbeys of Premonstrant nuns, 300 provostships, and 100 priories in thirty precincts. Their chief services were the training of native populations to make their land productive, missionary labors, reformation of the clergy, and the promotion of preaching, learning, and schools. As with the monastic orders generally, so here ensue in time certain mitigations of the original rule of reforms, and the creation of new congregations. After Innocent IV. had emphasized the prohibition of flesh food (1245), Nicholas IV. (1288) allowed the Premonstratensians the same when on journeys, and Pius II. (1460) made further concessions, limiting the prohibition of meat to Friday and Saturday, Advent, and Lent. Most of the foundations utilized this latitude, and the order became divided between foundations of "the major or common observance," and those o f"the small and strict observance." The vast extent of the order was first reduced by the Reformation, which deprived it of its numerous foundations in the northern countries of Europe. Sundry Austrian foundations were abrogated by Joseph II; the French abbeys were suspended by the French Revolution; and the foundations in Bavaria and W�rttemberg fell a sacrifice to secularization. Only a few establishments in Austria, Hungary, and Russian Poland are maintained on the older footing. Women were admitted within the order by Norbert. At the present time there are houses of Premonstratensian nuns in Austria, Russian Poland, Belgium, Holland, France, Spain, and Switzerland. The order embraces five districts, seventeen abbeys or canonries, and five priories, and also eight nunneries of the second and third orders, including 997 male and 258 female members; and it supplies, among other positions, 119 incorporated pastorates, five colleges, seven gymnasia, thirteen missions, and nine theological institutions. There are also tertiaries to whom Benedict XIV. accorded rich privileges in 1752; the adherents of this rank are especially represented in England and North America.

G. GR�TZMACHER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources for the life of the founder are the two lives with additions produced in MGH, Script., xii (1881), 663-706, and in part in ASB, June, i. 819-858, and MPL, clxx. 1253-1344, Germ. transl. by G. Hertel in Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, Leipsic, 1881; Herimann's Ex miraculis S. Marie Laudunensis, in MGH, Script., xii. 653-660; the Vita Godefridi, in the same, pp. 513-530; the Gesta archiepiscoporum Magdeburgensium, in MGH, Script., xiv (1883), 412; and the Fundatio monasterii Gratiae Dei, in MGH, Script., xx (1888), 683-691. On the early lives consult R. Rosenmund, Die �ltesten Biographien des heiligen Norbert, Berlin. 1874. A rich literature is indicated in Potthast, Wegweiser, pp. 1494-1496, giving materials for an exhaustive study; cf. Wattenbach, DGQ, ii (1886), 233-236, ii (1894), 263-265. Consult further: A. Tenkhoff, Der heilige Norbert, M�nster, 1865; W. Bernhardi, in ADB, vol. xxiv.; idem, Lothar von Supplinburg, Leipsic, 1875; M. Geuden, The Life of St. Norbert, London, 1886; G. Madelaine, Hist. de S. Norbert, 2d ed., Lille, 1887.
On the order: The rules, etc., may be found in E. Martone, De antiquis ecclesiae ritabus, iii. 229 sqq., Antwerp, 1764; L. Holstenius, Codex regularum, v. 162 sqq., Augsburg, 1759; M. Du Pre, Annales brevea ordinis Praemonstratensis, ed., I. van Spilbeeck, Namur, 1886; J. de Paige, Bibliotheca Praemonstratensis ordinis, 2 vols., Paris, 1663. For accounts of the order consult: Heimbucher, Orden and Kongregationen, ii. 50-89, 83--85 (contains a fine selected list of literature); Helyot, Ordras monastaques, ii. 156 sqq.; Leuckfeld, Antiquitates Praemonrtratenses, Magdeburg, 1721; F. Winter, Die Praemonstratenser des 12. Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung fur das nordostliche Deutschland, Berlin, 1865; C. Taiee, Premontre, 2 vols., Laon, 1872; I. Coldefy, Etudes sur l'ordre sacre de Premonstre, Perigueux, 1879; M. Geudens, A Sketch of the Praemonstratensian Order in Great Britain and Ireland, London, 1878; idem, Natuur, Samenstelling end Zendig der Order van Praemonstreit, Averbode, 1894; idem, Annus asceticus Norbertinus sive monita spiritualia ... excerpta, Buckley Hall, 1895; F. Danner, Catalogue, totim ordinis Pramonstratensis, Innsbruck, 1894; F. A. Gasquet, The English Pramonstratenaians, in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. xvii., London, 1903; J. von Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger Prankreichs, ii. 119-129, Leipsic 1906; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 380-361; KL, x. 267 sqq.

PRENTISS, ELIZABETH PAYSON: American author; b. at Portland, Me., Oct. 26, 1818; d. at Dorset, Vt., Aug. 13, 1878. While a young girl she began to write for The Youth's Companion. In 1845 she was married to George Lewis Prentiss (q.v.), then just ordained as a pastor in New Bedford, Mass. She published more than twenty volumes, among which were the Little Susy Library (New York, 1854); The Flower of the Family (1854); Only a Dandelion and other Stories (1854); Fred, Maria, and Me(1867); The Little Preacher (1867); The Percys (1870); The Home at Greylock (1876); Pemaquid (1877); Avis Benson and Other Sketches (1879); and her most famous work, Stepping Heavenward (1869) these works had an enormous sale in America. Many of them were republished in Great Britain, and had a wide circulation there. The Flower of the Family, Stepping Heavenward, and several others, were translated into French and German. The latter made the strongest impression; it is estimated that more than 100,000 copies have been sold in America. She was the author also of the hymn, "More love to thee, O Christ."

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. L. Prentiss, Life and Letters of Elizabeth Prentiss, New York, 1882, new ed., 1886; S. W. Duffield, Enqlish Hymns, p. 358, ib. 1886; Julian, Hymnology, p. 908.

 

PRENTISS, GEORGE LEWIS: Presbyterian; b. at Gorham, Me., May 12, 1816; d. at New York Mar. 19, 1903. He graduated at Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me., 1835; was assistant in Gorham Academy, 1836-37; studied theology at the universities of Halle and Berlin (1839-41); and became pastor of the South Trinitarian Church, New Bedford, Mass., 1845. In April, 1851, he was installed pastor of the Mercer Street Presbyterian Church, New York; resigned on account of ill-health in the spring of 1858, and sought rest in Europe for the next two years. On his return he organized the Church of the Covenant, New York, and was pastor, 1862-73; and professor of pastoral theology, church polity, and mission work, in Union Theological Seminary, New York, 1873-97. He published A Memoir of Seargent S. Prentiss (2 vols., New York, 1855; later ed., 1879); The Life and Letters of Elizabeth Prentiss (1882); The Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York (3 vols., New York, 1889-99); and The Bright Side of Life (autobiographic, 2 vols., 1901).

 

PRESBYTER,PRESBYTERATE.

  • I. In the Early Church.
    1. Biblical Views (� 1).
    2. Origin of Church Organization (� 2).
  • II. Presbyterial Government from the Reformation.
    1. Lutheran and Zwinglian (� 1).
    2. Calvinistic (� 2).
    3. In Great Britain and the United States (� 3).
    4. The Reformed Churches (� 4).
    5. Modern Europe (� 5).

 

I In the Early Church:

I. Bibilical Views.

The researches of C. F. G. Heinrici, Edwin Hatch, and A. Harnack have referred the terms presbyter and bishop to distinct offices. The presbyters were the elder members of the congregation, of which they later formed a separate body acting essentially in judicial functions. The bishops, aided by the deacons, were the administrating heads of the community, especially in directing divine service and in financial affairs. With reference to the latter function the term was used also in non-Christian circles. Presbyters and bishops (with deacons) would thus represent a diversified organization, patriarchal and administrative respectively, the government of the congregation arising from the amalgamation of the two. In the course of time the bishops would be included in the body of presbyters, and finally the presiding officer of the presbytery would become the head of the entire community as the one bishop. This would seem to controvert the old Protestant thesis that bishops and presbyters were originally identical, but it was soon observed that many objections might be urged against the new hypothesis. Thus in Acts xx. 17, 28; Titus i. 5, 7; and I Clement xliv. 4-5 (Eng. transl., ANF, i. 17), the terms presbyter and bishop seem to be used indiscriminately. On the other hand the presbyters, and indeed (Didache xv. 1; Eng. transl., vii. 381) the bishops and deacons are described as conducting divine service (cf. I Tim. v. 17; II Clement xvii. 3-5; Hermas, Vision, II., iv. 2-3; Eng. transl., ii. 12). The strongest objection to the theory is that it presupposes a complicated system of administration at a period characterized by a lack of clearly defined functions. The term presbyter, moreover, shows a variety of meanings. Primarily it denotes the older men in the community (I Tim. v. 1; I Clement i. 3, xxi. 6, Eng. transl., ANF, i. 5, 11); and then the chosen heads of the community (Acts xi. 30, xiv. 23, xv. 2, 4, 6, 22-23, xvi. 4, xx. 17, xxi. 18; I Clement xliv. 5, xlvii. 6, liv. 2, lvii. 1, Eng. transl., i. 17-19; II Clement xvii. 3, 5). To distinguish the presbyters from the elders such phrases as "the elders that rule well" (I Tim. v. 17; cf. I Clement liv. 2; Eng. transl., i. 19; Hermas, Vision, II., iv. 3; Eng. transl., ut sup.) were employed. Presbyter, in Christian as in pagan societies, was an official designation developing from the standing of the older members, but none the less denoting also spirit-filled men; and in Asia, at least, the presbyter was an apostolic personage (II John i. 1; III John 1; I Peter v. 1).

2. Origin of Church Organization

The growth of the organization of the early Church may have been somewhat as follows: the churches were founded by itinerant apostles who believed themselves called of God to this highest honor (Gal. i. 1 sqq.). They left behind them, as a rule, certain trustworthy members of the community who were empowered to conduct the affairs of the churches (Acts vi. 5). There was, however, no definite method of procedure, for sometimes the apostles appointed the heads of the communities (Acts xiv. 23; Titus i. 5; I Clement xlii. 4, Eng. trans]., ANF, i. 16), and sometimes they were chosen by the churches (Didache, xv. 1; I Clement xliv. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, vii. 381, i. 17), the latter procedure steadily increasing in frequency. There were, therefore, almost from the beginning, two principles of authority in the Church; the preachers of the Word called by the Spirit and the officials appointed by the congregation. A strict demarcation between the two classes seems to have arisen only gradually, though little by little the official type gained in importance The latter represented the principles of order and tradition; they were the most noteworthy members of the community. Though they lacked a specific designation as late as 53 A.D. (I Thess. v.12; cf. Acts vi. 1 sqq.), they later acquired the general appellation of presbyter. The elders of the community soon formed two groups, the ruling and the executing officials, called respectively bishops and deacons (Phil. i. 1). At the same time the term presbyter remained in use for the bishops alone and for the bishops and deacons together. Later bishops and presbyters were identified, and deacon became the title for the lowest grade of the officers of the community. The congregation was always admonished to show proper respect to the presbyters (I Thess. v. 12 sqq.; Heb. xiii. 7, 17, 24; Didache, iv. 1, xv. 2; Eng. transl., ANF,  378, 382). At the same time, as the presbyters became more united, their antithesis to the prophets increased (cf.I Thess. v. 19 sqq.), over whom they ultimately triumphed. Simultaneously the names bishop and presbyter became titles of distinct officers. The board of executive officers were now called presbyters and were superior to the deacons, while at the head of the entire congregation was the bishop, a development which had been completed by the time of Ignatius. The number of presbyters was in proportion to the size of the community. There were forty-six in Rome in 251, and four in Cirta in 303. Originally they were chosen by the community, but later by the clergy. The duties of the presbyters consisted in preaching, baptizing, and reading the liturgy; they took part as a body in church discipline; and they had their seats in the synod. They thus possessed the same rights as the bishop with the exception of ordination, which was reserved for him alone. The close connection between bishop and presbyter was often emphasized; both were designated priests, and sat together at worship. Where a large congregation had several churches the presbyters officiated independently in one of them; but if a community had only one church the presbyters retired to the background. In later time the bishop was generally chosen from their number, the oldest or most efficient presbyter being selected, according to the principle that a clerical should pass through all the official stages. At an early period the presbyter, whose canonical age was gradually reduced from thirty-five to twenty-five, was forbidden to marry twice or to marry after ordination. This has remained the usage of the Eastern Church, while with the beginning of the fourth century absolute prohibition to marry appeared in the West. The right to engage in secular occupations was also forbidden only gradually. See ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY C; BISHOP; CLERGY; EPISCOPACY; POLITY; PRESBYTERIANS, X.

(H. ACHELIS.)

II. Presbyterial Government' Since the Reformation:

1 Lutheran and Zwinglian

Neither the early Lutherans nor the Zwinglians knew of a presbyterian system of government, even the ideal scheme of the former containing no presbyterian elements. Nevertheless, Luther was not opposed to such a system of organization, for he occasionally advised and pastors not to act on their own responsibility, but to consult suitable persons in their churches. These suitable persons were termed seniors or presbyters (cf. Melanchthon, CR, iii. 965; Johann Brenz's agenda of 1526; A. L. Richter, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, i. 45; and the Hessian discipline of 1539, Ricliter, ut sup., i. 291). These ideas, however, meant little in practise since final authority in government rested in the hands of the consistories of the territorial rulers. When elders or "church fathers" are mentioned in somewhat later Lutheran agenda (the general visitation article of Elector-Saxony of 1557 or the agenda of Naumburg-Zeitz of 1545; and see AGENDA) the term implies the treasurers, or trustees of the property interests. However, the instance, according to Matt. xviii. 16, of admonition in the presence of several persons or the investigation of the conduct of the pastor by the elders of the congregation obtained no permanent foothold. How little the like entered Luther's mind is shown by his rendering of the Biblical term, presbyter. While Brenz drew up a Scriptural order of church-government, at the center of which was the instructing bishop, surrounded by a board of presbyters, Luther identified the two orders (according to Acts xx. 28; Titus i. 5, 7); though he availed himself of this identification only to assail the superior jurisdiction of the bishops. For the corresponding development of the Zwinglians, see CHURCH DISCIPLINE, IV., � 1.

2. Calvinistic

The real presbyterial idea was worked out by John Calvin (q.v.). His earliest utterances show that he ascribed comprehensive powers to the Church as such, the Word of God standing in the center; not only to be preached but also to be made fruitful in the community by corresponding organization. More than this, he demanded special organs for excommunication, besides the preacher; and, without any doctrinaire principles, he could accordingly bring the Church more or less into union with the State. These ideas were carried through somewhat in Calvin's sense after 1541 (for fuller presentation, see CHURCH DISCIPLINE, IV., �� 2-3). At the same time, the Church had a spiritual power of its own, and therefore needed "a certain peculiar spiritual polity, yet one quite distinct from the civil government, neither hindering nor diminishing it in any respect, but rather aiding and promoting it much" (Institutes, IV., xi. 1; cf. viii. 1, xx. 1). This ecclesiastical organization was not based by Calvin on the theory of general priesthood or on a right of the congregation to self-government, but simply on the need of discipline to prepare the way for the Word of God which, unlike civil justice, should influence the individual from within. For the execution of its penalties Christ had given his Church the proper officials through whom he himself reigned (IV., iii. 1, 4, 8). The apostles, prophets, and evangelists of Eph. iv. 11 being excluded as possessing extraordinary gifts, pastors and teachers remained as essential to the Church. Excepting offices, in like manner, peculiar to Apostolic times from Rom. xii. 7 and I Cor. xii. 28, two other functions remain; government and care of the poor. Calvin thus derived four offices, of which the teachers (chiefly professors of theology) are mentioned only in specifically Calvinistic ordinances. The pastors and elders are comprised in one category of presbyters, of whom there were two divisions, one for teaching and the other for discipline (IV., xi. 6). The system thus constituted did not perform its functions by virtue of legal installation as in Roman Catholicism, but by virtue of the presence of the living Christ in the Spirit (IV., ix. 1). The principles of Calvinistic Presbyterianism could logically be carried out only in churches in which the protection of the State could not become an alien predomination. On such a soil the need of independent organization was more urgently felt, and the rules of the Scriptures were more strongly emphasized. The lack of sympathy with democratic representation on the part of the Huguenot communities was shown by the unfavorable replies of several national synods to the proposition that the united community should have the right to vote. On the other hand, independency was sharply opposed, and it was insisted that no regulation of an individual congregation could conflict with the general articles of the Church, and that the installation and discipline of pastors and elders should be done by provincial synods.

3. In Great Britain and the United States

The Calvinistic system was maintained most consistently in Scotland and the Puritan Presbyterianism which proceeded from that country. Even in questions of organization the Scriptures alone were taken as the basis, and the sole lord and king of the Church was Christ, in whose name all ecclesiastical authority should be exercised through the three offices of ministers, ruling elders, and deacons, whose functions were judicial rather than legislative. As among the French Reformed, the system of government comprised the session, presbytery, provincial synod, and general synod. The members of the presbytery were delegated by the sessions, and the members of the two higher bodies by the presbyteries, the pastors and laity generally being represented equally. The presiding officer of all these bodies, is usually termed the " moderator," the desire being to avoid any title indicating permanent control, in view of the equality of all pastors and congregations. The moderator of the session is the pastor, and the presiding officer of the higher bodies may also be a ruling elder. The office of elders is held for life, and the old law of cooptation is found only sporadically, its place being taken by the election of representatives by the congregations. Early Presbyterian principles have been retained in the British and American churches more closely than any where else, and since 1875 their adherents have formed the Alliance of Reformed Churches holding the Presbyterian System (q.v.), whose general councils are held quadrennially. The entire group of Presbyterian churches maintains its position carefully against both episcopacy and independency, and holds that its system is divinely lawful, though not necessary to salvation.

3. The Reformed Churches

The penetration of Calvinism into Holland from the south after 1555 gave the congregations unity and strength. The organization was influenced both by the French system and by Johannes � Lasco (q.v.), and the basal principles, which vary in different provinces, were established by the Wesel Conference (1568), the Synod of Bedburg (1570), the Synod of Emden (1571), and the nationbl Synods of Dort (1578, 1618-19), Middelburg (1581), and The Hague (1586). The governing bodies are the session (kerkenraad), classis, and provincial and national synods; and the officers are "ministers of the Word of God," elders, and deacons (theologians generally being added). New elders are usually chosen by the session and the board of deacons, but with the peculiar feature that in Holland they are elected for terms of two years each, so that half their number are chosen annually. Along the Lower Rhine, on the other hand, the presbyteries are self-perpetuating bodies without reference to the deacons. In the German Reformed regions the ecclesiastical Presbyterian elements blended with the civil consistorial factors. In the Palatinate the church council of the elector had long been the established form when presbyteries were introduced, which, however, failed to obtain a permanent footing in many other districts of the Church. In all the German Reformed districts, as in the Lutheran, the supervision of the churches was essentially in the hands of the official consistories and superintendents.

5. Modern Europe

With the break in the course of development in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, except in British and American Presbyterianism and in various smaller bodies, presbyterian government was introduced, though in a widely divergent form, in the great majority of Reformed, unionistic, and even Lutheran church-districts. In the new system of organization the disciplinary features of the early presbyteries retire to the background to make place for the principle of self-government of the congregations, especially in matters of property. The model was no longer apostolic, but parliamentary. The first reorganization of this type was made in France in 1802, with the provision that the members of the "consistory"should be chosen from the most heavily taxed residents of the district. This requirement was discarded in 1852 when a "presbyterial council" was erected for each parish. The elders were elected for six years, and in Holland for four. The formation of the Swiss Confederation in 1874 gave the impulse for legislation on church organization in several cantons, the laws in question being colored by the current popular political views. Great importance is attached almost everywhere to the congregational assembly, to which only those members of the church belong who are qualified to vote in the State, religious qualifications nowhere being required. These assemblies have not only to choose the pastors (mostly for six years) and the members of the congregational council, but also exercise wide influence on local legislation and administration. The presiding officer of the council is usually the pastor, though in Bern (from 1874) and Zurich (from 1895) he may be elected to the council, to which he does not belong in virtue of his office. In 1900 Zurich enacted that a pastor not chosen a member should still have a voice and vote, but that no pastor should be the presiding officer. The duties are mostly administrative, though in a few cantons (Aargau, 1868, 1894; Thurgau, 1870) police regulations prevail whereby the ecclesiastical administration, empowered with extensive control of morals, may lay requirements on its members and invoke civil authority to enforce them. Over the church council is the synod, whose members are directly elected (in Zurich one for each 2,000 Protestants). This, in its turn, is subject to the higher church council; either a purely synodal product for the stated administration, or supplemented by deputies from the civil council of the canton. The small free Swiss churches of Vaud (1847), Geneva (1848), and Neuenburg (1874) have restored the Calvinistic offices, though the elders are elected by the congre gations for terms of six years. In Germany the Rhenish-Westphalian agenda of 1835 (revised in 1853) marked the transition from the older Reformed system to the modern methods. A relic of the older conditions is the distinction between clergy and laity. The government is by a presbytery consisting of the pastor or pastors, elders, and "church masters" (such as treasurers or building-officials and deacons). The elders are chosen for four years, and are required to be upright in life and regular communicants. In contrast with the earlier system, all qualified members constitute the presbytery in churches of less than two hundred. Over the presbyteries are the district synods which elect their own presiding officers, the superintendent and assessor being confirmed by the supreme ecclesiastical council. The provincial synods consist of all the superintendents and of one clerical and one lay deputy from each of the district synods. The Austrian system of 1866 corresponds very closely with that of Rhenish-Westphalia, except that the congregation elects only representatives and these form the presbytery. The order of 1873 for the six eastern provinces of Prussia resembles also the Rhenish-Westphalian. The chief deviations are as follows: The patron of the church may be a member or may be represented in the presbytery, of which the first clergyman is the presiding officer. Any one may be elected elder except those notoriously indifferent to religion. The pastor is explicitly declared to be independent of the presbytery in his official functions, and in cases of ecclesiastical discipline may appeal to the district synod. The superintendents, being civil officers, are not elected. Members of the provincial synod, not exceeding a sixth of the representatives to be elected by the district synods, are also appointed by the ruler; likewise for the general synod of the eight older provinces. In several states the older Prussian system prevails, while the Rhenish-Westphalian principle of enlarged representation has not been followed, although the modern presbyterial form prevails, in the churches of Brunswick (since 1851), Oldenburg (1853), Waldeck (1857), Hanover (1864), Saxony (1878), Hamburg (1883), Schaumburg-Lippe (1893), the united church of the Bavarian Rhine palatinate (1876), the reformed church of Uppe-Detmold (1876), and the Thuringian churches. In the last-named (e.g., Meiningen since 1876; Saxon grand duchy, 1895) the teachers are included in the governing body, while in Schwarzburg the control of church and school is vested in a single body. The earlier double representation still exists in the Lutheran Church of part of Bavaria. The qualificgtions which fit one to become a candidate for the office of elder are in the newer stipulations prevailingly negative, but are formulated with exceedingly great care; the Lutheran Church of the kingdom of Saxony changed in 1896 the earlier negative statement of 1868 into positive form: "Only those are eligible who are legal members of the organization in good standing, of tried Christian integrity, and possessed of ecclesiastical insight and experience."

(E. F. KARL MIDLLER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The literature is fully given under ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH; POLITY. ECCLESIASTICAL; and P. Of especial value are the works of Bingham, Auguati, Hatch, and Hamack. The major works on church history (Neander, Schaff, Kurtz, etc.) are of course to be consulted, and especially those on the Apostolic Age by Weizs�cker and McGiffert.

PRESBYTERIAN ALLIANCE. See ALLIANCE OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES.

 

PRESBYTERIANS.

I. Scotland. 1. Presbyterian Church in Ireland. Other Agencies; Prospects (� 4).
1. The Church of Scotland. 2. Reformed Presbyterian or Covenanting Church of Ireland. 3. Cumberland Presbyterian Church
Early Christianity in Scotland (� 1). 3. Secession Church in Ireland. 3a. Before the Union of 1908.
The Reformation (� 2). IV. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Connection. Origin (� 1).
Presbytery Dominant (� 3). Origin (� 1). Theology and Principles (� 2).
Lay Patronage and the "Disruption" (� 4). Contributory Movements (� 2). Educational Institutions and Missions (� 3).
Worthies of the Church (� 5). Organization, Activities, and Statistics (� 3). The Union of 1908 (� 4).
Statistics, Constitution, and Government (� 6). V. South, Central, and West Africa. 3b. Since the Union of 1908.
Agencies of the Church (� 7). VI. Australia. 4. Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America.
Social and Colonial Work (� 8). 1. New South Wales. 5. Associate Reformed Synod of the South.
Missionary and Other Agencies (� 9). 2. Queensland. 6. United Presbyterian Church of North America.
2. United Free Church. 3. Victoria (formerly Australia Felix). Origins in Scotland and America (� 1).
Early Constitution and Ideals (� 1). 4. South Australia. Formation, Work, and Statistics (�2).
Early Secessions (� 2). 5. Western Australia. Its Agencies (� 3).
The United Presbyterian Church (� 3). 6. Tasmania. 7. Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America (General Synod).
Free Church; Origin (� 4). VII. New Zealand. 8. Calvinistic Methodist Church (Welsh Presbyterian Church in America).
Free Church; Development; Theological Controversies (� 5). Beginnings of Presbyterianism (� 1). Founding of Churches (� I).
Movements Toward Union (� 6). Era of Settlements (� 2). Organisation of Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assembly (� 2.)
Union of 1900 (� 7). Union of the Presbyteries (� 3). Doctrine, Polity, and Worship (� 3.)
Free Church Minority; Legal Proceedings; Settlement (� 8). Missions and Statistics (� 4). 9. Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored.
Results; Present Position (� 9). VIII. In the United States and Canada 10. Reformed Presbyterian Church (Covenanted).
Statistics and Missions (� 10). 1. Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. 11. Reformed Presbyterian Church in the United Statue and Canada.
Doctrine and Constitution (� 11). Sources and Varieties of American Presbyterianism (� 1). 12. Presbyterian Church in Canada.
3. The Free Church of Scotland. Period of Isolated Churches (� 2). Origins (� 1).
4. Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Colonial Presbyterian Church (� 3): Under British Rule (� 2).
5. Reformed Presbyterian Church. Constitution of 1788 (� 4). Period of Unions (� 3).
6. United Original Secession Church. Period of the Plan of Union (� 5). Church Agencies (� 4).
Origin (� 1). Period of Division (� 6). IX. In Other Lands.
Unions; Statistics (� 2). Period of Reunion (� 7). X. Presbyterian Church Polity.
II. Presbyterian Church of England. Standards (� 8). 1. Doctrine.
Presbyterian Principles Informally Established (� 1). Church Agencies (� 9). 2. Polity.
Royal and Parliamentary opposition (� 2). 2. Presbyterian Church in the United States. Scriptural Basis (� 1).
Infusion of Scotch Elements (� 3). Background and Origin (� 1). Government (� 2).
The Present Church in England (� 4). Period of the War and Accretions (� 2). 3. Worship.
III. Ireland. Evangelization; Home and Foreign Missions (� 3).  

I. Scotland.

1. The Church of Scotland;

1 Early Christianity in Scotland.

The first Christian church in Scotland is traditionally said to have been built at Whithorn, Galloway, about 402. The builder was St. Ninian (q.v.), whose influence did not long survive his death in 432, and the country relapsed into heathenism. The continuous history of Christianity in Scotland begins with the landing of St. Columba (q.v.) and his companions at Iona (q.v.) in 583 (see CELTIC CHURCH, I, � 3). It was centuries after his death that the buildings which still stand on the island were erected, but it was the memory of Columba which made Dr. Johnson say that the man was little to be envied whose piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of Iona. The government of the Columban Church was in some sense a combination of presbytery and episcopacy; though there were bishops among the missionaries, all were subject to the rule of the Presbyter Columba. The great contemporary of Columba was St. Kentigern (q.v.), whose memory is preserved in the beautiful cathedral of Glasgow. The government of the Columban Church was destined to be superseded. For the change from the Irish system to the Roman see CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND, II-III. It was not till 716 that the monks of Iona altogether abandoned their traditional practises. It is unfortunate that the period of the Culdees is wrapt in such obscurity; for all evidence seems to indicate that it was a period of exceptional righteousness and godliness. The last lingering traces of distinctively Celtic modes of belief and worship disappeared in the reign of Queen Margaret, who was a devotee of Rome.

2. The Reformation.

In succeeding centuries, considerable irritation was caused by the attempts of English prelates to establish supremacy over the Church of Scotland. And, occasionally, Scotland was excommunicated by the pope. By degrees the need of a reformation began to be proclaimed, and a long and deadly struggle ensued. The efforts to-put down by force the growing spirit of inquiry and the return to a more primitive Christianity were utterly ineffectual. "The reek of Maister Patrick Hamilton" (q.v.), protomartyr of the Scottish Reformation, "infected as many as it blew upon." The martyrdom of George Wishart (q.v.) was terribly avenged by the murder of Cardinal Beaton (q.v.). The assassination caused a certain reaction in favor of Rome, for the cardinal had been an ardent patriot. The Romanist party sought help from France, and the Protestants sought help from England. The assassins of the cardinal and many who had no sympathy with the assassination were driven to take refuge in the castle of St. Andrews, which, after a protracted siege, surrendered to the attacks of the Royal army and of a French fleet. The defenders were carried to France, among them being John Knox (q.v.), who for nineteen months toiled as a galley slave. After his release, on the intercession of King Edward VI., Knox became one of the king's chaplains and took part in the preparation of the English Prayer Book of 1552. The accession of Queen Mary to the throne of Scotland drove him to the continent where, amid other vicissitudes, he ministered at Geneva and at Frankfort. During his absence the Reformation continued to make progress, but his return to Scotland in 1559 gave new life to the movement and insured its triumph. The year 1560 witnessed the consolidation, national recognition, and establishment of the Reformed Church. The first general assembly was held and the Scotch Confession of Faith (q.v.) and the First Book of Discipline. were issued. The government of the church was vested in superintendents, ministers, doctors, elders, and deacons. The Lord's Supper was to be celebrated four times a year. In towns there was to be daily service. Marriages were to be performed "in open face and public audience of the Kirk." The Book of Common Order, often called "John Knox's Liturgy," originally prepared by the English congregation at Geneva and for its own use, was recommended in 1564 and was generally, though not exclusively, used in public worship for eighty years. The Reformation in Scotland took a form different from that of the Reformation in England, partly because in England the monarch and the bishops were in favor of the Reformation, while in Scotland they were against it. It was by presbyters that the change was effected, and the government of the church naturally became Presbyterian. The Reformers did not look upon themselves as setting up a "new church." Their aim was to purify the temple, to strengthen it by clearing away excrescences and corruptions. Much attention was paid by the Reformers to education, and a system was introduced which, though altered toward the close of last century, must ever be remembered with gratitude.

3. Presbytery Dominant.

The organization of the reformed church as it now exists in Scotland was not achieved without a weary and protracted conflict. Sometimes presbytery, sometimes episcopacy, in different forms, occupied the field; sometimes they existed together. The National Covenant, signed in Greyfriars Churchyard, Edinburgh, in 1638, and the Solemn League and Covenant, signed at St. Margaret's,Westminster, in 1643, left a deep impress on the national life (See COVENANTERS, �� 3-4); and the names of those who, either on the field of battle or by execution, sealed their convictions with their blood, are, especially in the southern counties of Scotland, held to this hour in peculiar veneration and affection. The general assembly of 1638, which met in the cathedral of Glasgow, deposed or suspended all the bishops. The Westminster Assembly (q.v.) issued the Confession of Faith (see W,small.ESTMINSTER STANDARDS), which for ten years was accepted from John o' Groats to Land's End, and still remains the official standard of the Scottish church and of the churches which have sprung from her. The strife was practically ended by the revolution of 1688, when presbytery was finally ratified, though the Covenants were set aside. The king's message, which was read to the general assembly of 1690, contained the significant counsel " We expect that your management shall be such as we shall have no reason to repent of what we have done. We never could be of the mind that violence was suited to the advancing of true religion, nor do we intend that our authority shall ever be a tool to the irregular passions of any party. Moderation is what religion requires, neighboring Churches expect from, and we recommend to, you." It is in accordance with this counsel that the Church of Scotland has, with occasional unhappy exceptions, endeavored to act.

4. Lay Patronage and the "Disruption"

A source of trouble was in 1712 introduced by the revival of lay patronage. This was the main cause of the formation of the Associate Presbytery in 1733, its chief leader being Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.), and of the Relief Synod in 1752, its chief leader being Thomas Gillespie (q.v.). This cause had also much to do with the division of the church into the two great parties of Moderates and Evangelicals. Among the leaders of the Moderates were Principal William Robertson the historian, Principal George Campbell (q.v.), Hugh Blair (q.v.), and Principal George Hill, whose Lectures in Divinity (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1821, 5th ed., 1850) formed for several generations the accepted code of sound doctrine. Among the leaders of the Evangelicals were John Erksine (q.v.), Sir Henry Moncreiff-Wellwood of St. Cuthbert's, An drew Thomson (q.v.) of St. George's, Edinburgh; and, greatest of all, Thomas Chalmers (q.v.). By some strange misunderstanding, Moderates and Evangelicals concurred in the deposition of John McLeod Campbell (q.v.) for teaching the doctrine of " universal atonement and pardon through the death of Christ"; and of Edward Irving (q.v.) for teaching the "sinfulness of Christ's human nature." But concurring in doctrinal matters, the Moderates and Evangelicals became in ecclesiastical matters more irreconcilable. The occasional forcing into parishes of nominees of patrons against the declared wish and vehement protests of the parishioners embittered the controversy and hastened on the "disruption." A "Ten Years' Conflict" ended in May, 1843, by the withdrawal of 451 ministers who, under the moderatorship of Dr. Chalmers, constituted the Free Church of Scotland (see below, 3).

On those who remained was imposed the task of supplying the places left vacant, and when the immediate effect of the stunning blow had passed, they set themselves to meet the new conditions.

5. Worthies of the Church.

A few typical examples of the many clergymen to whom the revival of the church is largely due may be cited. A notable influence in the work of restoration was James Robertson (q.v., 1), founder of the "Endowment Scheme" (see below), a man of fervid piety and pure disinterestedness, of wisdom and of tolerance. The introduction of instrumental music into public worship, and the desire to make the house of God more esthetically worthy of its sacred purpose, were in great measure owing to the efforts of Dr. Robert Lee, minister of Old Greyfriars, and professor of Biblical criticism in the University of Edinburgh. An extraordinary personal influence was wielded by Norman Macleod (q.v.), whose width of sympathy, untiring efforts on behalf of working people, consuming zeal for foreign missions, and eloquence in pulpit or on platform, won for him the admiration and affection of all classes of society. John Tulloch (q.v.) was a man of kindred spirit, "large of heart, full of sympathy, f dendly with the lowest and the highest," devout but open-minded, tenaciously holding the catholic faith as embodied in the Nicene Creed but contending for a liberal interpretation of the Westminster formularies. In some respects John Caird (q.v.) was the greatest orator who ever adorned the Scottish pulpit. In the combination of profound thought with impassioned earnestness and dramatic force he stood unrivalled. The writings of William Milligan (q.v.) were highly appreciated in Scotland and even more cordially received in England. The same might be said of Andrew Kennedy Hutchison Boyd (q.v.). A preacher, poet, and religious genius who occupied a unique position was George Matheson (q.v.), who with marvellous cheerfulness and unflagging perseverance achieved, despite his blindness, a work surpassed by few. The life and labors of Dr. John Macleod in the large parish of Govan, and the eloquence and earnestness with which he enforced certain neglected aspects of the church, made a deep impression on many even of those to whom his views were not wholly acceptable. Probably no man in modern times has left a more indelible mark on the practical life of the church than Archibald Hamilton Charteris (q.v.) to whom was due the inception of the Christian Life and Work Committee with its manifold developments. Robert Herbert Story (q.v.) was a man of great force and loftiness of character, and singular tenderness of heart, a matchless debater, and the fearless and untiring champion of the church of his fathers.

6. Statistics, Constitution, and Government.

The church reports 1,433 parish churches, 80 non-parochial churches, 170 mission charges, 702,075 communicants, 2,223 Sunday-schools, 20,887 teachers, 235,974 scholars, and total benevolences for home work �520,997 (an increase in thirty-four years of over �242,000). The sums contributed for church purposes since 1872 have amounted to between fifteen and sixteen millions sterling. Patronage was abolished in 1874, and the election of ministers is vested in communicants and adherents. The system of church courts is very efficient. There is in every parish a kirk session, consisting of the minister as moderator or president, and of "elders," the number of whom varies according to circumstances. The whole country is mapped out into eighty-four presbyteries, varying in extent and in the number of parishes included. The members of a presbytery consist of the minister of each parish, along with an elder; certain theological professors have also a right to sit in the court. The moderators of the presbyteries are at present almost universally appointed by rotation and their term of office is, as a ride, half a year. There are sixteen synods, the moderators of which are elected sometimes by a committee, sometimes by the votes of the synod. The supreme court is the general assembly, which consists of representatives, lay as well as clerical, from the presbyteries, universities, and royal burghs. It meets yearly in Edinburgh in May, and the opening is one of the picturesque events of the year, being in some respects unique among ecclesiastical gatherings. The king is represented by a nobleman, the lord high commissioner, who takes up his abode at the palace of Holyrood. After a levee at the palace, the commissioner goes in procession to St. Giles Cathedral, where divine service is conducted, the sermon being preached by the retiring moderator. After service, there is a procession to the General Assembly Hall where the court is constituted and the new moderator is installed. The lord high commissioner occupies a seat called the throne, but he has no voice in the discussions. There is an interchange of courtesies between him and the assembly. He conveys the good wishes of the king to the church and receives from the moderator the assurance of the loyalty of the church to the king. The duties of the moderator, who is chosen by the assembly, are to preside at the assembly and to take part in all sorts of meetings all over the country. The general assembly, as the supreme court, revises the proceedings of the synods, and finally disposes of such cases and questions as have arisen elsewhere. But, by the provision of the " Barrier Act," no new legislation is binding upon the whole church until it has received the sanction of the majority of the presbyteries.

7. Agencies of the Church.

The practical work of the church is carried on by committees, of which a few may be mentioned. The Home Mission had its origin in the church-extension labors of Dr. Chalmers. The growth of the population had far outstripped the church accommodation provided for them. Appeals to the government for means to build new churches failed, and Chalmers determined that the work should be done by voluntary effort, and by the extension of the parochial or territorial system. To advance this project of church extension, Chalmers labored with extraordinary assiduity and success; and when he retired from the management it was united with some other minor schemes and became known as the Home Mission, which is now doing a vast amount of good work. It supplies in fluctuating populations, in remote districts, and in overcrowded lanes services in school-rooms, in public halls, and in dwelling-houses, helps to support unendowed churches in poor localities, gives grants for building neiv churches or for enlarging those which have become too small for the congregations, appoints lecturers on pastoral theology in the four universities of Scotland, and provides chaplains for hospitals and for lodging-houses. The Women's Association (or Home Missions, inaugurated in 1893, has, especially by means of parish sisters, proved a valuable auxiliary. The Home Mission finds its continuation and completion in the Endowment Scheme. Dr. James Robertson (q.v.) had taken the deepest interest in Dr. Chalmers's efforts for church extension, but wished to carry the matter a step farther. He resolved that the churches which had been built by voluntary effort should also by voluntary effort be endowed; and in 1846 he was appointed convener of a committee which had that end in view. In 1860, he was able to report to the general assembly that �400,000 had been subscribed, that sixty new parishes, technically known as quoad sacra parishes, had been erected. By the end of 1908, new parishes added to the church by the instrumentality of the Endowment Scheme numbered 452. " The total amount subscribed to secure the endowment alone of these parishes is about �1,673,330, apart from the cost of the fabrics. The population of these new parishes, as ascertained at the census of 1901, amounts to 2,150,000, the number of communicants on the roll being over 250,000." The Christian Life and Work Committee, appointed by the general assembly of 1869, was originated by Dr. Charteris. Its object as originally defined was " to inquire as to the progress of Christian work in this country and to consider and report as to the best means of promoting evangelistic efforts." The work of the committee is now divided into three main sections, evangelistic enterprise, development of Christian work, publications. Evangelistic enterprise includes mission weeks and conferences, deputations to fisher-folks in Orkney, Shetland, the Hebrides, also to those who go in the season to Lowestoft and Yarmouth; and deputations to rural parishes. The development of Christian work includes an institute of missionary training, where women are qualified to serve the church as deaconesses, parish sisters, missionaries, or missionary nurses, and men are qualified to serve as evangelists or home missionaries. The Woman's Guild, which now counts more than 700 branches, with a membership of 50,000, has had a successful career in fostering every kind of religious and philanthropic effort. The order of deaconesses was revived in 1889, and there are now fifty-one at work, their fields being singularly varied. The Deaconess Hospital in Edinburgh and the orphanage at Musselburgh have been widely beneficial. The Young Men's Guild, numbering 640 branches and 29,000 members, has been the means of enrolling many ybung lives in the service of the church. An outcome of the Woman's Guild and the Young Men's Guild may be seen in the Guild Text-Books and Guild Library, works prepared primarily for the use of members, though in circulation extending far beyond that circle.

8. Social and Colonial Work.

The Church of Scotland has, of late years, taken a special interest in social work, and nowhere has there been more noticeable progress. The assembly of 1903 appointed a committee to consider "whether the institution of central agencies such as an inebriate home, labor colony, and rescue home for women would support and develop the social work of the church in the parishes." The committee reported that the institution of such agencies ought to be adopted and furthered. The development has been exceedingly rapid. In Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee, Peebles, and Ayr, and Perth there are now labor homes in which are received men who, either from misfortune or from fault, have fallen upon evil days and are anxious to retrieve themselves, and suitable ex-prisoners are also received into some of the homes. There are also homes for boys in Glasgow and Aberdeen, where employment is found for them in various trades, and at Humbie, Upper Keith, where they are prepared for farm work or for emigration. At Cornton Vale, near Stirling, there is a market-garden colony at which men are " employed at garden work and trained for a country life at home or in the colonies." Much is done for the protection or reclamation of women by means of homes both in town and country. In the police courts of both Edinburgh and Glasgow, cases are not infrequently handed over to the care of accredited agents of the committee, thereby not only preventing the stigma of conviction, but opening up the way to a better life. The Colonial Committee, formed in 1836, seeks to minister to the spiritual necessities of parts of the colonies where as yet congregations can not be self-supporting. Help is sent to many new settlements in Canada, Australia, and South Africa. By the aid of this committee Scottish services are maintained at various stations in India, Ceylon, Egypt, the West Indies, and East Africa. A sub-committee provides permanent chaplaincies at Paris, Dresden, Venice, Brussels, and summer chaplaincies at Geneva and Homburg. Another sub-committee is occupied with the spiritual oversight of Presbyterians in the army and navy; and the statement is justified that "no committee of the church, with an income which has never exceeded �600 a year, has ever accomplished a larger amqunt of good Work."

9. Missionary and Other Agencies.

For the support of foreign missions the increase in contributions during the last thirty years has been astonishing. The average number of baptisms is about a thousand a year. There are 160 European missionaries and and 700 native missionaries, including ministers, evangelists, and teachers. In Calcutta the work of the Church of Scotland and of the United Free Church has been amalgamated since 1908 and is carried on with renewed activity. The missions at Madras, Arkonam, and Poona, and in the Punjab, have an honorable record of devotion and faithful service. In the Eastern Himalayas there are three missions, in which at the close of 1907 there were more than 4,500 baptised native Christians. In Africa the Nyasaland Mission, including Blantyre, Domasi, Zomba, Mlanje, and the British East Africa mission in the Kikuyu highlands have effected such results as to call forth enthusiastic approval. The "martyrs of Blantyre " have earned a place for themselves in missionary annals. The late Dr. RuffelleScott ranks among the greatest of those who have carried the light of Christ to the dark places of the earth, a man most mystical yet most practical, a constant student yet sympathetic with the ignorant, inspired with burning zeal yet gifted with marvellous administrative skill. The Chinese mission at Ichang has now 852 baptized Christians, of whom 480 are communicants. Special commendation must be given to the work of the Women's Ass6ciation for Foreign Missions, whose spheres of labor are virtually identical with those of the Foreign Missions Committee. "The staff abroad includes 62 European missionaries, four from New South Wales, and three from New Zealand. With the assistance of over 200 Eurasian and native teachers and Bible-women they carry on educational, evangelistic, industrial, and medical work in schools, zenanas, hospitals, and city and village dispensaries for women and children." Other committees are those on Education, the Conversion of the Jews, Small Livings, Aged and Infirm Ministers, Church Interests, Temperance, Sunday-schools, Highlands and Islands, Correspondence with other Reformed Churches, Psalmody and Hymns, Aids to Devotion, Benefice Registers, and Church Records. All of them, it may honestly be said, are under wise and capable management. The relation of the Church to the Westminster Confession has been receiving much attention in recent years; and the General Assembly of 1910, in the exercise of a right ratified by a recent Act of Parliament, has adopted a formula of subscription less rigid than that hitherto enjoined upon the clergy. In 1910 meetings were held between representatives of the Church of Scotland and of the United Free Church looking to the union of those bodies.

PEARSON M' ADAM MUIR.

2. United Free Church;

1. Early Constitution and Ideals.

If the essence of the United Free Church be the soul in it that is marching on, it was born at the Reformation. The ideal of a Scottish National Church which then arose was of a church free from the State, self constituted and self-governing. Scotland has always been by a vast majority Presbyterian, and her disputes have seldom been doctrinal. Divisions have been caused mainly by differences in the interpretation of the claim of the church to spiritual freedom, and by questions, often more theoretical than practical, regarding the relation of Church to State. The history of the religious forces now gathered up in the United Free Church is the history of successive stands made by men for their own ideal of a free church, and of the gradual aggregation of the various independent churches thus formed. Time and again the starting-point was, not dissent from a theological doctrine, but a differing interpretation of the application of the principle of spiritual independence, and a new assertion of the rights of the church. The United Free Church claims continuity through all its branches with the original reformed Church in Scotland, and maintains, as against decisions of the law courts, (particularly in the period preceding the Disruption of 1843 and in 1904), its own interpretation of the rights and powers of that church. In 1560 the church constituted itself and adopted Knox's Confession. It existed without sanction of any Act of Parliament until 1567. In 1647, without consulting Parliament, it displaced Knox's by the Westminster Confession. These and other acts are claimed as instances of the exercise of that spiritual freedom, between which and the advantages of the Establishment as interpreted by civil courts various parties considered in later times that they had to make their choice. This legislative power of altering doctrine, discipline, and government was, it was claimed by the United Free Church in the litigation following the union of 1900, recognized in the Barrier Act of 1697, which provided that no alteration should be made without being sent down to Presbyteries.

2. Early Seccessions.

The first formal division arose in 1688. Intransigeant Cameronians (see CAMERON, RICHARD, CAMERONIANS), in dissatisfaction with its compromising spirit, refused to concur in the Revolution Settlement and remained an isolated body until 1876 when they joined the Free Church. Next came the two secessions which eventually coalesced in the United Presbyterian Church. The first, the Associate synod, originated through the deposition in 1733 of Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.), along with three supporters, for preaching a sermon claiming for Christ the headship of the Church and declaring the church " the freest society in the world." This was aimed especially at an Act of Assembly (1732) placing the election of ministers in the hands not of the congregation, but of the majority of elders and heritors. These four declined reinstatement a year later, disliking the hostility of the "Moderate" majority to their "Marrow" theology (see MARROW CONTROVERSY). They had forty-five congregations in 1747 when the great "Breach" took place on the question of the lawfulness of taking a certain burgess oath (see ERSKINE, EBENEZER). The breach was healed in 1820 when the United Secession Church was formed, but not before both AntiBurghers and Burghers had thrown off small minorities of Old Lights, the main bodies or New Lights having developed more modern views as to the limitations of the duty of the civil magistrate in the ecclesiastical sphere (see below, 6, � 1). The " Old Light Burghers " found their way back to the Establishment just in time to come out at the Disruption. The "Old Light Antiburghers" (afterwards called Original Seceders) joined the Free Church in 1852, with the exception of a minute remnant who still remain separate. The United Secession Church was distinguished for its foreign missionary enthusiasm, and grew and prospered until the Union of 1847.

3. United Presbyterian Church.

The second secession, going later to form the United Presbyterian Church, was the Relief Church, and originated with Thomas Gillespie (q.v.), who stood almost alone till 1761 when a presbytery was formed "for the relief of Christians oppressed in their Christian privileges." This church rapidly grew and was distinguished for its liberal spirit. Unlike the Secession it invited all Christians to its ordinances, and in 1794 it sanctioned a hymnbook. The Union of the Secession and Relief Churches was accomplished in 1847, when the United Secession contributed about 400 congregations and the Relief 114 to the resulting United Presbyterian Church (for the documentary Basis of Union see below). To this last named church and to its spiritual ancestors must be largely ascribed the fact that the cause of evangelical religion was maintained in Scotland. The career of the United Presbyterian Church was eminently prosperous. Always democratic, and possibly containing tendencies toward Congregationalism, it showed a vigorous and progressive activity. Missions have always been enthusiastically supported and in populous districts at home new congregations were planted. In ecclesiastical matters it was conspicuous for the clear and consistent as sertion of the principle of " voluntaryism," i.e., "the obligation of members to support and extend by voluntary contribution the ordinances of the Gospel," and it frequently passed resolutions calling for the disestablishment of the State Church. It was the first Presbyterian body to modify in a liberal and evangelical direction the terms of subscription to the Westminster Confession, which was done in the Declaratory Act of 1879. For the assistance of poorer congregations an Augmentation Fund was contributed by those able to do more than support their own minister, and this was divided among those unable to reach a minimum standard of stipend with a view to a uniform minimum for ministers of all congregations contributing at a certain rate per member to ministeral support. The church maintained a theological hall in Edinburgh, in connection with which the name of Principal John Cairns (q.v.) is famous. The organization of the church had this peculiarity that there were no provincial synods. The whole of the presbyteries met annually as one synod which was thus the supreme court of the church corresponding to the general assemblies of the others. At the Union of 1900 the United Presbyterian Church had 599 congregations, 199,089 members, and an average income of �403,736.

4. Free Church: Origin.

Latest in origin, but largest and most influential, came the Free Church in 1843. Unlike previous secessions which began with days of small things the Free Church sprang into being on a national scale, and men spoke not of another session but of the "Disruption" of the Established Church. Those who "came out" claimed to be the true Church of Scotland, and at once set about making its whole organization independent of the State. In every parish congregations were divided and over large areas of the Highlands all but a fractional remnant left the Establishment. The contention of the Free Church party was that the spiritual liberties of the church were being challenged by the State, and that the whole principle of spiritual independence was involved, although the immediate issue was the exercise of patronage. An act of parliament restoring patronage had been passed in 1712 in violation of the "Treaty of Union," and had been acquiesced in during the era of moderatism in the church. As the evangelical party grew in strength in the first part of the nineteenth century, its members began to resent the intrusion by indifferent patrons of "moderate" and often incompetent ministers upon unwilling congregations. But instead of agitating for the repeal of the act the assembly asserted powers of regulating the filling of vacant charges by the Veto Act of 1834, and of altering the constitution of church courts by admitting to them ministers of new extension (quoad sacra) parishes (i.e., ecclesiastical parishes defined by the Assembly, not old historic parishes recognized by law; see above, 1, � 7). These exercises of power were declared illegal by the court of session, which proceeded to give orders to presbyteries to ignore the Veto Act and to ordain certain presentees and not ordain certain others and to reject the votes of ministers of the new parishes. The issue thus became in the eyes of the Free Church party not the special grievance of patronage but the whole question of the rights of the church to maintain its own jurisdiction within the sphere claimed as ecclesiastical. This was the ground of the "Ten Years' Conflict" (1833-1843). Government refused to move. There was disbelief in the serious intentions of the evangelical party up to the last, even though they were making every preparation for the final step. This was taken at the opening meeting of the Assembly of 1843, and forms one of the most dramatic episodes in church history. Instead of constituting the Assembly the moderator read the "Protest" and "Claim of Right," laid them on the table and withdrew, followed by the entire evangelical party; the march in procession to Tanfield Hall was watched by cheering crowds, and there the first Free Church assembly was constituted with Thomas Chalmers as moderator, by whose side were Robert Smith Candlish, Thomas Guthrie (qq.v.), and the lawyer Alexander Murray Dunlop. Out of some 1,200 ministers, 474 joined the Free Church, together with every foreign missionary. The Free Church undertook the whole burden of the foreign missionary enterprise, sustained in every direction by the enthusiasm and generosity of the people. A central Sustentation Fund out of which each minister drew an equal dividend solved the problem of ministerial support. New College, Edinburgh, was founded for the training of the ministry, and the colleges at Glasgow and Aberdeen were founded a few years later. The work of building churches and manses rapidly proceeded in spite of obstacles presented in country districts. Elementary education had been in the hands of the church, and this responsibility, too, was faced by the Free Church. The Free Church schools were, along with those of the Established Church, merged in a national system in 1872, and the training-colleges for teachers were also handed over in 1907, subject to certain provisions for religious instruction.

5. Free Church; Dedevelopment; Theological Controversies.

The later history of the Free Church down to the union of 1900 is one of growth and advance. Within a few years of the Disruption the Home Mission problem of the city slums was attacked and many new churches were organized in poorer districts. Later on the movement of population made necessary the systematic planting of new churches in growing suburban districts. In 1869 and 1874 the department of Home Missions received a great impetus from the revival movements following the visits of Dwight Lyman Moody (q.v.). The growth of foreign missions may be read in the list of missions brought by the Free Church into the Union. Assistance was also given to colonial churches, and preaching-stations were maintained at some continental resorts. The last twenty years before the Union saw several controversies in the Free Church over the attitude of the church toward the new historical methods of Bible study, especially as seen in the writings of its own professors. Scholarship of the highest order had found a home in its colleges. The more studious students and ministers went to Germany or read German books, and dark rumors went abroad of what was taught there. Then came the bold proclamation of the Gospel from a Darwinian platform by Henry Drummond (q.v.). Conservative minds were offended and scared, in spite of the fact that those they attacked were among the most zealous and evangelical teachers the church possessed. The first storm arose over the articles of William Robertson Smith (q.v.; then professor of Hebrew in Aberdeen College, after ward of Arabic in Cambridge) in the new Encyclopaedia Britannica. After fierce debates it was made clear that since the Westminster Confession furnished no dicta on such subjects as the date and authorship of the Pentateuch, and since in theology Smith was in hearty agreement with Evangelical Calvinism, no charge of heresy could be established. Eventually, however, in 1881, a majority, angry at his persistence and frightened at his teaching which they could not get condemned, relieved him of his functions, not as a disciplinary measure, involving church censure, but merely in exercise of its discretionary control over the colleges, and with a careful disclaimer of decision upon the matters of scholarship involved. Ten years later the Assembly was again violently divided on the cases of Professors Marcus Dods, and Alexander Balmain Bruce (qq.v.). Dr. Dods had attacked the antiquated theory of verbal inspiration, had met with encouraging words inquirers unable to accept the full doctrine of the church especially in regard to the resurrection, and had spoken of the possibility of truth lying in more than one theory of the Atonement. Dr. Bruce in his Kingdom of God (Edinburgh, 1889) had touched on the problems presented by the existence of four different and some times differing Gospel records. After long and heated discussion the assembly passed motions declaring its adherence to certain specified doctrines which no one had attacked and admonishing the professors in words meant more to reassure the Highlands than to edify the professors then under fire. These controversies in one way played a use ful part by awakening general interest in the advance of Biblical scholarship. An attempt to renew the controversy by an attack upon Professor George Adam Smith in 1902 hopelessly collapsed. On the other hand, the passing of the Declaratory Act in 1892 offended an ultra-conservative Highland section which broke off to form the Free Presbyterian Church (see below, 4).

6. Movements Toward Union.

The year 1900 is another historic date in Scottish church history. Immediately after the Disruption vague hopes for a union of the Free Church and existing " voluntary " churches were expressed; the feeling in favor of this grew, and in 1863 committees of Union. both churches were appointed. In regard to doctrine, worship, and organization no obstacles were discovered, but in regard to the almost purely theoretical question of relation of the civil magistrate to the church sharp differences became clear. The great majority of the Free Church were in favor of leaving this an open question in the proposed united church and the standards of the United Presbyterian Church contained no pronouncement on the point in dispute. A determined minority of the Free Church, however, held that the question of the duty of the civil magistrate to spend public money on the maintenance of an Established Church was an essential part of the doctrine of the Free Church and in 1873 the majority yielded. A Mutual Eligibility Act, however, was passed, providing for the passage of ministers from one church to the other. The Free Church had been joined in 1854 by most of the Original Seceders (see above, 1, � 2). The Reformed Presbyterians (Cameronians, see above, � 2) had been invited in 1864 to share in the proposed Union. Their views regarding the civil magistrate were satisfactory even to the constitutionalist minority in the Free Church and, after the collapse of the negotiations with the United Presbyterian Church, conferences were reopened with them and a union between them and the Free Church was consummated in 1876. The action of the minority in thwarting the Union was partly stimulated by the movement in the Established Church toward the abolition of patronage. It was felt by some that a wider union on the basis of a reformed establishment was within sight. Such hopes were disappointed, since approaches by the Established Church (see above, 1) in 1878 were met in 1886 on the part of the Free Church by propositions in favor of disestablishment and disendowment. The Established Church refused to negotiate except on the understanding that the Establishment basis would be preserved. The Free Church demanded an open conference without reservation.

7. Union of 1900

This failure concentrated hopes the more definitely upon a union of Free and United Presbyterian churches. In 1896 union committees were appointed. The negotiations took four years, the chief problems being the conciliation and reassurance of the constitutionalist party in the Free Church which suspected the liberal tendencies at work, and the settlement of details personal and financial regarding the onsolidation of offices, colleges, and other agencies. Everything was harmoniously arranged, and it seemed up to the last as if the small conservative section of the Free Church would give way. The Union was consummated in Edinburgh in October, 1900, amid a scene of great enthusiasm and the congratulations conveyed by deputies from sister churches all over the world.

8. Free Church Minority; Legal Proceedings; Settlement.

A small minority, however, including twenty seven ministers, declined to enter the United Free Church, and began legal proceedings in the courts, claiming as the true Free Church (see below, 3) to retain her whole property both central and congregational. In the Scottish courts the decisions were in favor of the united church, but upon appeal the dissenting minority were declared by the House of Lords in August, 1904, to be the true representatives of the Free Church, and to them the trustees were ordered to convey the whole property. The main ground of the decision was that the Church of Scotland before the disruption had no power of altering her creed or standards and that the Free Church in separating in 1843 claimed no new rights in that respect; and that, in particular, Dr. Chalmers the Moderator, having in 1843 repudiated voluntaryism and made clear that the Free Church adhered to the sections of the Westminster Confession of Faith regarding the duty of the civil magistrate, the Free Church of 1900 had no power to carry over its property into a church which left open in its constitution the question of the right of an Establishment. The contention of the United Free Church, that the church as a church had an inherent right to modify her subordinate standards, was rejected by five to two, the majority of the Lords defining the church in its relation to property, as a trust constituted for' once and all by its original constitution as a trust deed. The scope of the decision was staggering. The whole funds and buildings of the Free Church at home and abroad were to be handed over to the inhabitants of the remoter northern districts. In the United Free Church indignation ran high, both at the grounds of the judgment and at the prospect of having their whole work crippled by the loss of property and funds. An emergency fund was at once raised which eventually reached nearly �200,000 and an advisory committee was formed to guide matters during the crisis. It was obvious that the victorious Free Church had neither capacity nor resources in men or money to administer the huge foreign missionary organization, and it is to their credit that they did not attempt to enforce the judgment abroad. At home, however, they set about the business of organization with energy. In some cases where congregations were formed United Free Churchmen were ejected from churches and manses. They prohibited the use of hymns and organs, which latter they announced their intention of destroying in churches of which they took possession. Public opinion demanded parlementary action, and an Act was passed suspending all further legal proceedings and appointing a commission of inquiry. On its report that the Free Church was not in a position to administer the property in terms of the trusts, an act was passed in 1904 appointing an executive commission to dispose of the whole property so as best to secure its proper use. In cases of congregational property the Frees were to get the churches where they could show that they had one-third of the members and adherents at the time of the Union in 1900. The result has been for the most part to set aside the legal judgment. All the missions have been entrusted to the United Church. The Assembly Hall and all the colleges have been assigned to them and most congregations confirmed in their use of their churches. Nevertheless the United Church had to suffer heavy loss. The valuable offices in Edinburgh were assigned to the Free Church for use as a college. Some large churches in the south and over a hundred in the Highlands went to the Free Church, and the United Free Church was faced by the need for immediate expenditure on building to the extent of about �150,000. Out of college incomes an annual charge of �3,000 is set aside for the Free Church college, and other heavy charges for their benefit made on the funded capital.

9. Results; Present Position.

One good effect of the judgment was to call forth expression of the loyalty of the church. The former United Presbyterian and Free branches were welded by the shock as years of tranquil existence might not have effected. Then the misgivings inevitably arising regarding past history and procedure produced criticism that will be fruitful. There is a desire that laymen, who have to pay the cost, should have more to say in church councils. The financial stress stimulates desire for economy and business methods, and many small adjacent churches have been united. The disastrous spectacle of ecclesiastical strife has produced a revulsion in favor of still larger reunion, and an era of hearty cooperation is surely in sight, while especially among the laity there is a, strong desire for a union of all Presbyterians in Scotland. The future position of the church in regard to its right to alter its standards was made clear by an act of Assembly in 1905 (see below, � 11) which was presented to Parliament. In certain directions the work of the church, especially in expansion, has been hampered by the crisis, but on the whole the home activity and foreign enterprises and the work of the colleges have been carried on without slackening. The adjustments of organization left incomplete at the Union have now been completed and especially in 1907 the final merging of Sustentation and Augmentation Funds into one "Central Fund" for the support of the ministry has been accomplished. In regard to theological scholarship the leaders of the church are now in full sympathy with free and fearless inquiry, and scholarship has been amply proved to go along with hearty evangelical zeal. The home-mission problem is being approached in new ways. Suburban church extension proceeds; in Glasgow and Aberdeen large institutional churches have been started in slum districts, and the extension of this feature in other large towns in the near future is probable. The organization is, of course, Presbyterian, the series of ec. clesiastical bodies proceeding in order from the kirk-session through the presbytery and synod to the general assembly. Local financial affairs are managed either by a court of deacons ordained for life, with whom are associated ex officio the session, or by a committee of managers elected for a term, meeting apart from the session. The salary of the minister is guaranteed by the Central Fund up to a fixed minimum, at present �160, which is often supplemented by the congregation. The affairs of the church are managed from large central offices by permanent secretaries and representative committees of Assembly. There are three colleges in Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, with 133 regular students and 42 visitors largely graduates of American colleges.

10. Statistics and Missions.

The United Free Church reports 1,631 congregations with 27 Congregational missions, 506,088 members, 35,199 elders and deacons, 2,369 Sundaysohools with 25,385 teachers and 241,160 scholars, a total income of �1,044,093, with a home missionary income of about �130,000, and from native and foreign sources about �85,000. Apart from native agents there are at work 118 ordained missionaries, 35 medical missionaries, most of whom are also ordained, 103 women missionaries, 52 teachers, artizans, etc., besides 135 missionaries' wives. In India since 1904 all Presbyterian missions have been united in the Presbyterian Church in India with 372 elders and 14,830 communicants, under six mission councils, vii., Bengal, Santalia, Western India, Nagpur, Madras, and Rajputana. In China the Manchurian council works in nine district circuits, among other places at Mukden and Hiaoyang, and is rapidly training up a native ministry. The native church showed heroic steadfastness during the Boxer troubles and is now rapidly growing. In Africa are the Kaffraria council with over a dozen stations and the Lovedale institution with a roll of 715 pupils; the Transkei council, with Blythswood, and nearly twenty stations; the Natal council; the Old Calabar Mission begun in 1846, now having 754 members and 50 native agents; and the extraordinarily successful Livingatonia Mission, which has founded a Christian civilization round the shores of Lake Nyassa. In the New Hebrides there is now a strong native church, some islands being entirely Christian. In the West Indies the Jamaica mission council controls an organization which is partly organized as a church, partly as a system of mission stations, and the Trinidad Mission.Council works similarly in connection with the Presbyterian Church of Canada among Englishspeaking creoles and the coolie population.

11. Doctrine and Constitution.

The doctrinal position of Scottish Presbyterianism has never been defined de novo since the Westminster Confession approved it in 1646. The statement of the present position of the United Free Church is contained in the Acts of 1905 regarding spiritual independence, and of 1900 effecting the Union, which makes approving references to the historic documents of the various branches of the church and sanctions the declarations which had been made from time to time regarding the terms of adhesion to the Westminster Confession. The act of 1905 of the United Free Church as to doctrine was passed with a view to making clear the conditions on which the church took back the property alienated by the decision of 1904 and is designed to put beyond all doubt for all time the power of the church to define her own creed and discipline. It contains these words: "That this church continues to claim that the church of Christ has under him as her only Head independent and exclusive jurisdiction and power of legislating in all matters of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the church, including therein the right from time to time to alter, change, add to or modify her constitution and laws, subordinate standards and church formulas and to determine and declare what these are." This is further declared to be a fundamental principle and rule of the United Free Church, the power of uniting with other churches being explicitly mentioned and the words added " always in conformity with the Word of God and also with the safeguards for deliberate action and legislation in such cases provided by the church herself, of which conformity the church herself acting through her courts shall be the sole judge." The Act of Union prescribes the formula for signature upon ordination. The Bible is in the first question given its place as supreme standard as being the word of God, and the only rule of faith and life. The second question, relating to acceptance of the doctrine of the church as set forth in the Confession of Faith is construed with relation to (1) the Act of Free Church, 1846, disclaiming " intolerant or persecuting principles " and repudiating any such interpretation of the confession; (2) the Declaratory Act of the United Presbyterian Church of 1879, which also disdains intolerant principles, asserts in connection with the confessional doctrine of election the free offer of salvation to all, and the responsibility of each for its rejection, and that the former doctrine is held in harmony with the truth that God is not willing that any should perish and with human responsibility; (3) The Declaratory Act of the Free Church in 1892, which as regards predestination says the church does not hold the confession as teaching the preordination of men to death irrespeotive of their own sin. Other references are (4) to the Disruption Protest and Claim of Right which assert spiritual independence on matters now covered by the Act of 1905; (5) to the Basis of Union of 1847 which adopts the Westminster Confession with reservation of persecuting principles, lays stress on the missionary duty of the Church and the obligation of free-will offerings for that end and for the support of the ministry. Another declaration of the 1900 Assembly sanctions the Larger and Shorter Catechisms as " manuals of religious instruction long approved and held in honor by the people of both churches." With the exception and modifications thus summarized the theology of the United Free Church is the Calvinistic doctrine of the Westminister Confession.

ROBERT WILLIAM STEWART.

3. Free Church of Scotland:

The Free Church of Scotland began its separate existence at the disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843 (see above, 1, � 4), under the leadership of Dr. Thomas Chalmers. In October, 1900, a large majority of its ministers, elders, and members united with the United Presbyterian Church and formed the United Free Church (see above, 2). A minority remained apart from the union because of dissatisfaction with the basis on which it was effected, and claimed to be the true successors of the disruption fathers. They also raised a claim to the funds and property of the Church. The matter was referred to the law courts. In the Outer and Inner Houses of the Court of Session in Scotland judgment was given unanimously in favor of the present United Free Church. On an appeal being taken to the House of Lords, a decision was obtained in August, 1904, by five to two, in favor of the Free Church. On the ground of the inability of the Free Church to execute all the trusts, parliament intervened. A royal commission was appointed to inquire and to report. In 1904, the Churches (Scotland) Act was passed, and by a commission appointed under said Act, the property in question was allocated between the Free and United Free Churches.

Like the other Presbyterian churches, the Free Church is governed by church sessions, presbyteries, synods, and general assembly. The general assembly-the supreme court of the church-meets annually in Edinburgh in the month of May. There are, at home, five synods, twelve presbyteries, 160 congregations, and about thirty mission stations. In Africa, there is one presbytery with one European and two native pastors, and ten catechists.

The majority of the home congregations are located in the counties of Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Inverness, Argyle, and Bute. Students for the ministry are required to attend a full undergraduate course of study at one of the universities, and a full course of four years in divinity in the church's own Theological College in Edinburgh, which has a staff of a principal and five professors. In Edinburgh are also located the offices of the church. The endowments of the church are: For the maintenance of the Theological College, including bursaries, �92,000; for undergraduate bursaries, �11,000; for foreign missions, �25,(100; for aged and infirm ministers and retired professors, �35,000; for the support of the ministry and lay agents, �210,000; for the general purposes of administration and management, �40,000; for the education of sons and daughters of ministers and missionaries, �6,000; for the widows and orphans of ministers and missionaries, a fund of over �500,000 is administered by trustees for the benefit of both the Free and United Free Churches and the annuity payable to widows is �44, to each child while under eighteen years of age �24, with �12 additional when the mother is also dead. The interest of these endowments is supplemented by free-will offerings from the people amounting in all, for the various schemes of the church, to about �12,000 annually. These contributions are apart from local congregational funds which are used locally and do not pass through the books of the general treasurer of the church in Edinburgh.

J. K CAMERON.

4. Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland:

In 1892 a Declaratory Act was passed by the general assembly of the Free Church of Scotland. Strong opposition had been offered to this measure by the constitutionalist party, and hopes were entertained that this dissatisfaction would lead to its repeal. But these hopes were doomed to disappointment. At the following assembly (1893) a protest was entered against the Act. This action was a virtual denial of the jurisdiction of the supreme court and the result was that two ministers were deprived of their churches and manses. These were subsequently joined by a number of students who were dissatisfied with the advanced teaching from the professorial chairs of the Free Church. In August, 1893, Donald MacFarlane, and Donald MacDonald, ministers, with Alexander MacFarlane, elder, met at Portree, Isle of Skye, and constituted themselves a presbytery, under the name of the Free Church Presbytery of Scotland; ("Free Church" was afterwards abandoned for "Free Presbyterian" to avoid legal complications). At this meeting a Deed of Separation was drawn up with reasons. These were, that the Free Church (1) had passed resolutions having as their object the abandonment of the national recognition of religion; (2) it had sanctioned the use of uninspired hymns and instrumental music in divine worship; (3) it tolerated office-bearers who did not hold the whole doctrine of the Confession of Faith especially in regard to the entire perfection of Holy Scripture; (4) by passing the Declaratory Act of 1892, it destroyed the integrity of the Confession as understood by the Disruption fathers; and (5) the majority of her office-bearers had become voluntaries. While renouncing the jurisdiction of the Free Church of 1893, the signatories solemnly promised to abide by the constitution and standards of the Free Church as settled in 1843. Briefly stated it may be said, the Free Presbyterian Church stands for the doctrine of the infallibility of Holy Scripture, the national recognition of religion, purity of worship (the exclusive use of the Psalms in divine worship without the aid of instrumental music), and, generally speaking, for the whole doctrine of the Confession of Faith. The church's office-bearers subscribe to the Free Church documents of 1843 and the Deed of Separation referred to above. There are three presbyteries; the supreme court being the synod which meets twice a year; in July at Inverness and in November at Glasgow. The congregations and preaching-stations number about seventy. These are supplied by thirteen ordained ministers with the help of students and lay missionaries and catechists. The church's sphere of labor is confined chiefly to the Highlands, though there are congregations in Edinburgh, Glasgow (two), and London. There is a colonial mission in Ontario and Manitoba, Canada, with an ordained missionary, and a foreign mission station near Bembesi, Matabeleland, South Africa, presided over by an ordained native missionary. The students of the church are expected to undergo a four-years' university course, and a four-years' theological course. The Rev. John R. MacKay, M. A., Inverness, and Rev. D. Beaton, Wick, act as theological tutors. The ministry are entirely dependent upon the voluntary contributions of the people for support; the ministerial salary being �140 ($700) per annum.

D. BEATON.

5. Reformed Presbyterian Church:

This Church is the legitimate descendant and representative of the Covenanted Church of Scotland in its period of greatest purity, the period of the second Reformation (1638-1649). Holding the continuing obligation of the national Covenants (see COVENANTERS) it maintains the doctrine of the universal supremacy of Christ and the authority of his Word both in Church and State. In doc trinal belief it adheres to the theology of the West minster Confession; in worship it uses exclusively the Psalms of Scripture, without instrumental music. It objects to all secret oathbound societies. Its members decline to swear allegiance to any civil constitution that disowns or dishonors Christ: this is its historic position of political dissent both in Britain and America. The Covenanters suffered cruel persecutions under the Stuarts, and welcomed the Revolution of 1688; but as in Scotland under the Revolution Settlement the national Church was substantially a creature of the State, and prelacy in England and Ireland was registered in the national constitution, they never joined the Revolution Church. For sixteen years, as "the United Societies," they were without a minister. In 1706 they were joined by the Rev. John McMillan from the Established Church, and the first presbytery was constituted in 1743. They continued to increase till 1863, when there were six presbyteries knd a synod, with about forty ministers, a theological seminary, a prosperous mission in the New Hebrides, and a Jewish mission in London. In 1863 a disruption took place, the majority resolving to abide no longer by the historic position of the church. That majority joined the Free Church thirteen years after. The minority, adhering to the recognized testimony of the church, constituted themselves the Reformed Presbyterian Synod, and were acknowledged in the civil courts as the legitimate representatives of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. It has now nine ministers, and it conducts, along with the Reformed Presbyterian Synod in Ireland, prosperous missions in Antioch and Alexandretta. It is in ecclesiastical fellowship with the Reformed Presbyterian Church in America (see below, VIII., 7).

JOHN MCDONALD.

6. United Original Secession Church:

1. Origin and Divisions.

This church dates from 1733, when four ministers of the National Church, Ebenezer Erskine, William Wilson, Alexander Moncrieff, and James Fisher felt in conscience constrained to withdraw from the courts of that church (see 1, � 4, 2, � 2). The reasons for their withdrawal were found both in the administrative and the doctrinal sides of the church's life. The exercise of lay patronage, forcing ministers upon churches even with the aid of the military, and the defects in the teaching and preaching of some professors and ministers, lacking, as it did, the Evangelical note which they judged vital to the interest of true religion, seemed to require this action. They sought not only to maintain this Evangelical note in their own teaching, but to lift up a public testimony against the departures from it in the Church. Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.) did this in a sermon preached at a meeting of a synod, and he and those who openly sympathized with him were suspended from their office as ministers. They formed themselves into a presbytery at Gairney Bridge in Fifeshire (where a monument commemorating the event has been erected), but a presbytery of the Church of Scotland, which, because of untoward circumstances, was in a condition of secession from its courts. Hence, the name Secession. The movement was popular, and other presbyteries were formed, which were linked together by a synod, which met annually. The name "Church" was purposely avoided because the Seceders regarded themselves as a part of the Church of Scotland, though compelled for the sake of conscience to carry on their work in a state of secession. The history of this movement is marked by many divisions. The first cause of division was an oath which was exacted from the burgesses of certain cities in the country, in which they promised support to the religion established in the realm. Some thought that this oath could be taken in consistency with the position which they had taken, the religion to which approval was given being that sanctioned in the constitution of the country. Others thought that the taking of it meant approval of the things that the church had recently tolerated and so involved unfaithfulness to the protest which they had made against these things. The contention resulted in a separation in 1747 into different camps, the Burgher and the Anti-Burgher. After this, the question between Church and State began to be agitated in both these churches. The result was difference of view, some taking the secular standpoint in relation to the State, and others bitterly opposing it. They who thought that the State should confine its attention to secular affairs and leave the church alone, were called New Lights, and the others received the name Old Lights.

2. Unions; Statistics.

This line of cleavage in the opinion regarding the State formed in the two branches of the church led to the different parties in them which held similar views drawing toward one another, and finally to a union on the New Light Basis, known as the "voluntary basis," in 1820, leaving sections that adhered to the principle of State-churchism, in separate ecclesiastical organizations. In this union is found the beginning of the United Presbyterian Church (see above, 2). The history of the sturdy fragments left outside this union of 1820, is one of gradual amalgamation, with occasional fragments of the fragments finding their way into larger ecclesiastical bodies. There was a union between those who stood on the ground of State-churchism, and later of those who had long maintained different views about the Burgess oath. It is the result of these unions that is found in the United Original Secession Church, the half of which united with the Free Church in 1852; and the other half still maintains a separate organization. Its platform is the position identified with the second Reformation, with the ideal of a nation and a church in covenant with God to promote his cause. It is a small body consisting of twentyfive congregations, grouped in five presbyteries, with a synod as the supreme court meeting annually. It has 19 ministers, one probationer, and about 3,600 members. Its theological hall in Glasgow is under the care of two professors and one lecturer. Its annual income is between two and three thousand pounds sterling. The total income of congregations from all sources amounted last year to �5,863, an average contribution from each member of � 1,12, 6d. It supports a vigorous, well equipped mission at Seoni in the central province of India, an ordained male missionary, a fully qualified female missionary, a trained zenana visitor, and a large number of native catechists and Christian workers.

R. MORTON.

II. Presbyterian Church of England:

1. Presbyterian Principles Informally Established.

Presbyterianism, with its popular government, is at the opposite pole of church life from the absolutism of Rome. Hence at the Reformation its principles were much favored in England though but imperfectly understood, while the episcopacy of Edward VI. was so mild that in his reign no man suffered for dissenting from the newly established church. Under Mary every form of Protestantism was suppressed, when Episcopalians and Presbyterians alike fled to the continent for safety. On the accession of Elizabeth, the exiles returned to find themselves but little better off than they had been under Mary, for the queen was of too despotic a nature to allow any to differ from her views. The Puritan or Presbyterian section of the church, which desired government by elders, was now called on to suffer, yet Presbyterian principles spread so widely that, in 1570, Bishop Sandys writing to Bullinger at Zurich gave him, in a summary of the views which were spreading among the ministers and members of the Episcopal Church, an excellent epitome of Presbytery, closely resembling what it is to-day. The Presbyterians at that date numbered, it is said, one hundred thousand. As the result of the queen's oppression, a considerable number of persons "separated" themselves in 1556 from the Established Church, and maintained religious services according to the Presbyterian order, and against these the queen's anger blazed fiercely. Their sufferings did not deter others who still remained in the Church from going still farther and holding conferences or "ministers' meetings," one of which in London deputed in 1572 two of its members to visit Wandsworth, a little village near that city, who there, with the assistance of the lecturer of the parish and a number of leading Puritan church members, formally organized a "Particular Church" in accordance with Presbyterian order. This was the first open formation in England of a church different from that which had been established. In a surprisingly short time hundreds of similar churches were or ganized throughout the country, generally, as ecclesiol� in ecclesia, revealing the hold Presbyterian principles had taken of the people, and that a new chapter in the history of England was about to open.

2. Royal and Parlimentary Opposition.

James recognized the situation and, determining to crush it, held immediately after his accession the Hampton Court Conference (q.v.), ostensibly to harmonize the views of both parties, but really to give himself an opportunity of saying that he would "harry" out of the land the members of the church in which he had been brought up. Led by Bancroft, the episcopal church now gathered itself together, separated from the continental Reformers, and became identified with the sacramental system. Under Charles I. Laud, who said he regarded Presbytery as worse than Romanism and whose watchword was "thorough," promoted those Star Chamber prosecutions of the Non-conformists which form a black page in English history. The king's own conduct drove the great mass of the Presbyterian members of the church into the ranks of the Parliamentarians, while the subsequent alliance of the parliament with the Scottish army, the adoption of the Solemn League and Covenant, together with the decisions of the Westminster Assembly in 1647 A.D., resulted in the overthrow of the episcopal church and its replacement in the Establishment by that of presbytery. That assembly was the latest of the great councils of the Christian Church, and by it the Calvinistic system of doctrine was expressed in a Confession of Faith, and its system of polity in a Directory of Church Government. The Establishment being now Presbyterian, the parish churches were occupied by Presbyterian ministers, yet after all, the Presbyterian polity was accepted largely only in London and Lancashire. In the former, indeed, a provincial synod embracing presbyteries with their constituent church sessions had been formed, but before long all had come to an end. Presbytery had no leaders competent to resist Cromwell and the army, and by means of this, or at its dictation, Cromwell replaced presby tery by independency. Shortly afterward came the Restoration when, under the reign of a king who on two occasions had sworn the Solemn League and Covenant, the Presbyterians expected some improvement in their condition, a change which Charles had no intention of granting. In 1662 he therefore sanctioned the Act of Uniformity, (see UNIFORMITY, ACTS OF), enjoining reordination of every minister not episcopally ordained, adherence to everything in the Book of Common Prayer, obedience to the ordinary (bishop), abjuration of the Solemn League and Covenant, with an additional oath declaring that it was not lawful under any circumstances to take up arms against the king. More than 2,000 parish ministers refused obedience to the Act and, on August 24th (St. Bartholomew's Day), resigning their congregations, walked out of their manses, leaving their pulpits empty. By the subsequent Conventicle Act (q.v.), these men were forbidden to preach to their former congregations, and by the Five Mile Act (q.v.), could not live within five miles of their former parishes. Under these conditions, Presbyterianism ceased to be a visible religious force in English national life, with a result that was in evitable. Never having had any central organizattion like a general assembly to bring its members together and to keep them in connection with one another, these drifted into fragments and the vitality of the system was lost. In 1688 came the Revolution, when, the aim of all being to secure in addition to their civil liberties the "Protestant religion," no special effort was made by the nonAnglicans to obtain relief from their disabilities. All branches of non-conformity now acted as practically a single community, under the "Happy Union" arrangement of 1691, and as no authority existed to enforce the Westminster Confession or the Directory of Church Government, Presbyterianism, with its polity and doctrine at loose ends, came within a few decades to be, in many cases, but another name for Unitarianism, a misrepresentation now happily removed.

3. Infusion of Scotch Elements.

Not a few of the congregations that left the parish churches in 1662 had provided themselves with small chapels for their religious services. A dozen of these still exist, while under the Indulgence of 1672, nearly an equal number were built before the close of the century. As separate congregations these would probably have survived, but another element has come into England, by means of which nearly all these old Presbyterians have become constituent members of an organized and Evangelical Presbyterian Church. Scottish Presbyterians found their way to London probably as early as the days of Elizabeth, and, by the close of the Commonwealth period, must have been numerous in London. A congregation of such was formed in that city, in the reign of Charles II., while others soon followed in the same city and elsewhere. These, however, owed their existence entirely to the action of the individuals composing them, and were based on nationality and Presbyterianism, having no official connection with the Scottish general assembly. By 1772 the London congregations of this character numbered seven, by which time their ministers had formed themselves into "The Scots Presbytery of London." The "Presbytery," however, while claiming "communion" with the Church of Scotland, had no ecclesiastical connection with it, and was really little more than a "ministers' meeting," admitting occasionally into its fellowship ministers of Old English Presbyterian and of Secession congregations. In 1836, this presbytery changed its title to that of "The London Presbytery in Communion with the Church of Scotland," while in 1839 the Scottish Assembly counseled its members to organize themselves as "The Presbyterian Synod in England." In 1742, the Scottish Associate Synod had organized congregations at Newcastle and other places and as the number of these increased not a few of the Old English Presbyterians joined with them. These were formed into presbyteries in connection with the United Secession Church of Scotland (see above, I., 2). In 1843 came the fateful Disruption of the Scottish Establishment, when the "Presbyterian Synod in England" divided. The majority cast in its lot with the Scottish Free Church and retained the name of "The Presbyterian Synod in England," while the minority remained in connection with the Scottish National Church, and formed itself into "The Scottish Presbytery in London in connection with the Church of Scotland." In 1850 this presbytery, along with two others that had been formed, was organized as "The Synod of the Church of Scotland in England" and consists today of some 3,500 communicants, forming three presbyteries, and meeting annually in a general synod.

4. The Present Church in England.

The Free Church "Presbyterian Synod in England" promoted evangelistic work up and down the country, and was in friendly relations with the Old Presbyterian and the United Secession congregations, so that, in 1863, the United Presbyterian Church in Scotland formed its congregations in England into the "English Synod." The way was thus left open for a union between this and the "Presbyterian Synod in England." Such union took place in 1876, when the uniting churches took the name of the "Presbyterian Church of England," and this has since then continued its Christian activities and numerical growth. In 1910, this church consisted of 85,774 communicants, organized into 350 congregations, forming 12 presbyteries, which meet annually in a general synod. Its contributions in 1908 amounted to �306,958. It has in Cambridge for its theological students a handsome residential college which is partly affiliated with the university, while it sustains an extensive foreign mission in South China and on Formosa, with a smaller one in India, and one to the Jews at Aleppo.

G. D. MATHEWS.

III. Ireland.

1. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland:

Presbyterians did not obtain any considerable footing in Ireland until the time of the Ulster Plantation under James I. (1603-25). The settlers, most of whom were Scottish Presbyterians, began to arrive in 1610; Presbyterian ministers began to come from Scotland in 1613, and for a time they were appointed without reordination to vacant charges in the Established Church, but this period of toleration was followed by a time of persecution which was subsequently renewed at various times. In 1641 there was a rebellion in Ireland, in the course of which thousands of Protestants were massacred. In 1642 a Scottish army was sent over to quell the rebellion. Each Scottish regiment had a chaplain and a regular kirk session selected from the officers. The first presbytery consisting of five chaplains and four elders was formed at Carrickfergus on June 10, 1642. Ministers were sent over from Scotland; other presbyteries were formed; and in the time of Cromwell there was a general synod with eighty congregations and seventy ministers. In 1661 sixty-four ministers were ejected from their livings for refusing to conform to the Established Church, and many Presbyterians went to America to escape persecution, among them Francis Makemie (q.v.). King William III. authorized the payment of �1,200 per annum to the Presbyterian ministers of Ireland in recognition of the loyal support of Presbyterians on his arrival. in Ireland in 1690. This may be taken as the beginning of the Regium donum which was subsequently increased and continued to be given to ministers till 1869. In the face of many difficulties the church grew and prospered, but toward the end of the first half of the eighteenth century some of the ministers came under the influence of moderatism (see above, I., 2). A congregation of Seceders was formed in 1741 and in time there came to be a Secession Synod as well as a Synod of Ulster (see below, 3). The ministers of Secession congregations also received a Regium donum grant from the government. About 1825 some of the ministers of the Synod of Ulster were known to hold Arian views and there was apprehension of the spread of these views. The Rev. Henry Cooke championed the cause of orthodoxy and under his leadership the Synod of Ulster, by an overwhelming majority, declared infavor of the doctrine of the Trinity. In 1829 seventeen ministers withdrew from the synod and subsequently formed The Remonstrant Synod of Ulster. This paved the way for the union of the two orthodox synods The Synod of Ulster with 292 congregations and the Secession Synod with 141 congregations united in 1840 and formed the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.

It is worthy of note that there were Presbyterians in the south of Ireland before the time of the Ulster Plantation. The Rev. Walter Travers, first provost of Trinity College, Dublin, appointed in 1594, was a Presbyterian minister. Its first two elected fellows-James Hamilton, afterward Lord Claneboy, and James Fullerton-were also Presbyterians. The Presbyterians in the south of Ireland outside the Synod of Ulster and the Secession Synod belonged to the Southern Association which in 1809 became the Synod of Munster. In 1840 the orthodox members of this synod withdrew and formed themselves into the Presbytery of Munster, and this presbytery joined the general assembly in 1854.

Since the formation of the general assembly the church has made continuous progress, notwithstanding the heavy drain which emigration has made on its membership. In 1869 the Regium donum which amounted to �69. 4s. 8d. per annum for each minister was abolished by the Irish Church Act, but vested interests were respected and the ministers of that time commuted in the interests of the church with the result that a sum of almost �600; 000 was received into the church treasury for investment, and the annual income arising therefrom together with the Sustentation-Fund contributions of the people is sufficient to give every minister of a congregation a sum of about �80 per annum. The church reports 657 ministers, 568 congregations, about 106,000 communicants, 1,048 Sunday-schools with 8,240 teachers and 94,735 scholars; two colleges (Belfast and Londonderry) with 15 professors; 26 ministerial, 6 medical, 22 zenana, and 5 lay missionaries in the foreign field; 3 ministerial and " female missionaries in connection with the Jewish mission in Hamburg and Damascus; and one ministerial missionary in Spain. The Presbyterian Orphan Society has invested funds amounting to �114,000 and an annual income of over �17,000. The Ministers' Orphan Society has invested funds amounting to more than �18,000 afld an annual income of over 1:900. The Aged and Infirm Ministers' Fund has invested funds amounting to �25,000 and an annual income of about �1,000. An Old Age Fund has been established and its yearly income is about �6,000. There are three funds for widows of ministers-the Secession Widows' Fund paying an annuity of �62, the Southern Association Widows' Fund paying an annuity of �60, and the Synod of Ulster Widows' Fund paying an annuity of �44. The total income of the church from all sources for the year 1907-1908 was �266,000.

W. J. LOWS.

2. Reformed Presbyterian or Covenanting Church of Ireland:

This church traces its origin to the Covenanters (q.v.) of Scotland. Some of these who had fled from persecution in Scotland settled in the northeast part of the island, and were the founders of the Covenanting Church in Ireland. They had occasional visits from ministers of their native land; but these were few and far between. For fully forty years a separate existence was maintained by the "Society people," as the Covenanters were called, without the aid of a minister, by means of fellowship meetings. A presbytery was organized in 1792, and a synod, with twelve ministers, in 1811. The year 1840 witnessed the withdrawal of a number of congregations and ministers through a controversy regarding the power of the civil ruler. Recently some of these congregations have returned, and some have joined the Presbyterian Church of Ireland. At present there are thirty-six congregations in four presbyteries, thirty-two ministers, and over 3,900 members connected with the synod. With the exception of one in Liverpool, these congregations are all in the province of Ulster. The Standards of the church are the Westminster Confession and Catechisms, together with the Testimony, in which the church's distinctive position is clearly defined. In this latter is set forth the duty of covenanting; with the continuing obligations of the National Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant (see COVANANTERS). The Reformed Presbyterian Church uses only the book of Psalms without any instrumental accompaniment in the service of praise; and the office-bearers and members refuse to take the parliamentary oath, or to vote at parliamentary elections. No one engaged in the manufacture or sale of intoxicating drink is admitted to her communion, nor are members of secret oathbound societies.

There are two foreign mission stations-Antioch and Alexandretta-in Syria, with two ordained and three female missionaries and fifteen native helpers; a colonial mission in Geelong, Australia; and an Irish mission with two colporteurs disseminating the Scripture and other religious books chiefly among Roman Catholics. There is a Theological Hall in Belfast with three professors, where students are trained for the ministry. The course consists of three sessions of five months each. Students are required to have a degree in arts before being admitted to the Hall. The church has a Congregational Aid Fund, the object of which is to assist weaker congregations; an Aged and Infirm Ministers' Fund, from which retired ministers have been receiving �75 per annum; a Ministers' Widows' and Orphans' Fund, and a recently inaugurated General Widows' and Orphans' Fund. None of the congregations are large, and ministers' salaries range from �100 to �250 yearly; nearly every congregation has a manse, of which the minister has the use free of rent. The synod has nearly �20,000 of invested funds, most of which has been left as legacies by members of the church. From this and from congregational contributions for different purposes the yearly income is about �6,500.

JOHN LYND.

3. Secession Church in Ireland:

The Secession movement in Scotland spread to Ireland and established itself widely in the north of that country. The divisions and unions of Scotland had their counterparts in Ireland, with modifications caused by the different environment. The present " Presbyterian Church in Ireland " is the fruit of the union of 1840 (see above, 1). Some did not enter this united body because they did not think that in the basis of union there was a sufficient guaranty for purity of doctrine, and because in it the platform of the covenanted Reformation had been abandoned. They are few in number, but they exist as a separate organization under the name of the Associate Synod of Ireland or the Presbyterian Synod of Ireland Distinguished by the Name Seceder. There are six congregations, and five ministers, grouped into two presbyteries, with a synod which meets annually. A fraternal union between this church and the Secession Church in Scotland (see above, I., 6) was established in 1872.

R. MORTON.

 

IV. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Connection:

1. Origin.

This body, frequently called The Presbyterian Church of Wales, and generally known in Wales as Y Corff, "The Body," came formally into being at a small synod-the first quarterly association, as it came to be counted held at Watford, near Cardiff, Jan. 5-6, 1743, under the presidency of George Whitefield, who had been specially invited to attend by Howel Harris (q.v.), of Trevecca, near Brecon, the leader of the religious revival in Wales and the founder of Calvinistic Methodism. Howel Harris, who was spiritually awakened in 1735 by one of Tillotson's writings and by a solemn antecommunion sermon in the church of Talgarth, was one of the most remarkable men of his time; his indomitable energy and unflinching courage are evinced by his ceaseless itineraries over much of Wales and even parts of England and his fearless preaching before furious and hostile mobs. Owing to various'doctrinal and personal disputes he was excluded from the fellowship of his coworkers in 1750, the year of the " Rupture"; in 1752 he established at his own home at Trevecca a religious and industrial community consisting of families and individuals drawn from many parts of Wales; here he showed remarkable skill as a ruler, steward, and organizer. The real birthplace of Calvinistic Methodism, however, is properly the farmhouse of Gwernos, near Trevecca, where Harris held the first private "Society," or fellowship meeting, for the expression and discussion of spiritual experiences. The "Societies," the monthly association held at Trevecca and other parts of Wales, together with the quarterly associations, are the basis of the organization of the Calvinistic Methodist Church.

3. Contributory Movements.

Almost simultaneously with the revival inaugurated in Mid-Wales by Harris, a movement wholly independent of it, as both were independent of the revivals in England under Whitefield and Wesley, began in Cardiganshire under the powerful preaching of Daniel Rowlands (q.v.), who had been greatly influenced by the Rev. Griffith Jones, of Llanddowror in Carmarthenshire, the apostle of the Welsh circulating schools. The other clergymen who joined the movement included William Williams (q.v.), of Pantycelyn, in Carmarthenshire, who had been converted by the preaching of Harris himself and became the most inspired of all Welsh hymn-writers; Peter Williams, of Carmarthen (1722-96) one of Whitefield's converts, best known for his editions of the Welsh Bible and his annotations thereon; also Howell Davies, of Haverfordwest (1717-70), who with George Whitefield, in Woodstock, Pembrokeshire, in 1754 was the first clergyman to administer the Lord's Supper in a Methodist chapel in Wales. Between 1750 and 1769 Harris was estranged from the Methodists, but in the latter year his reconciliation was brought about at the first anniversary of the college for young men preparing for the ministry which Harris had induced his patroness Selina, Countess of Huntingdon (see HUNTINGDON, SELINA HASTINGS), to establish not far from his house at Trevecca. In 1792, the year after the death of the countess, her college was removed to Cheshunt, but exactly fifty years later, the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists of South Wales, following the example of those of North Wales, who had recently established a school for candidates for the ministry under the Rev. Lewis Edwards at Bala, opened a residential college under the Rev. David Charles, in the old house of Harris, the associations of Methodism with the memory of Harris being thus perpetuated. In 1873, on the centenary of his death, a memorial chapel was erected adjoining the college.

3. Organization, Activities, and Statistics.

Not until 1811 did the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists take the grave step-on account of which a number of the Methodist clergymen withdrew from the body-of ordaining their own ministers, thus severing their connection with the Church of England. Yielding to a strong agitation and the pressure of circumstances, the Rev. Thomas Charles, of Bala in Merionethshire (1755-1814), himself an ejected curate, a convert of Daniel Rowlands, and famous as one of the founders of the British and Foreign Bible Society, agreed to take the responsibility of the new departure in the two associations held that year at Bala and at Llandilo in Carmarthenshire, where a score of "exhorters," as the non-clerical preachers were called, were set apart for the administration of the sacraments. Of the twenty-two thus ordained at least two deserve especial notice, viz., John Elias, the prince of Welsh pulpit orators, and Thomas Jones of Denbigh, the greatest theologian and most versatile writer among the earlier Calvinistic Methodists. Three years later the Home Mission was founded, for the evangelization of, and the support of churches in, the neglected parts of Wales.

In 1823 was published the important document entitled, The History, Constitution, Rules of Diwipline, together with the Confession of Faith, of the Body of the Calvinistic Methodists of Wales,  and in 1826 the Connectional Trust-Deed, securing the legal status of the North and South Wales Associations and of the presbyteries or monthly meetings of the churches in the various counties, was duly registered in the court of chancery. In 1840 the Foreign Missionary Society was established, and the first missionary sent to Khassia Hills in northeast India, a mission being founded in Brittany two years later. In 1864 was held the first general assembly of the denomination for North and South Wales. The body, which meets annually, though not legally incorporated, takes cognizance of the foreign missions, of the elaborate Sunday-school organization of the denomination, and of the books -especially aids to Sunday-school studies-published under its imprimatur. The general assembly is attended by missionaries from India and by representatives from churches in America and Australia. About twenty years ago, through the exertions of the late Rev. John Pugh, the Forward Movement was established for the evangelization of the masses of English-speaking people in the great industrial centers of Wales. The two Calvinistic Methodist theological colleges at Aberystwyth and Bala are associated with the University of Wales, for whose degrees in divinity candidates are prepared.

The greatest name in connection with the educational movement of the church in recent years is that of the Rev. Thomas Charles Edwards (son of the Rev. Lewis Edwards, founder and first principal of Bala College), who after a strenuous career as the first principal of the first In 1906 the college founded in 1842 at Trevecca was removed to a handsome edifice presented to the denomination by Mr. David Davies, member of parliament for Montgomeryshire. Preparatory schools are kept at Bala, and at the old college building at Trevecca, in connection with the respective theological colleges. The invested funds of the two colleges amount to �82,000, and Bala college possesses an excellent theolological library. The statistics for 1907 were as follows: 1,442 churches, 1,661 chapels and preaching-stations, 1,294 ordained and unordained preachers, 6,281 elders, 185,935 communicants,849,123 children and candidates, 342,804 communicants and adherents, 1,737 Sunday-schools (1906), and 210,639 Sunday-school teachers and scholars. The total of contributions toward ministry, missions, building funds and other purposes for 1907 was �301,762; the debt remaining on chapels, halls, etc., was �635,659; with total trust funds of over �500,000. Six representatives of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church and six representatives of the Presbyterian Church of England form a united committee of corresponding members having a right to attend, but not to vote at, all synods of the sister-church to which they are respectively accredited.

JOHN YOUNG EVANS.

V: South, Central, and West Africa: The Presbyterian Church in South Africa.

During the British occupation of South Africa, many settlers found their way thither from Great Britain. Ministers also went out, so that a considerable number of Presbyterian congregations came into existence. In 1897 these formed themselves into "The Presbyterian Church of South Africa," embracing the whole territory of the union, receiving both white and colored members into its fellowship: This church is laying out its strength mainly in church extension, yet it already sustains a mission to the natives in Natal. It exists at present as a general assembly, having 7 presbyteries and 68 congregations, with a communicant church-membership of 12,000.

The Scottish United Free Church has inherited the work of several Scottish Mission Societies that had been engaged in mission work among the natives from about 1820. This church has thus extensive missions chiefly in Kaffraria, with a large educational establishment at Lovedale, in Cape Colony. At this institution there are generally about 800 boys being trained not only for the manual industries, but for the native ministry. All these boys, many of whom are the sons of native chiefs, pay their own boarding charges. The mission has some 40 congregations with 16,000 communicants.

The Swiss Romande Mission has its central establishment at Lorenzo Marques, but carries on a medical, educational, and evangelistic work among the natives, partly in Portuguese, and partly in South African territory, at several important centers such as Delagoa Bay, Pretoria, Elim, and Antiuka. It reports about 2,000 communicant church-members.

In Basutoland there is a yet larger native Presbyterian church, where the Paris Missionary Society about fifty years ago commenced a mission. This mission has sixteen European ministers with 13 native ministers who have been carefully trained, and 18,000 communicant members, and is, so far as the native ministers are concerned, entirely self-supporting. The mission also sustains a large number of schools, for which it receives a certain amount of aid from the government.

In Central Africa there are the extensive missions of the Scottish Free Church known as Livingstonia with a synod consisting of about 4,500 communicants, and the Blantyre Mission of the Church of Scotland with its church and 2,000 communicants.

On the West Coast, there is the extensive mission of the United Free Church at Old Calabar, where there is also a presbytery having 2,000 communicants. The French Mission at Congo has 1,500 members, and at Senegal there are also a number of native communicants, while on the Mediterranean coast the French church of Algiers forms organically a part of the Evangelical Reformed Church of France.

G. D. MATHEWS.

VI. Australia.

1. New South Wales:

The island continent of Australia (q.v.) is nearly as large as Europe. Early visited first by Portuguese and Spanish explorers and then by Dutch traders from Java who called it New Holland, it remained a no-man's land until 1770 when Captain James Cook, visiting its eastern shore, took possession in the name of Britain and called it New South Wales, giving to the place at which he landed the name of Botany Bay. At first, the district was used as a penal settlement. Free emigrants, however, also landed, settling at Portland Head near the Hawkesbury River, about thirty miles from the present Sydney. Some of these, being Presbyterians, built a church as early as 1803, the services being conducted by members of the settlement. In 1823 there arrived at Sidney Rev. John Dunmore Lang (q.v.) to whom not only New South Wales but all Australia is perhaps more indebted than to any other of its numerous settlers. A man of rare gifts, indomitable energy, and consecrated to the civil and religious interests of Australia, he repeatedly visited Great Britain to obtain ministers for the new settlements with their increasing population. In this he was so far successful that in 1.832 there was formed the Presbytery of New South Wales, from which, however, he withdrew in 1837, and formed, along with those adhering to him, the Synod of New South Wales. In 1840 this breach was apparently healed, and a union effected between the two churches, the united church taking the title of The Synod of Australia in Connection with the Church of Scotland, only, however, to be again divided in 1842 by the withdrawal of The Synod of New South Wales, when the Australian synod sought to strengthen its hands by forming the Presbytery of Melbourne.

In 1843 the Disruption of the Scottish Establishment (see above, 1., 1, � 4) compelled the Synod of Australia in connection with the Church of Scotland to consider its position in reference to the two Scottish churches. In 1844 it declared itself independent of either, but on finding at a subsequent meeting in 1845 that it must choose between them, eight members voted to delay action, eight voted in favor of adhering to the Free Church, while six urged continued neutrality. Both the Scottish Churches resented this neutrality when, at a meeting of the synod in 1846, sixteen of its members voted to remain in connection with the Church of Scotland, the remaining six protesting against this action, and withdrawing from the synod. Of these six, four favored the Free Church, three of whom subsequently formed the Synod of Eastern Australia, the fourth going to Victoria and there founding later on the Free Presbytery of Eastern- Australia, the other two remaining neutral. The Presbyterianism of the colony was thus divided into four distinct sections-the Synod of Australia in connection with the Church of Scotland, the Synod of Eastern Australia, the Synod of New South Wales or Dr. Lang's friends, and a representative of the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Subsequently, the Synod of Eastern Australia united with the Synod of New South Wales and then, in 1865, the Synod of Australia joined this united body, the doubly united church taking the name of The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of New South Wales. A small section of the Synod of Eastern Australia, however, stood aloof and took the name of The Presbyterian Church of Eastern Australia. The united church at once took active measures for the establishing of a theological hall for their divinity students, and thus St. Andrew's College at Sydney came into existence which, while altogether under the control of the church, was affiliated to the University of Syndey. A Sustentation Fund was also instituted to provide suitable ministerial support, while home-mission work among the aborigines and among the Chinese, and foreign mission work in India and on the New Hebrides, together with an Aged Ministers' Fund, soon became regular schemes of the church. The population of New South Wales is 1,591,673, of whom 156,000 are reported as Presbyterians. The church is organized in 15 presbyteries, 166 congregations, 377 church-buildings with accommodation for 70,000 worshippers, and 18,000 communicant members, with contributions of �75,000 annually.

 

2. Queensland:

This state was originally a portion of New South Wales and began its career in 1824, under the British flag, also as a penal settlement. Free settlers were, however, permitted to enter in 1844, while in 1859 the territory was formed into a state under its present name. Its great variety of soil and climate permit the growth of very varied crops. Its grassy plains support countless flocks of sheep, and with its mineral wealth ever lead to new settlements. Presbyterian services were first commenced at Brisbane, the present capital, in 1847, a congregation being formally organized in 1849. Ministers from different Presbyterian churches in Great Britain having found their way to the colony, they formed in 1863 the Presbytery, subsequently the Synod, of Queensland changing this title, in 1869, for that of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Queensland. Labor for the sugar plantations has been largely obtained from China and the New Hebrides Islands whose natives are known as Kanakas. Among both classes of laborers the church has sustained efficient evangelistic and educational missions. The Kanakas have been lately removed back to their native islands on the plea of making Australia a white-man's land. The number of aborigines, who live mainly in the north, has been estimated at 12,000, but the race is so nomadic that this is little more than a guess. The painful fact in connection with these people is their rapid and continuous decrease in number. The resources of the Queensland church are too limited to allow of much foreign mission work, so that its strength is used in church extension on the great territory on which it has been located, and in engaging with special energy in mission work among the aborigines.

In 1901, the population of Queensland amounted to 552,345 of whom 64,000 reported themselves as Presbyterians. The Presbyterian Church consists of 5 presbyteries, 99 congregations, and 6,277 communicants, with contributions in 1909 of �22,600.

3. Victoria (formerly Australia Felix):

The first Presbyterian minister in this colony was the Rev. James Clow, who went there in 1837, for whom a church was built in 1841. As the great distance between Melbourne and Sydney and certain ecclesiastical differences kept the ministers in the two cities apart, a portion of those at Melbourne formed themselves in 1847 into The Free Presbyterian Synod of Australia Felix, in sympathy with the Free Church of Scotland. Several ministers from the Church of Scotland had, however, landed in the colony and were holding services at different places, while others, from the churches that subsequently formed the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland, had also arrived. In 1850 these latter formed themselves into the United Presbyterian Church or Synod of Australih Felix, and in 1851 organized the two presbyteries of Melbourne and Portland. In 1851, the British Government separated the district known as Australia Felix from New South Wales, making it an independent colony to be known thereafter as Victoria. In 18,53, discoveries of extensive gold-bearing lands led to an immediate rush of population into the colony, when the Scottish Free Church sent about a dozen additional ministers to meet the need. The ministrations of these were of great service among the Gaelic-speaking portions of the new settlers, a large number of whom had come from the Scottish Highlands. There were thus three distinct bodies of Presbyterians in the colony: the Presbytery of Melbourne, originally part of the synod of Australia in connection with the Church of Scotland; the United Presbyterian Synod of Australia Felix; and the Free Church Synod of Australia Felix or Victoria. Proposals were made for union between the latter two. After some negotiation the churches declared themselves ready for union on a basis which had been prepared, when, in the mean time, the Presbytery of Melbourne approached the Synod of the Free Church on the subject of union. After correspondence, here also a basis of union was prepared, the Presbytery having declared itself independent of the Synod of Australia and taken the name of The Synod of Victoria, when the two churches united assuming the title of the Synod of the Free Church of Victoria. Difference of opinion, however, emerged as to the relation of the Free Church to its property should the union be effected, while negotiations were being conducted with a view to inducing the United Presbyterians also to enter the union. After concessions on both sides, this object was gained, and in 1859 a union was formed between the Synod of Victoria, The Free Church Synod of Victoria, and the United Presbyterian Synod of Victoria, the united body becoming The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, consisting of some fifty-five ministers and their congregations, a few congregations connected with some of these churches standing aloof. In 1867, a number of these, however, entered into the general assembly, while, in 1870, the few outstanding United Presbyterian Churches also entered, the Victorian legislature having in that year ceased all payments from state funds to religious communities in the colony.

All the congregations of this general assembly were self-supporting, and had since 1871 employed the Sustentation-Fund system for providing ministerial support. In addition to extensive home-mission work, the church maintains or aids missions in Korea, the New Hebrides, and among the Chinese in Victoria and the aborigines. It possesses a fund for infirm ministers and one for the widows and orphans of ministers. The population of Victoria is 1,271,174, including 202,000 who report themselves as Presbyterians. The church is organized with 15 presbyteries, 207 congregations, 512 churches with seating-provision for 88,000 persons, and a communicant membership of 29,000, whose contributions are �122,700 annually.

4. South Australia:

This district remained part of New South Wales until 1837, when it was formed into a separate colony heaving Adelaide for its capital. Created a free colony, it was distinguished by the absence of any connection-financial or otherwise-between the State government and the various religious communities within its borders. The earliest Presbyterian services were held in connection with the Scottish Associate Synod, to which church application had been made for a minister. One arrived in 1839, and was soon followed by others from different churches. The first presbytery consisted of ministers of the Scottish Free Church and was formed in 1854, assuming the name of The Free Presbyterian Church of South Australia. In 1865 the three churches represented in the colony, the Church of Scotland, the Free Church of Scotland, and the United Presbyterian Church, united in forming the Presbyterian Church of South Australia. In 1886 this title was changed into that of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of South Australia. Besides home-mission work, the church sustains a mission to the aborigines in North Queensland, and aids mission work on the New Hebrides. The population of South Australia is 407,679, 21,000 of whom are Presbyterians; the church is organized in 3 presbyteries, 16 congregations, and 32 churchbuildings with accommodation for 7,000 worshippers; communicant members number 2,000.

5. Western Australia:

This province includes the whole western shore of the great continent. In 1829 a commercial company planned a settlement on the banks of the Swan river, but when it failed, the British government took over the territory and made it a crown colony. In 1867 it ceased to be such, and in 1890 it received a constitution with responsible government. Presbyterian church services were commenced at Perth in 1878, and shortly afterward at Swan river, while in 1892 there was formed the Presbytery of Western Australia, in connection with the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria. Formed when those ecclesiastical typhoons which had so wasted the other Australian churches had subsided, the career of this church has been one of peaceful if slow development, and began with simple pastoral settlements; about 1890 the discoveries of gold, copper, and lead mines led to a perilous addition to the previous population. Though unable as yet to meet all the demands on her resources, the church has energetically attempted the evangelizing of the state, the different congregations maintaining the closest connection with one another. The great centrifugal storm which had so affected Australian presbyterianism seems to have subsided, and been replaced by one of equal strength but centripetal in its character. This church has numerous church-extension charges, and aids in mission work among the aborigines.

The population is 268,000, of whom 22,000 claim to be Presbyterians. The church reports 3 presbyteries, 19 congregations with 1,400 communicant members, and an income of �8,000 annually.

6. Tasmania:

This island was called by its discoverer Van Diemen's Land in honor of the governorgeneral of the eastern Dutch possessions, but in 1852, on the abolition of the penal system, it received its present name from that of its discoverer Tasman.. It is about as large as Ireland. At first it was under the jurisdiction of the authorities of New South Wales, but became a British colony in 1803, and in 1825 was declared an independent colony. Free settlers had, however, immigrated thither previously, and in 1821 these had obtained ministers from the United Associate Presbytery of Edinburgh. The first presbytery, afterwards the Synod of Tasmania, was formed in 1853. The Scottish Disruption of 1843 had no disturbing effect on the relations of the existent ministers, some siding with the Church of Scotland, and others with the newly formed Free Church, none regarding themselves as required to identify themselves with what they considered to be purely a Scottish question and one which did not and could not, in any way, affect Tasmania. This position, however, was not to the liking of all the church-members, nor to that of some of the ministers in the neighboring colony of Victoria. Some of the latter, therefore, crossed over Bass' Strait and in 1853 organized the Free Church Presbytery of Tasmania, to be in close relations with the Scottish FreeChurch. This action was condemned by the Free Church in Scotland, which refused to enter into friendly relations with this presbytery and urged union between it and the existing Synod of Tasmania. This step, however, the local presbytery refused to take, remaining a separate organization until 1896, when it entered into union with the Synod, which is now known as the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Tasmania. This church has not increased as rapidly as have some of those of Australia. Since Tasmania has neither gold mines nor sheep pastures to render its normal condition specially attractive, it has remained a purely agricultural colony. Presbyterian students for the ministry attend St. Andrew's College at Melbourne or Ormond College at Sydney. Though neither numerically large nor wealthy, it maintains a vigorous mission on the New Hebrides islands. The population is 186,000, of whom 13,000 are Presbyterians. The church has 3 presbyteries, 16 congregations, and about 2,000 communicant members, and an income of about �7,000 annually.

In 1885, a Federation of all the Australian churches was created, with an annual meeting called a Federal Assembly. This court had no legislative authority, but had mainly advisory functions, the general work of each separate provincial church being reported to it. . This assembly drew the churches into close relations with one another, and tended to obliterate the differences which had so long kept them apart. The political cry of "one country" led in 1900 to the unifying of the different provinces into the "Commonwealth." This cry had been accompanied with the cry of "one church," and resulted in the changing of the advisory federation into an organic union, with a general assembly having limited powers, but within these supreme. This is, therefore, supreme in. reference to the mission work on the New Hebrides, to mission work among the aborigines, to the theological training of students for the ministry, and to the receiving of ministers from other churches. All other forms of church work are reserved to the state churches, each of which retains its organization as an independent church with its annual general assembly. The Australian church has no synods, nor any courts between its presbyteries and the general assembly. This church has discussed the question of union with some of the other denominations in Australia, but as yet no decisive step has been taken in that direction.

The total population of Australia at the last census amounted to 3,773,801, of whom 455,110 reported themselves as Presbyterians. The church reports 43 presbyteries, about 500 congregations with about 60,000 communicant members.

G. D. MATHEWS.

VII. New Zealand:

1. Beginings of Presbyterianism.

The first white man who is known to have seen these islands was Tasman, the distinguished Dutch explorer, in 1642, who gave them a name taken from his own country. After his departure they seem to have remained unvisited till 1769, when Captain James Cook took possession of them in the name of George III. Shortly afterward a number of fugitives from justice, deserters from whale ships, and others began to squat along the shores in all but constant conflict with the natives, mean while only deepening their degradation. Christian mission work was begun in 1814 by agents of the Church Missionary Society, who were followed in 1823 by others from the Wesleyan Methodist Church. The organized occupation of these islands by British settlers, however, did not take place till 1839, in which year three vessels left England with emigrants sent out by the New Zealand Company, which had been formed for the purpose of colonizing the northern island and trading with its people. In 1840, in which year the islands were created a British colony, another band of settlers, including the Rev. John Macfarlane, sent out by the Church of Scotland, founded Wellington, the present capital of the dominion, where a presbytery was formed in 1857. Nelson, on the extreme north of the south island, was settled in 1841 and its presbytery was formed in 1869, while in 1843 a large settlement was made at Auckland, where a presbytery was organized in 1856. Other presbyteries were soon nucleated, from the union of which there came, in 1862, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, embracing not only all the congregations and presbyteries on the north island, but five presbyteries that had been formed in the northern portion of the southern island. At some distance south of Nelson there had been made in 1850, on land previously farmed by Presbyterians from Ayrshire, a settlement consisting exclusively of members of the Church of England, to which had been given the name of Canterbury. So keen were its founders to protect its distinctive character as a Church-of-England settlement that it was proposed that no person should be allowed to reside within its limits unless he were connected with that church. The proposal failed, and Canterbury, in which a presbytery was formed in 1864, is to-day a most fruitful district for Presbyterianism, having no fewer than thirty Presbyterian congregations within its limits.

2. Era of Settlements.

Meanwhile, probably encouraged by the favorable report of the northern settlers, the New Zealand Land Company turned its attention to Scotland, and formed in 1847 the Glasgow and Edinburgh Company, which, however, was soon merged in the Lay Association of the Church of Scotland, for the forming of a Scottish settlement in the south island. Having purchased from the natives a large tract of land to which was given the name of Otago, portions of this were sold to selected emigrants, thus laying a good foundation for the coming settlement, to the capital of which was given subsequently the name of Dun-Edin. The first of these emigrants, who as a rule were connected with the newly formed Free Church of Scotland (see I, 2, above), sailed from Glasgow in 1847, accompanied by the Rev. Thomas Burns, a nephew of Robert Burns. Band after band, generally accompanied by one or more Presbyterian ministers, quickly followed, so that in 1855 the presbytery of Otago was formed. The Company had set apart a valuable tract of land for the support of the ministers, but as the rental was yet very trifling, these adopted the principle of a sustentation fund, a system since followed throughout the church. The population of Dun-Edin was at this time perhaps as Presbyterian as that of Edinburgh itself; but in 1861 there came the discovery of the gold mines within a short distance of the city. Every man in the colony that could go left house and home for the diggings, while thousands flocked in from Australia and elsewhere, so that the quiet and settled life of the colonists was broken up. Urgent appeals to Scotland for additional ministers were willingly responded to, and in 1866 the early presbytery of Otago was divided into three others, united in the general title of the Synod of Otago and Southland. Still the supply of ministers was inadequate and in 1872 the project of a seminary was mooted for the purpose of providing a New Zealand ministry. This was fully realized in 1880 when a theological college was formally established, since which time the church has possessed a ministry largely colonial, though still occasionally aided by ministers from Great Britain. With the material advance of the country the rude buildings which had served as churches in its early days were rapidly replaced by structures that in architectural beauty, size, and costliness equal those of the mother land, the congregations themselves being hardly less large.

3. Union of the Presbyteries.

So soon as the presbytery of Otago was formed, in 1854, it addressed a letter to the congregations and presbyteries of the northern church, representing the importance of cooperation and union between those who had so much in common. Friendly replies were at first the only response and the matter rested for a few years. Another effort was made in 1861, and a basis for union was prepared by a joint committee. Slight differences, however, checked for the time any further progress. Both churches had a common ancestry and were agreed in doctrine, polity, and discipline, but while the northern church had always been self-supporting, that of Otago had received a considerable tract of valuable land as an endowment, the ownership of which, in view of a probable union, occasioned some concern to its ministers. Another difficulty arose from the fact that the northern brethren, owing to their dwelling amid a mixed population, were somewhat tolerant on certain matters, while those of Otago, consisting largely of men who had not only taken part in the conflicts of the Disruption but had even sought that none but members of the Scottish Free Church should be members of their community, had come to be of a more conservative temperament. A large portion of the southern church from the very beginning desired union with those of the north, but an influential minority successfully resisted all practical measures for securing that result. By degrees, however, this party softened its attitude, so that an organic union was formed between the two churches in 1901, the united church taking the name of The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand. The synod of Otago provided that it should continue its separate existence as an independent church organization for the sake of preserving its interest in and control of the endowment it had received from the company.

4. Missions and Statistics.

Both these churches from an early period in their history had given great attention to' church extension, and to the religious needs of the native population. Missions to the Maoris, of whom there are about 50,000 on the islands, were consequently soon formed by both. Then, as a large number of Chinese had landed in Otago during the gold discoveries and had become permanent residents, a mission was commenced by the Otago Church for their benefit. But the main mission fields of both churches are the New Hebrides islands, where a number of missionary agents are supported by each church, the church of Otago in addition supporting more than one missionary in India

At the census in 1906 the total population of the dominion was reported to be 936,309 souls, no fewer than 203,597 of whom, or more than one-fifth of the whole population, called themselves Presbyterians. There are nearly 960 places in which Presbyterian services are regularly held with seating-accommodation for 80,558 persons, while the average attendance is only 52,103. As organized the Presbyterian Church reports 16 presbyteries, 215 congregations, with a communicant church roll of some 32,000 persons. The difference between this figure and that of the census is largely due to the fact that the church figure represents adults, while that of the census includes children and all young people as well as a considerable number whose Presbyterianism is ancestral rather than personal. The total church contributions amount to about �120,000 a year.

G. D. MATHEWS.

VIII. In the United States and Canada

1. The Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (Presbyterian Church North):

1. Sources and Varieties of American Presbyterianism.

American Presbyterianism as a, whole is as diverse in its origin as are the peoples who have blended to form the American nation. There are ten important denominational churches in the United States, designated either as Presbyterian or Reformed, which stand for Presbyterian principles. Of these, three are traceable to the influence of immigration from the continent of Europe; the Reformed (Dutch) Church and the Reformed Christian Church (qq.v.), both of which originated in Holland; and the Reformed (German) Church (q.v.) whose beginnings were in Switzerland and Germany. Four churches are directly connected with the Secession and Relief movements in the Church of Scotland during the eighteenth century (see above, 1., 2), vii.: the United Presbyterian Church, the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America, Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America (General Synod), and the Associate Reformed Synod of the South (see below, 4-7). Whatever of English and Welsh Presbyterianism there was in the colonies, and in addition the few French Protestant or Huguenot churches, combined at an early day with Scotch and Scotch Irish elements to form the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church (see below, 3a, 3b) and the Presbyterian Church in the United States (South; see below, 2) are branches of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America; the first separating in 1810, and the second in 1861, but the first was reunited with the parent church in 1906. The youngest of the American Presbyterian Churches, the Welsh, originated in the principality of Wales (see above, IV.). These churches, however they may differ in matters of practise and worship, are substaitially one in government, and all maintain the principles of the Presbyterian system as contained either in the Canons of the Synod of Dort, the Westminster Confession of Faith, or the Heidelberg Catechism. The largest and, with one exception, the oldest of the American Presbyterian churches is the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, and into it have been gathered elements from all the others. Its history, concisely stated, is as follows:

2. Period of Isolated Churches.

The earliest American Presbyterian churches were established in New England, Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia, and were in large part of English origin, their pastors being Church-of-England ministers holding Presbyterian views. John Robinson (q.v.), the pastor of the Plymouth Pilgrims while in Holland, left on record the following declaration of church principles: "Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, viz., of pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, deacons for distributing the church's contributions, we do wholly and in all points agree with the French Reformed churches." The Rev. Alexander Whitaker, who held Presbyterian views, settled in Virginia in 1611, as pastor of a Puritan congregation, and in 1630 the Rev. Richard Denton located in Massachusetts with a church which he had served in Yorkshire, England. The Virginia Puritans in large part were driven out of that colony by persecution, finding refuge in Maryland and North Carolina between 1642 and 1649; and Denton and his associates found New Amsterdam more friendly than New England. The English Presbyterian element in Maryland and the colonies to the northward was strengthened by the advent, from 1670 to 1690, of a considerable number of Scotch colonists, the beginnings of a great immigration. The earliest Presbyterians in New York were the Dutch Calvinists, who founded a church in 1628; English-speaking Presbyterians were first found in New York City in 1643, with the Rev. Francis Doughty as their minister, though no Presbyterian church was organized there until 1717. Presbyterian churches of English origin, however, were established in Long Island, among which are to be noted Southold (1.640) and Jamaica (1656). The founders of the earliest Presbyterian churches in New Jersey, vii., Newark (1667), Elizabeth (1668), Woodbridge (1680), and Fairfield (1680), were from Connecticut and Long Island. The first Presbyterian church in Pennsylvania was that founded by Welsh colonists at Great Valley about 1685, the church in Philadelphia dates from 1698. In 1683, the presbytery of Laggan, Ireland, in response to a letter from William Stevens, a member of the council of the colony of Maryland, sent to America the Rev. Francis Makemie (q.v.), who became the apostle of American Presbyterianism, gave himself unreservedly to the work of ecclesiastical organization, and at last succeeded in bringing into organic unity the scattered Presbyterian churches in the middle colonies.

3. Colonial Presbyterian Church.

The first presbytery was organized in the spring of the year 1706. The ministers of the judicatory were seven in number, representing about twentytwo congregations, not including the Presbyterians of New England, Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. The place of meeting was Philadelphia, Pa., and the meeting was the first ecclesiastical gathering of an intereolonial and federal character in the country. The growth of the colonies and especially the increasing number of immigrants so added to the membership of the churches that in Sept., 1716, the general presbytery constituted itself into a synod with four presbyteries. A great number of the emigrants at this period were from Scotland and the north of Ireland, and their settlement was productive of results of great and permanent value to the church. To the ScotchIrish race, above all others, is American Presbyterianism indebted for its vigor, tenacity, and prosperity. The English and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians of New England, owing to local causes, were not connected ecclesiastically with those of the other colonies. There were fully 85 Presbyterian congregations in that region in 1770, and in 1775 the synod of New England was erected, composed of the presbyteries of Londonderry, Salem, and Palmer. In 1782, this synod was dissolved, and since that date until quite recently, the Presbyterian Church has had comparatively few adherents in the stronghold of the Congregationalists. The general synod in 1729 passed what is called the Adopting Act, by which it was agreed that all the ministers under its jurisdiction should declare "their agreement in and approbation of the Confession of Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechism of the assembly of divines at Westminster," and also "adopt the said Confession as the confession of their faith." In the same year the synod denied to the civil magistrate power over the church, and also the power "to persecute any for their religion," and thus was first given definite ecclesiastical form to the distinctive American doctrine of the independence of the Church from control by the State. In 1745 questions of policy as to revivals and ministerial education produced a division. The "Log College," founded by William Tennent the Elder (q.v.) for the training of ministers, was one of the causes of the contention, and his son, Gilbert Tennent (q.v.), with the celebrated evangelist, George Whitefield (q.v.), were prominent in the controversy. The parties were known as "Old Side" and "New Side" (which terms are not in any manner equivalent to the terms "Old School" and "New School" in use a century, later). In 1758 the divided bodies reunited upon the basis of the Westminster Standards pure and simple, and at the date of reunion the church consisted of 98 ministers, about. 200 congregations, and 10,000 communicants. It was during the period of this division that the "New Side" established the institution now known as Princeton University, for the purpose of securing an educated ministry. In 1768, John Witherspoon (q.v.) was called from Scotland and installed as president of Princeton, and also as professor of divinity. This remarkable man exercised an increasing and powerful influence not only in the Presbyterian Church, but throughout the middle and southern colonies. He was one of the leading persons in the joint movement of Presbyterians and Congregationalists, from 1766 to 1775, to secure religious liberty, and to resist the establishment of the English Church as the State Church of the colonies. He was also a member of the Continental Congress, and the only clerical signer of the Declaration of Independence. Religious forces were among the most powerful influences operating to secure the separation of the colonies from Great Britain, and the opening of the Revolutionary struggle found the Presbyterian churches on the colonial side. No body of Christians has a more honorable record in the development of American institutions, or is more in sympathy with them, or has been more devoted to the cause of liberty and the rights of mankind than the Presbyterian.

4. Constitution of 1788.

With the restoration of peace in 1783, the Presbyterian Church gradually recovered from the evils wrought by war, and the need of further organization was deeply felt. The church had always been independent, having no organic contution nection with European and British churches of like faith. The independence of the United States had created new conditions for the Christian churches as well as for the American people. Presbyterians were no longer merely tolerated, they were entitled, equally with Episcopalians and Congregationalists, in all the states, to full civil and religious rights. In view; therefore, of these new conditions, the synod in May, 1788, adopted the Westminster Confession of Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, and also a Form of Government, a Book of Discipline, and a Directory for Worship, as the constitution of the church. Certain changes were made in the Confession, the Catechisms, and the Directory, in the direction of liberty in worship, of freedom in prayer, and above all of liberty from control by the State. The Form of Government was altogether a new document, and established the general assembly as the governing body in the church. The first general assembly met in 1789, at Philadelphia, Pa.

The first important movement in the church after the adoption of the constitution was the formation of the "Plan of Union" with the Congregational associations of New England, which began through correspondence in 1792, and reached its consummation in the agreements made from 1801 to 1810 between the general assembly and the associations of Connecticut and other states. This Plan allowed Congregational ministers to serve Presbyterian churches, and vice versa; and also permitted the organization of mixed churches composed of members of both denominations, with the right of representation in presbytery. It remained in force until 1837, and was useful to both denominations, both in relation to the result flowing from the great revivals of religion throughout the country, and also in connection with the causes of home and foreign missions. What is known as the Cumberland separation took place during this period (see below, 3a). The presbytery of Cumberland ordained to the ministry persons who, in the judgment of the synod of Kentucky, were not qualified for the office either by learning or by sound doctrine. The controversies between the two judicatories resulted in the dissolution of the presbytery by the synod in 1806, and finally, in 1810, in the initial steps for the establishment of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church.

The growth of the church during the period 1790 to 1837 was very decided, the membership increasing from 18,000 to 220,557. This was due mainly to the great revival of religion which swept over the country from 1799 to 1820. Further, in this period the first theological seminary of the churches was founded at Princeton, N. J. (1811), the Boards of Home Missions (1816) and of Education (1819) were established, and at its close the Boards of Foreign Missions (1837) and of Publication (1838)came into existence.

6. Period of Division.

About the year 1825 the peace of the church began to be disturbed by controversies respecting the Plan of Union and the establishment of denominational agencies for missionary and of Division. evangelistic work. The synod of Pittsburg as early as 1831 founded the Western Foreign Missionary Society as a distinctive denominational agency. The foreign mission work of the church had previously been conducted mainly through the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (see CONGREGATIONALISTS, I., 4, � 11), and much of the home-mission work was done through the American Education Society. The party standing for denominational agencies and opposed to the Plan of Union was known as the "Old School," and that favoring its continuance as the "New School." Questions of doctrine were also involved in the controversy, though not to so large an extent as those of denominational policy, and led to the trial for heresy of Albert Barnes (q.v.). The "Old School" majority in the assembly of 1837 brought the matters at issue to a head by abrogating the Plan of Union, by resolutions against the interdenominational societies, by the excision of the synods of Utica, Geneva, Genesee, and the Western Reserve, and by the establishment of the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. When the assembly of 1838 met, the "New School" commissioners protested against the exclusion of the delegates from the four exscinded synods, organized an assembly of their own in the presence of the sitting assembly, and then withdrew. From 1838 onward, both branches grew slowly but steadily, and both made progress in the organization of their benevolent and missionary work. Their growth was checked, however, by disruption. The "New School" assembly of 1857 took strong ground in opposition to slavery, with the result that several southern presbyteries withdrew and organized the United Synod of the Presbyterian Church. In May, 1861, the Old School assembly met at Philadelphia, Pa., with but thirteen commissioners present from the states which had seceded from the Union. In the assembly resolutions professing loyalty to the federal government were passed by a decided majority. The minority of the assembly, however, while in favor of the federal union, were actuated by the feeling that an ecclesiastical judicatory had no right to determine questions of civil allegiance (see below, 2, � 1). These resolutions were the alleged reason for the organization of the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of America, which met in general assembly at Augusta, Ga., in Dec., 1861, was enlarged by union in 1863 with the United Synod above referred to, and upon the cessation of hostilities in 1865 took the name of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (see below, 2). Its membership was increased in 1869 and 1874 by the adherence of those portions of the synods of Kentucky and Missouri which protested by "declaration and testimony" against the action of the Old School assembly in the matter of the Christian character of the ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church South.

7. Period of Reunion.

The first step toward the reunion of the "Old School" and "New School" was taken in 1862, by the establishment of fraternal correspondence between the two general assemblies. A second step was the organization by the "New School" in 1863 of its own home-mission work. In 1866 committees of conference with a view to union were appointed, and Nov. 12, 1869, at Pittsburg, Pa., reunion was consummated on "the basis of the standards pure and simple." In connection with the movement, a memorial fund was raised which amounted to $7,883,983. Since the year 1870 the church has made steady progress along all lines, and its harmony was seriously threatened only by controversy (1891-94) as to the sources of authority in religion and the authority and credibility of Holy Scripture, a controversy which terminated in the adoption by the general assembly at Minneapolis, Minn., in 1899, of a unanimous deliverance affirming the loyalty of the church to its historic views on these subjects. Among the important events in the history of the church since 1870, mention is made of the following. In 1875 the general assembly entered as a leading factor into the Alliance of the Reformed Churches throughout the world holding the Presbyterian System (see ALLIANCE OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES). In 1879 the Committee on Systematic Beneficence was appointed, and in 1881 the important work of temperance reform was entrusted to the Permanent Committee on Temperance. The establishment of the Board of Aid for Colleges and Academies, in 1883, was caused by the demands of the West, and the great and growing importance of educational interests. In 1888 the centennial of the general assembly was celebrated in Philadelphia, Pa., and a centenary fund of $600,000 was raised, which was added to the endowment fund of the Board of Ministerial Relief. Correspondence between the general assemblies, north and south, was first brought about in 1882. In 1883 fraternal delegates were appointed, and appeared in the respective bodies. In 1901 the Evangelistic Committee was established, through whose efforts a decided uplift has been given to spiritual conditions, not only within the Presbyterian Church, but also among many other denominational churches. The Presbyterian Brotherhood also was organized in 1906, for evangelistic and social purposes, and includes fully 100,000 men in its membership. In 1903 the general assembly appointed a Committee on Church Cooperation and Union, as a result of whose work terms of union were framed between the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America and the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. This union was accomplished at the respective general assemblies at Des Moines, Ia., and Decatur, Ill., in 1906. There has been considerable litigation in connection with this union; but in any event the addition through it to the Presbyterian Church amounts to about 1,200 ministers; 1,800 churches, and 90,000 communicants. The church is a member of "The Council of Reformed Churches in the United States holding the Presbyterian System," established in 1907, seeking to bring into closer relations the several Presbyterian denominations in the country, and it entered heartily into the organization in Dec., 1908, at Philadelphia, Pa., of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, composed of 34 denominations, having about 18,000,000 communicants, and representing a majority of the people of the United States.

The growth of the Presbyterian Church during the nineteenth century is exhibited in the following table:

Years. Ministers. Churches. Communicants.
1640 5 3 500
       
1690 10 18 1,000
1705 12 22 1,500
1717 19 40 3,000
1758 98 200 10,000
1789 177 431 18,000
1800 189 449 20,000
1837 2,140 2,965 220,557
1870 4,238 4,526 446,561
1880 5,044 5,489 578,671
1887 5,654 6,436 697,835
1890 6,158 6,894 775,903
1900 7,467 7,750 1,007,689
1909 9,023 9,997 1,321,386

While the population of the country has doubled about sixteen times since 1800, the membership of the church has doubled about seventy times in the same period, and the total additions on profession of faith during the century ending with 1909 appear to have been about 2,800,000. Of these there have been received since 1900, 694,341.

8. Standards.

Since 1729 the Westminster Confession of Faith and Catechisms have been the doctrinal standards of the church, with the exception that the chapters dealing with the civil magistrate were modified in 1788 so as to conform to the American doctrine of the absolute separation of the Church from control by the State. The Confession was also amended in 1887 by the striking-out of the last clause of section 4 of chapter 24, and so removing any obstacle which may have existed to a person's marrying his deceased wife's sister. In 1903 the Confession of Faith was amended in chapters 10, 16, 22, and 25, a declaratory statement was adopted as to chapters 3 and 10, and chapters 34 and 35 were added, respectively on "The Holy Spirit" and "The Love of God and Missions." The revision accomplished in 1903 was for the expressed purpose of the disavowal of certain inferences drawn by persons outside the church as to the doctrines of the church on God's eternal decree, the love of God for all mankind, and his readiness to bestow his saving grace on all who seek it. The church also officially declared that all persons dying in infancy are included in the election of grace, and are regenerated and saved by Christ through the Spirit; who works when and where and how he pleases. The administrative or governmental standards were adopted by the General Synod in 1788, and consist of a Form of Government, Book of Discipline, and Directory for Worship. These standards have been from time to time amended and modified, though they are still substantially as first adopted. [In 1906 The Book of Common Worship was adopted by the General Assembly "for voluntary use in the churches."] Prior to 1788 Steuart of Pardovan's Collections of the Laws of the Church of Scotland were accepted as authoritative.

9. Church Agencies.

The missionary, evangelistic, and benevolent work of the church is conducted by eight boards and two committees, the names of which, with the dates of organization, are as follows: Home Missions, 1816; Education, 1819; Foreign Missions, 1837; Publication, 1838; Church Erection, 1844; Ministerial Relief, 1855; Freedmen, 1865; Colleges, 1883. Home-mission effort was begun as early as 1719, and was carried on by the general synod and the general assembly through committees until the Board of Missions was organized in 1816. This agency had in its employ, in 1909,1,435 missionaries, 447 missionary teachers, and expended during the year ending Mar. 31, 1909, $1,167,094. Foreign mission work was established among the American Indians (1741), Syria (1822), India (1834), Persia (1835) and also at later dates in China, Siam, West Africa, Corisco, Colombia, Brazil, Japan, Chile, Laos, Mexico, and Korea, and among the Chinese in California. In 1909 the total number of missionaries, both lay and clerical, men and women, was 946 American and 3,367 native. They were distributed in fifteen different countries, 1,781 principal stations, and 299 out-stations, having 96,801 communicants, and 101, 7 56 Sunday-school scholars. There are in connection with the foreign work two great printing establishments, one at Beirut, Syria, and the other at Shanghai, China. These printing-establishments in the year 1909 issued 167,834,946 pages of printed matter. There are also in connection with the various mission stations 61 hospitals, 76 dispensaries, and the number of patients treated in 1909 was 449,457. Concerning the other boards named above the following statements are made: The Board of Education stands for the fundamental principle that an educated ministry is essential to the enduring prosperity of the Christian Church. The Board of Publication and Sunday-school work emphasizes the importance of Christian nurture and of a proper Sunday-school literature. The Board of Church Erection guarantees to congregations the erection and completion of houses of worship and of manses for pastors. Since its establishment this board has aided 8,700 congregations. The Board of Relief is the church's instrument for aiding disabled and infirm ministers and the needy families of deceased ministers. This agency is the most successful of any of the agencies of a similar character in the United States. The Board of Missions for Freedmen has as its sole duty the evangelization and education of the colored people; and the College Board is the earnest effort of the church to promote and conserve Christian education in colleges and universities. There are at present fourteen theological institutions which report annually to the general assembly. The first theological instruction given by the church was through the professorship of divinity in Princeton College, now Princeton University, and the first theological professor was John Witherspoon, beginning with the year 1768. The theological seminaries were established as follows: Princeton (at Princeton, N. J.), 1812; Auburn (at Auburn, N. Y.), 1819; Western (at Allegheny, Pa.), 1827; Lane (at Cincinnati, O.), 1829; McCormick (at Chicago, Ill.), 1830; Lebanon (at Lebanon, Tenn.), 1852; Danville (at Danville, Ky.), 1853; German (at Dubuque, Ia.), 1856; Biddle (for colored students, at Charlotte, N. C.), 1868; German (Bloomfield, N. J.), 1869; San Francisco (at San Francisco, Cal.), 1871; Lincoln (for colored students at Lincoln University, Pa.), 1871. The Union Theological Seminary at Richmond, Va., established in 1824, and the Columbia Seminary, Columbia, S. C., established in 1831, have been in connection since 1861 with the Presbyterian Church. [For the data respecting Union Theological Seminary, New York City, founded 1836, see under THEOLOGICAL SEMINARIES.) The statistics of the seminaries for 1909 are as follows: professors, 89; other teachers, 48; students, 709; books in the libraries, 265,476; total endowments, $10,672,142. The church reports, for 1909, 36 synods, 291 presbyteries, 9,023 ministers, 227 licentiates, 1,066 candidates for the ministry, 38,364 elders, 9,997 churches, 1,321,386 communicants, and contributions for all purposes, $21,664,756. General publications are the records of the general presbytery, 1706-16, of the general synod, 1717-38, and of the general assembly 1789-1909, each in printed form. They are the most complete ecclesiastical record in America. The Minutes of the general assembly and the Reports of the Missionary and Benevolent Boards are issued annually. The home missions of the church have been continuously upon the frontier of the advancing civilization of the American people. Its ministers and congregations have been essential factors in securing the moral and spiritual as well as the material welfare of the republic. Its influence has been decided upon the political interests of the land, for both the church and the nation are direct products of the same great reformation. The church has furnished both Revolutionary leaders, such as John Witherspoon, and also Presidents of the United States, such as Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Benjamin Harrison, and Grover Cleveland. In heathen lands the church has exerted a quiet but mighty influence in elevating the standards of morality, in sanctifying the family relation, in introducing the element of fraternity into social relations, and above all in bringing to bear upon great masses of men and women the divine power which accompanies the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Whether at home or abroad, the church has been in all the relations in which human beings stand each to the other, and in all the aspirations of humanity, both for this world and the world to come, a savor of life unto life.

W. H. ROBERTS.

 

2. Presbyterian Church in the United States (Southern Presbyterian Church):

1. Background and Origin,

This church roots itself in the work of Francis Makemie (q.v.; also see above, VIII., 1, � � 2-4). In Makemie's time there began a steady immigration of Presbyterians from the north of Ireland. These immigrants, entering the port of Philadelphia, spread in great numbers southward, settling in Virginia, North Carolina, and the upper portions of South Carolina. They formed the principal element in the southern section of the church which dates from Makemie. Among them were some Scotch, English and Dutch Presbyterians, and, in the lower part of South Carolina, a considerable number of Huguenots. On the division of the Presbyterian Church in 1837 (see above, VIII., 1, � 6), nearly the whole of what is now the Southern Presbyterian Church adhered to the Old School branch. This connection continued until 1861. When the Old School assembly met in Philadelphia in May, 1861, several southern states had already seceded from the Union. The majority of the assembly, thinking that the duty of patriotism demanded a profession of loyalty to the Federal government, by resolution pledged the whole constituency of the church to the support of the Federal sovereignty as against the seceded states. Charles Hodge (q.v.), for himself and fifty-seven others, protested against this action of the assembly as unconstitutional in that it assumed " to decide a political question, and to make that decision a test of membership in the church." The Presbyterians living in the South could not fulfil the pledge of loyalty to the Federal government without proving traitors to the government under which they were living at the time. The southern presbyteries and synods regarded the deliverance of the assembly as virtually an exscinding act, and at their next meetings formally renounced all connection with the Old School assembly. Commissioners from forty-seven of these presbyteries met in Augusta, Ga., Dec. 4, 1861, and organized a new assembly.

2. Period of the War and Accetions.

Thus the Southern Presbyterian Church began its separate existence just when the greatest civil war of history was getting well under way. During the next four years the territory covered by the church was overrun by contending armies, and the church was affected by the general effects of the war in the south in the destruction of the industrial system, the impoverishment of the people, and the general demoralization of society. The work of the church was interrupted, its development retarded, and its future overshadowed. It maintained, however, in the midst of all discouragements, a vigorous life, furnishing chaplains for the army, and caring for the congregations committed to its trust. It gave constant and earnest attention to the religious instruction of the colored people, devoting to this work some of its finest pulpit talent. It was also privileged to do some effective mission work among the Indians. The growth of the church both during and immediately after the war was chiefly by the absorption of other religious bodies. The Independent Presbyterian Church, a small brotherhood in North and South Carolina, was brought into the Southern Assembly in 1863. The same year a union was effected with the United Synod of the Presbyterian Church. This synod had been organized in 1858 out of the southern contingent of the New School church as a practical protest against the deliverances of the New School Assembly on the subject of slavery. While this synod went with the New School in the division of 1837, this was not due to sympathy with the laxity of doctrine charged against the New School body, which was the ground of division, but because the synod regarded as harsh and unconstitutional the exscinding resolutions by which that famous division was consummated. In the great upheaval of 1861-65, the synod of Kentucky adhered to the northern assembly. It expressed regret, however, that the assembly had taken the action which caused the withdrawal of the southern presbyteries. This called forth a censure from the next assembly, and this inaugurated a strife which culminated in 1867 in the separation of the synod from the northern assembly. The next year commissioners from the presbyteries of Kentucky sought admission into the membership of the southern assembly and were received. The synod of Missouri went through an experience in all essential respects similar to that of Kentucky. While remaining in connection with the northern assembly during the exciting period of the war, it took exception to deliverances of the assembly touching the political condition of the country. Antagonism grew until separation resulted. For a few years the synod maintained an independent existence; but in 1874 a large part of it united with the southern assembly. The Presbytery of Patapsco in Maryland was received in 1867; the same year the Alabama presbytery of the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church, and three years later the Associate Reformed Presbytery of Kentucky were received. The absorption of these various bodies brought in about 282 ministers, 490 churches, and 35,600 communicants. As the union in every case was on the basis of perfect doctrinal affinity, there has been no resultant evil. The church stands to-day as a living organism with no scare on its body to show that any grafting has been done.

3. Evangelization; Home and Foreign Missions.

As soon as the melancholy conditions in which the church was born had passed away, and the dawn of a brighter era appeared, the church began to "lengthen its cords and strengthen its stakes." Promptly it recognized in a practical way its duty and priviHome and lega to take part in the great work of worldwide evangelization. Its first mission on foreign soil was planted in Brazil in 1869. Since that time the church has constantly enlarged its work until now, in addition to the mission in Brazil, it has missions in China, Japan, Korea, Africa, Mexico, and Cuba. The church supports a missionary force of 280, not including native workers, and has a communicant roll in its various missions aggregating more than 15,000. Its extensive work in Japan is not represented on this roll for the reason that the fruits of mission work in that country are absorbed by the native church (see JAPAN). In the year 1909, $412,156 was contributed to the support of the foreign work, an average of about $1.60 per member. There is at present. a rising tide of missionary zeal sweeping over the church which promises unprecedented progress in the near future. In the sphere of home missions, the church is manifesting a growing earnestness, and is rapidly enlarging its activities. Especially is it putting forth commendable efforts to provide for the destitution in the border states of Arkansas, Texas, and Oklahoma. The receipts for this cause for the year 1909 were much in advance of any previous year and more than three times what they were only eight years ago. As further indicating the expansion of the work, it may be noted that within the past twelve months a presbytery has been erected for the Mexicans in Texas, and a new synod was organized for Oklahoma. Home-mission work is also carried on directly by presbyteries and synods in the older sections of the church. As measured by cost of support, the work done in this way is about three times as great, but by no means three times as fruitful, as that carried on in the border territory through the assembly's executive committee. The total contributions to home missions last year were $322,288. Work for the negroes is prosecuted through an executive committee located at Birniingham, Ala. Stillman Institute, named in honor of Rev. C. A. Stillman, D.D., and designed especially, though not exclusively, for the education of colored ministers, is prospering at Tuscaloosa, Ala. The choicest fruits of this school are seen in a number of consecrated missionaries who are laboring with great success in the Congo Free State, Africa. Several Sunday-schools for colored people are conducted by white churches. Two colored presbyteries, one in Alabama and one in Mississippi, are in connection with the southern assembly.

In 1897 a number of independent colored presbyteries were organized into a synod, the name of which is the Afro-American Presbyterian Church. This synod is in a vague sense under the guardianship of the southern assembly, its ministers and churches receiving financial aid from a fund contributed for this purpose. This Afro-American Presbyterian Church is a very frail and sickly child. Its ministers are untrained and inefficient, wanting in the spirit of aggressiveness and in administrative gifts, apparently demonstrating the unwisdom of committing to the negroes an independent oversight of their own religious interests.

4. Other Agencies; Prospects.

The business of publication is conducted through a publishing-house, owned by the church, in Richmond, Va., and a book depository in Texarkana, Tex. The volume of business last year was something over $160,000 yielding a net income of $14,000. In connection with the publication work is a well-organized Sabbath-school department which furnishes a splendid literature for use in the Sabbath-schools, and also conducts a valuable mission work among the immigrant population of the larger cities, and among the long-neglected dwellers in the Appalachians. Ministerial education and relief are combined under one executive agency with headquarters at Louisville, Ky. The report of this committee shows 422 candidates in course of preparation for the ministry. For training its candidates, the church has five theological schools, vii., Union Seminary, Richmond, Va.; Columbia Seminary, Columbia, S. C.; the divinity department of the Southwestern Presbyterian University, Clarksville, Tenn.; the Texas Theological Seminary, Austin, Tex., and the Louisville Seminary, Louisville, Ky. This last is owned and controlled jointly with the assembly of the northern church. A decided step has recently been taken in the work of ministerial relief. An endowment fund has been raised for this cause, amounting to $274,429, and the effort to increase this to half a million dollars gives promise of early success. In 1906, the assembly appointed an Executive Committee of Schools and Colleges. This is the practical expression of a more determined purpose to put the institutions of the church on a better financial footing, and to prosecute the work of Christian education with renewed zeal. A yet more recent development of the church's life was the creation by the assembly of 1908 of a permanent Committee of Evangelism. This was in response to an aroused and intensified interest in the direct work of reaching the unconverted. The church has expanded from 105,956 members in 1874 to 279,803; but there is a wholesome discontent with the rate of progress in the past, which prophesies a more aggressive and fruitful future.

The specific causes which led to the organization of the Southern Assembly have long since passed away. The relations between this church and that of which it once formed a part are close and fraternal, enabling them to cooperate in many forms of Christian service. There exist reasons, however, which are thought to justify a continued separation. It is believed that by independent existence the church can bear a more effective testimony to certain principles which need emphasis-such principles, for example, as strict construction in the use of creeds; the exclusively spiritual mission of the church; and the absolute authority of the Bible as being the infallible Word of God from Genesis to Revelation. In other words, the church believes that it owes a duty to doctrinal conservatism which it can best discharge by maintaining its autonomy.

R. C. REED.

3a. Cumberland Presbyterian Church Before the Union of 1906:

1. Origin.

This church began its career as a distinct organization Feb. 10, 1810, and ceased to exist as such by an act of "union and reunion" with the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (see above, VIII., 1) May 24, 1906. It originated in the remarkable revival of religion which in 1797 began to develop in what was then known as " the Cumberland country " in southwestern Kentucky and Tennessee, under the ministry of the Rev. James McGready (q.v.; also see REVIVALS OF RELIGION). The revival rapidly grew to such proportions as to create a demand for ordained ministers greater than could be supplied; the country had only recently been settled, and in those days it was far away from the sources of supply. The Cumberland presbytery ordained certain men who in respect to educational preparation fell somewhat below the requirement of the standards to which that presbytery was amenable, and this produced dissension in the synod of Kentucky, of which the Cumberland presbytery was a member, which culminated in 1806 in the dissolution of the presbytery. The synod annexed to the adjoining Transylvania presbytery the members who had not been placed under prohibition to preach the Gospel and administer its ordinances, by the committee appointed by the synod, in 1805, to take charge of the matter. The Cumberland presbytery had taken the ground in the controversy, that the proceedings of the committee appointed by the synod were unconstitutional, and, of course, that the proscribing act was unconstitutional and void. Nevertheless, from a general respect to authority, and from a desire to procure a reconciliation and enjoy peace and quietude as far as possible, both the proscribed members, and those who had promoted their induction into the .ministry and sympathized with them, constituting a majority of the presbytery, organized themselves into what they called a "council," determining in this manner to carry forward the work of the revival, to keep the congregations together, but to abstain from all proper presbyterial proceedings, and await what they thought would be a redress of their grievances. This council continued its organization from Dec., 1805, to Feb., 1810. By that time the members became satisfied that they had nothing to hope, either from the synod or the general assembly. As a last resort, and in order to save what they represented to the general assembly as "a very respectable congregation in Cumberland and the Barrens of Kentucky," two of the proscribed ministers, Finis Ewing and Samuel King, assisted by Samuel McAdow, one of those who had been placed under an interdict by the commission for his participation in what they denominated the irregularities of the presbytery, reorganized the Cumberland presbytery at the house of McAdow, in Dickson County, Tenn., on Feb. 4, 1810. It was organized as an independent presbytery. It will be observed that it was a reorganization of a presbytery which had been dissolved, which had received its name from its locality. The church which grew from these beginnings naturally took the name of its first presbytery as a prefix. It grew rapidly, extending from Pennsylvania to the shores of the Pacific, and from the Great Lakes to Louisiana and Texas.

2. Theology and Principles.

The new presbytery immediately set forth a synopsis of its theology and of the principles of action by which it proposed to be governed. Its theology was Calvinistic, with the exception of the offensive doctrine of predestination so expressed as to seem to embody the dogma of necessity or fatality. The construction which, in opposition to the letter, or form, of the Calvinistic symbols, they put upon the "idea of fatality," was: (1) that there are no eternal reprobates; (2) that Christ died, not for a part only, but for all mankind, and for all in the same sense; (3) that persons dying in infancy are saved through Christ and the sanctification of the Spirit; (4) that the Spirit of God operates on the world, as coextensively as Christ has made the atonement, in such a manner as to leave all men inexcusable. The exception of this one "idea of fatality," corresponding to these four points, must have meant and included only their antipodes: (1) eternal reprobation; (2) an atonement limited to the elect members; (3) the salvation of elect infants only; (4) the limitation of the operations of the Spirit to the elect. Aside from these points, covered by the exception, the doctrine of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, as set forth in its Confession, was, according to the opinion of its founders, identical with that of the Westminster Confession. In the year 1813 the Cumberland Presbytery had become so large that it divided itself into three presbyteries, and constituted the Cumberland Synod. This synod, at its sessions in 1816, adopted a confession of faith, catechism, and system of church order, in conformity with the principles avowed upon the organization of the first presbytery. The Confession of Faith was a slight modification and abridgment of the Confession of Faith of the Presbyterian Church. The Larger Catechism was omitted, and also some sections of the chapter on "God's Eternal Decrees." A revised Confession was adopted in 1883.

3. Educational Institutions and Missions.

In 1826 the first college was organized and located at Princeton, Ky., under the supervision of the church. In 1842 it was transferred to Lebanon, Tenn., and the name changed to Cumberland University. It is composed of four schools-preparatory, academic, law and theological, each school having its own corps of professors and lecturers. It is one of the oldest, and has long been one of the most prominent and useful, educational institutions in the southwest, notwithstanding the great difficulties under which it has had to struggle. There are now colleges at Waxahachie, Tex.; Lincoln, Ill.; Waynesburg, Pa.; Marshall, Mo., and Decatur, Ill., besides a number of high schools and academies under presbyterial and synodical supervision. The theological seminary in connection with Cumberland University is the only theological school. It employs seven regular professors, and the course of study extends through three years. A well-equipped publishing-house is located at Nashville, Tenn. At the time of the reunion with the Presbyterian Church the board of missions (at St. Louis) was sustaining twenty-six foreign missionaries, besides doing an extensive mission work at home. The Woman's Board of Missions was sustaining seventeen women as missionary workers in foreign countries.

4. The Union of 1906.

The revision of its Confession of Faith by the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (1903) immediately gave rise to the question of union between that Church and the Cumberland Presbyterian. The explanatory statements and new chapters added to the Confession, and thus incorporated into the constitution of the church, were regarded as an official repudiation by the highest authority of the one-sided and fatalistic interpretations to which the Confession had hitherto been exposed. Accordingly, after prolonged and thorough canvass, of the question before the presbyteries and the assemblies, the " union and reunion " of the two churches, formally declared to be "alike honorable to both," was consummated by ,the two assemblies in May, 1906. The doctrinal and ecaIesiastical standards of the Presbyterian Church, U. S. A. (1903) are the bases of the union. At that time the Cumberland Presbyterian Church was composed of 114 presbyteries, aggregating about 200,000 members and about 1,600 ordained ministers, the value of the church property being estimated at about seven millions of dollars.

ROBERT VERRELL FOSTER.

3b. Cumberland Presbyterian Church Since the Union of 1906:

The original Cuimberland Presbyterian Church (see above, 3a) maintained its integrity unimpaired through the Civil War, and received its first rude shock from passions engendered by the movement for union with the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America which began in 1903 and culminated in May, 1906. A large number of the prominent members and a majority of the ministers went into the other church. Something like half the membership remained, scattered over the territory formerly occupied by the whole church. Many congregations divided, and this left the working efficiency of the church much impaired. Since the union those remaining have gone on as before, holding the same creed and the same polity as before, looking to the same literature as the authoritative exposition of their creed, polity, and aspirations, and holding a theology midway between that of St. Augustine and that of Pelagius, between the systems of Calvin and Arminius. Thus, while Calvinism declares that salvation is unconditional to sinners, certain to saints, and impossible to some, and Arminianism holds that salvation is conditional to sinners, uncertain to saints, possible to all, and certain to none, the Cumberland church believes that salvation is conditional to sinners, certain to saints, possible to all, and certain to every one truly converted. Similarly Calvinism teaches that election is unconditional and dates from eternity; Arminianism, that no election is certain in this life; the Cumberland church teaches that election takes place when man is regenerated on complying with the terms of the Gospel. Further, Calvinism teaches that every man's destiny was fixed before the world began; Arminianism, that no man's destiny is fixed, but that it remains uncertain in this life; the Cumberland church, that every man's destiny is uncertain until he is regenerated, when it becomes fixed and certain.

The Minutes of the general assembly of 1909 reports: 90,000 communicants, 614 ministers, 81 candidates, 72 licentiates, 1,884 congregations, 97 presbyteries, 17 synods, congregational church property to the value of $4,000,000, much of it now in litigation. Several state supreme courts have held the union (with the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America) legal and that the property of local congregations passed into the union, while other like judicatories have held the union illegal and that the property remained with the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. The publishinghouse at Nashville, Tenn., is yet in litigation. There is one school at McKenzie, Tenn. Homemission work is maintained, but foreign mission work is hampered by lack of funds.

FINIS HOMER PRENDTRGAST.

4. Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America is the lineal representative of the Church of 'Scotland, holding forth the same principles that were exhibited during the Second Reformation (1638-49), the purest period in its history. It is also known as the Covenanter Church, because of its adherence to the principles embodied in the National Covenant of Scotland, and the Solemn League and Covenant (see COVENANTERS, �� 3-4). In 1661 the State demanded an unqualified oath of allegiance, and all who subscribed the covenants were dealt with as guilty of treason from that date until the Revolution Settlement in 1688 (see above, L, 1, � 3). A church that had never been identified with the State Church and had never come out of the church of Rome, its members being loyal to the truth as it is in Jesus during the papal ascendency in Europe, was subjected to loss of property and its members were compelled to endure imprisonment and death merely because of loyalty to the crown of Christ. Owing to the defection of some of its ministers in 1691 (see CAMERON, RICHARD, CAMERONIANS), the Covenanter Church was without any pastoral oversight for sixteen years, and the truth was kept alive in the hearts of its members by means of social gatherings for Christian conference and prayer, while the members refused to wait.on the ministry of any who had been false to their ordination vows. In 1706 John Macmillan, a Presbyterian minister who had been deposed by the general assembly of the State Church for the advocacy of covenant obligations, accepted the principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, and for more than thirty years was its only ordained minister, visiting the societies and preaching to them a complete Christ, and with the assistance of a licentiate who had been silenced by the State Church for his loyalty to Reformation truth, held them together. In the spring of 1743 Thomas Nairn, of the Associate Presbytery, a secession from the State Church, joined the Covenanters, and on Aug. 1 of that year he and John Macmillan constituted the Reformed Presbytery at Baehead, Scotland.

The persecution in Scotland led many to seek refuge in the American colonies, and in many localities societies were formed on the basis of Reformation principles. On Mar. 10, 1774, the first Reformed presbytery in America was constituted at Paxtang, Pa. Its ministerial members were Matthew Linn and Alexander Dobbin, who had been sent from Ireland the previous year, and John Cuthbertson, who came from Scotland in 1751 and had been laboring alone for twenty-two years. During the confusion and excitement of the revolutionary war the views of many became unsettled, with the result that in 1782 a union was formed with the Associate Church. In response to an appeal from scattered societies that had not gone into that union, James Reid was appointed by the Reformed Presbytery of Scotland in 1789 to inquire into their condition, and on his report two ministers were sent out in 1791 and 1792, who were afterward directed to act as a committee of the home presbytery in the adjustment of all judicial matters. Soon others arrived, and in May, 1798, William King and James McKinney, already on the ground, and William Gibson, who had come out in 1797, with ruling elders, constituted the second Reformed Presbytery of America at Philadelphia, Pa. And at the same place, on May 24, 1809, was constituted the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of America.

Nothing occurred to disturb the peace of this church till 1832, when one of its leading ministers began to advocate views that were subversive of its distinctive principles. The result was a division in 1833, in which a minority of its ministers and about half of its members abandoned the historic position of the Church (see below, 7). Since then the synod has enjoyed a good measure of prosperity, and at present is aggressive in its missionary operations and in the influence for good that its reform work is exerting. It reports for 1909, 10 presbyteries, 137 ministers, 114 congregations, 9,503 communicants, and $213,772 in contributions for all purposes at home and abroad.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church is not an offshoot from any other ecclesiastical organization, but part of the stem of the original Church of Scotland. Its distinctive testimony turns on the supreme headship of Jesus Christ: It holds that he is exclusive head of the Church, deciding as to manner of worship, so that its congregations use only Bible Psalms, and no instrumental music in the service of song, on the principle that what he has not required is forbidden, and also as to form of government, which in all its leading principles is Presbyterian-not leaving to human device matters so essential to the efficiency of the Gospel ministry and the edification of his people. It also holds that he is the head of the State, and that every nation, not only in its individual citizenship, but in its corporate capacity, owes worship to God and this worship can be rendered only through his mediation, so that its members refuse to swear allegiance to any civil constitution that fails to honor him as head of the Church and prince of the kings of the earth, and believe that it is the duty of all Christians to have no dealings with the political body that might be interpreted as an approval of national disloyalty to the mediatorW king.

ROBERT M SOMMERVILLE.

5. Associate Reformed Synod of the South:

In a sense the Associate Reformed Church may be said to have its origin in Scotland in 1733 at Gairney Bridge when Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.), William Wilson, Alex Monerieff, and James Fisher left the Established Church of Scotland and formed the Associate Presbytery (see above, I., 1, � 4, 2, � 2). The more immediate ancestors of the church came from Scotland and the north of Ireland and settled in New York, Pennsylvania,, and the Carolinas. Their first organization in the United States was the Associate Presbytery of Pennsylvania in 1753. In 1774 the Reformed Presbyterians organized a Reformed Presbytery and in 1782 these were united into the Associate Reformed Synod. This organization grew rapidly and by 1803 there were four synods, those of New York, Pennsylvania, Scioto, and the Carolinas. The last was organized at Ebenezer or Brick Church, Fairfield Co., S. C., May 9, 1803, there being present at the organization seven ministers, two probationers, and six ruling elders.

In 1822 this synod withdrew from the Associate Reformed Church, became independent, and assumed its present name. This withdrawal came about not because of slavery nor sectionalism but because of the great distance and also on account of some difference of opinion on the questions of psalmody and close communion.

The church reports 9 presbyteries, 125 ministers, 158 congregations, and nearly 15,000 members, who give annually over $100,000. The congregations are scattered from Virginia to Texas and mission work is done in Mexico and India.

This church stands for the whole body of truth held by most branches of the Presbyterian Church: for the acceptance of and adherence to the Westminster standards, for the Calvinistic system of theology, for the fundamental principles of this theology, beginning with the sovereignty of God and embracing the remaining four points logically springing therefrom unto the assured salvation of the elect, for the government of the Church by pastors and elders having authority to act for Jesus Christ, the king and head. of the Church, for the plenary inspiration of the Scriptures, and for the sole, supreme, and infallible authority of the Bible for all rules of conduct and duty. It confines itself to the exclusive use of the inspired songs of the Bible in God's worship, the Book of Psalms having been set to music, the last bemg the distinctive difference between Associate Reformed Presbyterians and the Presbyterian Church South.

This church demands an educated ministry, and encourages education among its members. Its theological seminary is located at Due West, S. C., and has a good faculty and a large endowment, and has done good work in training the ministers of the denomination. Erskine College, also located at Due West, was founded in 1839, was the first denominational college in the state, and is one of the leading colleges in the state to-day. The Due West Female College has a splendid equipment and is doing a good work for the women of the church. The Associate Reformed Presbyterian is the official organ of the synod.

W. K. DOUGLAS.

6. United Presbyterian Church of North America.

1. Origins in Scotland and America.

This church gathers into itself several branches of the Scottish dissenting churches, one of which was the Associate Presbyterian Church, founded by a secession from the National Church of Scotland led by Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.) in which he was joined by three other ministers (see above, I., 1, � 4, 2, � 2). Another was the Reformed Presbyterian Church (see COVENANTERS; also see above, I., 5, and VIII., 4-5). In 1706 Rev. John Macmillan became the minister, and thirty-seven years later a minister named McNair joined him, and these two organized a presbytery, and thus originated the Reformed Presbyterian Church. From these two churches descended a number of churches in America. Many of the persecuted Presbyterians who fled from Scotland and had taken refuge in Ireland were in the stream of immigrants that flowed into America in the early part of the eighteenth century. The Reformed Presbyterians among these sent for the Rev. John Cuthbertson as minister, who came from the newly formed presbytery of Scotland. The territory over which he extended his paternal rather than pastoral care (he seems never to have been installed) comprised nearly all of southeastern Pennsylvania. In the same current that carried these Scotch and Scotch-Irish in such large numbers to America were many who were affiliated with the Associate Church of Scotland. So these two churches lived and thrived in American soil, both of them perpetuating distinctions which belonged to the country, in its government, from which they came. The members of these two churches were of the same blood, their dissent from the national Church of Scotland had been for substantially the same reason-diasatisfaction with the power of the State over the Church, and the increasing laxity of doctrine in the national Church. Now they were in the same territory and held the same standards of doctrine and government, so the two churches became one in 1782, the new church combining the names of the two churches and becoming known as the Associate Reformed Church. Every minister of the Reformed Church came into the union, but a few of the congregations refused to come. These congregations sent to Scotland for ministers and the church continued (see above, VIII., 4), while some of the congregations of the Associate Church followed their example. Thus a third church was in the field.

2. Formation, Work, and Statistics.

The new Associate Reformed Church had considerable strength and was scattered over a territory embracing Pennsylvania, New York, New England, and Ohio. It grew rapidly and soon had congregations in many of the states. It was divided into four synods with a general synod meeting annually. The distances were so great and the means of travel so poor, that brethren could not attend, and the power was in the hands of a few; consequently dissatisfaction arose, resulting in divisions and the constituting of independent tribunals. One of these was called the Associate Reformed Synod of the West, another the Associate Reformed Synod of the South (see above, VIII., 5). The former united with the General Synod in 1855. The territory of the church extended to the Mississippi River. This consolidated church together with the resuscitated Associate Church held a common doctrine and occupied the same field. There was general desire for union, especially among the laity; for some time union was obstructed on theological grounds, but finally, in May, 1858, in Pittsburg, Pa., where both general synods were in session, the union was formed amid great enthusiasm, rejoicing, and thanksgiving, the new church taking the title of the United Presbyterian Church of North America. The church had early recognized the need of ministers of the Gospel to preach in this great home-mission territory. Both branches had founded theological schools. The Associate Seminary, established at Service, Pa., in 1794, is the oldest in continuous service in America, and is now located at Xenia, Ohio. The church also has a flourishing theological seminary in Pittsburg, Pa., it has several high-grade colleges and many academies, and has always been zealous in the cause of Christian education. Its standards are the Westminister , Confession of Faith and Catechism and a Declaration of Testimony. It adheres to the exclusive use of the Psalms in the praise service of the congregations. It early discarded the old Scottish versions and prepared its own version, frequently revising it until now it has a version that clearly brings out the ideas of the old Hebrew figures, and is one of great poetical beauty and literary smoothness. The ban on instrumental accompaniment was long ago removed and pipeorgans and other instruments of music are now in general use. It reports 1,098 ministers, 69 licentiates, 98 students of theology, 4,314 ruling elders, 1,082 congregations, and 153,956 communicants, who contribute annually $2,441,587, an average per member of $18.64.

3. Its Agencies.

Its work is carried on through the agency of seven chartered boards: (1) the Board of Foreign Missions, Philadelphia. The foreign missionary work is now concentrated in three great missions, India, Egypt, and the Sudan. Since 1843 there have been sent out 292 missionaries to foreign lands. The annual outlay is about $250,000. (2) The Board of Home Missions, Pittsburg, Pa., which gives aid to churches and establishes missions in nearly every state, except a few of the states in the South. The Associate Reformed Church's work in Texas has recently been turned over to the United Presbyterian Church. This board spends about $150,000 per year. It has recently undertaken foreign missionary work on American soil. (3) The Board of Freedmen's Mission, Pittsburg, Pa., carries on an extensive work with its schools and colleges and mission stations among the freedmen of the South, at an expenditure of about $30,000 annually. (4) The Board of Church Extension, Pittsburg, Pa., erects church-buildings in the new missions established by the Board of Home Missions. Its annual gifts approximate $75,000. (5) The Board of Publication, Pittsburg, Pa., occupies its own large publication house and office-buildings, and from its quarters a stream of Sabbath-school helps, Psalters, Bible songs, anthem books, and other publications is constantly flowing. (6) The Board of Ministerial Relief, Philadelphia, cares for the aged and infirm ministers or their widows or orphans, distributing more than $16,000 annually. (7) The Board of Education, Monmouth, Ill., has all of the colleges and academic schools under its care, and is doing a large work in the interest of Christian education in the denominational schools. In addition to these seven boards there is also a Women's Board which acts as an auxiliary to all the other boards. It receives and distributes annually about $100,000.

Such is the United Presbyterian Church in its origin and history and work. It steadily holds its place as a part of the visible body of Christ, sustains the most friendly relation to the other Evangelical churches, and, heartily and enthusiastically entering into the Federation of the Churches of Christ in America, holds itself ready to cooperate to the full extent of its ability in any way that will advance the Master's kingdom.

J. C. SCOLTLLER.

7. Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America (General Synod):

The origins of this church in Scotland are told in the article COVENANTERS, and above in I., 1, 2, 5, 8, cf. VIII., 4, 5. Its immediate derivation was from the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Scotland (see above, I., 5), through which body the Reformed Presbyterian Churches of Ireland and America have received their ministry. The Reformed Presbytery adopted as its constitution the doctrinal standards and polity of the church during the period of the Second Reformation. From this it will be seen that the designation Reformed Presbyterian is rooted in and grows out of ecclesiastical dissent and not from any attempt to reform Presbyterianism, either in the Old World or the New.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church began its existence in America in 1774, through the organization of a presbytery in that year by the Rev. John Cuthbertson, William Lind, and Alexander Dobbin. Through an abortive attempt to unite this presbytery with that of the Associate Church, in 1782, the church was disorganized for a number of years. In 1798, the presbytery was reconstituted by the Rev. James McKinney and William Gibson, and in 1709 two other presbyteries were formed, and the three were organized into a Synod. In 1823, it was thought desirable to give the supreme judicatory a representative character, and the general synod was formed.

About this time a lively discussion began concerning the relation of the church to the civil government of the United States. Some held that the constitution was infidel and immoral, and that the members of the church could not be true to their covenant engagements and take part in the government. Others held that while the constitution was defective in not formally recognizing the headship of Jesus Christ, that it was not essentially infidel and immoral, and that therefore Reformed Presbyterians would violate no oaths in excercising the right of franchise. In the synod of 1831, the question of civil relations was made a subject of "free discussion." But in 1833 those who took the extreme position of dissent withdrew, forming what is known as the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church (see above, VIII., 4), as distinct from the General Synod.

The doctrinal position of the church is stated in the Westminster standards. The church has always declared in favor of simplicity of worship, adhering to the exclusive use of the Psalms as the medium of praise. Quite a number of ministers and congregations left the denomination about 1870 as a result of the discussion of this question. The church has recently become depleted as a result of the reaction against the conservatism of the church in refusing instrumental aid in divine worship. In 1905, however, conditional permission was granted to use instrumental music in the churches. The church carries on foreign mission work in India, and sustains mission stations in various parts of the United States. A flourishing college is maintained at Cedarville, Ohio, and a theological seminary in Philadelphia, Pa. There are at present 19 ministers and 20 congregations with a membership approximating 3,000, and 2 congregations in Canada, with a membership of 400, supporting two missionaries, one at Hoorkee, India, and one at Teeswater, Canada.

C. A. YOUNG.

8. Calvinistic Methodist Church (Welsh Presbyterian Church in America):

1. Founding of Churches.

The Welsh emigrants who came to this country first settled in Merion, Radnor, and Haverford Counties, Pennsylvania, a few years before 1700. They bought 5,000 acres of land from William Penn. Most of them were Quakers, though Episcopalians and Baptists were found among them. In the year 1707 a petition was sent to the bishop of London for a rector who could preach in Welsh. A Welsh Baptist church was organized in the Great Valley, Pa., in 1711 by Rev. Hugh Davis, and in 1796 another in Ebensburg, Pa. In the years 1775-1825 many Welsh churches were organized in New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. These were Congregational in polity for two reasons: (1) the majority of the ministers were Congregationalists, (2) that form of church government seemed to be better adapted to the conditions occasioned by the fact that the members belonged to different denominations in Wales. Soon the churches began to feel the need of closer fellowship with one another and were ready for associations in which a number of churches could unite in Christian fellowship and service. These associations were held for several years by the churches in the three states named. In 1805 a Welsh church was organized in Steuben, Oneida County, New York, as a union church with the Congregational form of government. This church, together with the other Welsh churches in Ohio and Pennsylvania, increased numerically by the arrival of Welsh immigrants, who brought with them the doctrinal controversies that stirred Wales in the first half of the last century. The result was that members who were Calvinistic in their theology gradually withdrew from the independent churches and organized churches of their own by adopting the Confession of Faith and the Book of Discipline of the Methodist Calvinistic Church of Wales. The first Welsh Presbyterian church in America was organized at Pen-y-Czerau, Remsen, New York, in 1826, and this was followed in the years 1828-34 by the organization of thirty-six others in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and New York, and the church extended later into' Wisconsin. In this way was laid the foundation of the Welsh Presbyterian Church in America.

2.Organization of Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assembly.

During this formative period the leaders saw the need of creating presbyteries and synods, but this was found almost impracticable on account of distance, expense, and mode of travel. They succeeded, however, in forming one synod, comprising all the Welsh Presbyterian churches in the states of New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Each church had the privilege of sending one or more delegates to this synod as it convened from time to time in the different states. Later the synod was divided into two; the one comprising all the Welsh Presbyterian churches in the states of New York and Pennsylvania; the other comprising the churches at Pittsburg and in the West. In a few- years presbyteries were formed within these synods.

The Synod of New York was formed at Pen-y-C�rau, N. Y., May 10, 1828, and was the first held in America; the Synod of Ohio was formed at Cincinnati June 12, 1833; the Synod of Pennsylvania, at Pottsville Apr. 5, 1845; the Synod of Wisconsin, at Waukesha Dec. 31, 1843; the Western Synod, at Bush Creek, Mo., in Oct., 1882; the Synod of Minnesota, at Sion (near Mankato) in 1858. The Welsh Presbyterian Church in America organized its general assembly at Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 22, 1869. This body is composed of two ordained ministers and two elders from each synod, together with the ex-moderators, clerks of synods, the statistician, the treasurer, and the chairman, secretary, and treasurer of the board of missions; the editor of the denominational organ, The Friend, and those appointed to read papers in the assembly. The purpose of the assembly is to deliberate upon the subjects that have to do with the welfare of the denomination in America.

The church reports for 1909, 147 churches (organizations), 95 ministers, 13,695 communicants, 11,465 Sunday-school members, and contributions to the amount of $136,348.

3. Doctrine, Polity, and Worship.

The Welsh Presbyterian Church in America cordially agrees with the Presbyterians of the "Old School" and with the Dutch Reformed of this country. The Confession of Faith harmonizes minutely with the Westminster Catechism. The form of church government is considered Presbyterian; but, strictly, the polity of the church partakes partly of the Congregational order as well as of the Presbyterian. The session of a Welsh Presbyterian church has less power than the session of a Presbyterian church. The local church receives and dismisses members, and exercises discipline; if it is not able to reach a decision in any case of discipline, an appeal may be made to the presbytery. The church discipline is contained in thirty-nine rules, published in connection with an outline of their history and with the Confession of Faith. All the services are very simple.

R. T. ROBERTS.

9. Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored:

As the Cumberland Presbyterian Church (see 3a above) began to extend in what was, 100 years ago, the far southwest, it developed a colored constituency which became an integral part of its membership. In every truly Christian family the personal relation between master and slave was close and appreciation was mutual. The slave was recognized not merely as a chattel, but as a man and an immortal. Hence religious instruction was provided and personal religious influence was exercised, with a view to the negro's conversion and salvation. Family worship was common in those days and the servants from the near-by cabins who could conveniently come joined the family-gathering at morning and evening worship. Those prepared for church-membership gladly became members of "Old master's church." They were accorded the full enjoyment of the sacraments and other privileges of the church, worshiping in the same house at the same hour, with the same pastor, or, if the colored constituency was sufficiently numerous, the pastor' sometimes gave them a special service. The type of Christian negro this process produced was the "good negro" of ante-bellum days, possessed of a strong Christian character and intensely devoted to his church. These characteristics still appear in some degree among the second and third generations. Out of such material the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored, was formed. A few men among them had been ordained to the ministry. They constituted a presbytery to themselves and sought representation in the general assembly of 1870. This was denied and complete separation was the result, the whites advising it and the blacks accepting it as inevitable and as probably best for their race.

In entering upon this separate and independent ecclesiastical existence they had nothing except their own simple childlike faith and their ardent evangelistic spirit; they did not then receive and have never had any substantial backing from any board or benevolent fund. The White Cumberland Presbyterians had lost almost everything by the war and their struggle to rebuild was severe. Engaged in strictly mission work, they could render but little missionary service to their brethren in black. Without money, without schools, and without a trained leadership, this young negro denomination proceeded with its revival methods, making much of its "`whosoever will' Gospel," boasting of its doctrine of divine sovereignty and final perseverance, and particularly appreciative of the spirit of liberty Which was seen in the Presbyterian form of government. The efforts of individual. congregations have been supported by the liberal assistance of their white friends in the locality. Hence they are reasonably well provided with houses of worship. They have also had some assistance in their schools, but for education, even of the ministry, their chief reliance has been the common schools provided by the State. At Bowling Green, Ky., they have a well-conducted academy which gives training in the Bible and kindred subjects and provides special training for preachers and teachers. Since the union of the Cumberland Church With the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (see above, 3a), the latter denomination is giving systematic assistance in educational work.

Conservatively estimated, the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored, has a membership of 25,000, located principally in Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Texas, and southeast Missouri. They have probably 200 churches, 160 ministers, and 150 Sabbath-schools, with an enrolment of about 8,000. Their school property amounts to about $20,000 and their church property to about $100,000. They are organized into 18 presbyteries, 5 synods and a general assembly, and they have at least the beginnings of the customary church machinery, such as boards of education, missions, and ministerial relief. The field they occupy is quite distinct from that of the negroes of other Presbyterian denominations. It is large and inviting and is capable of practically unlimited development. Under a trained leadership in pulpit and school, and with ample facilities for handling its general work, this independent Presbyterian denomination is capable of becoming an important factor in the uplift of the negro race.

W. J. DARBY.

10. Reformed Presbyterian Church (Covenanted):

A presbytery under this name was organized in 1840 by two ministers and three elders, who withdrew from the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church on the ground that it " fellowshiped and indorsed voluntary and irresponsible associations of the day, composed of persons of all religious professions or of no profession; and that its ministers were chargeable with sins of omission and commission in their ecclesiastical relations; and that they refuse to confess and forsake these sins." The presbytery met with varying fortunes, being disorganized in 1845, reorganized in 1853, and disorganized in 1887. In 1883 it contained 4 ministers and 6 organizations in four states, but has since diminished, until at the time of the census of 1906 there was but one small society at North Union, Pa., with 17 members worshiping in a hall and having one elder and a theological student as minister.

EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS.

11. Reformed Presbyterian Church in the United States and Canada:

This body,was organized in 1883 in consequence of dissatisfaction with the treatment of a question of discipline by the General Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. It holds With the General Synod that the republic of the United States is essentially Christian, and that Christian citizens may vote and be voted for. According to the census of 1906 it had but one organization in the United States in Alleghany Co., Pa., owning one church edifice valued at $200,000, and reporting 440 communicant members. It contributed to missionary work in India the sum of $325 in 1906, and maintains a Syrian missionary among the Syrians of this country at an annual expenditure of over $500.

EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS.

12. The Presbyterian Church in Canada:

There is now but one Presbyterian Church in the Dominion of Canada, comprising eight synods and sixtyseven presbyteries. Before it became one it passed through many changes.

1. Origins.

France first owned the Canadian territory on the Atlantic seaboard, and the first settlers were largely Roman Catholic (see CANADA). By the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 Nova Scotia came into the possession of Great Britain, and was later divided into Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. In the ceded territory, the inhabitants, being Roman Catholic, remained loyal to France. Great Britain sought to change the political complexion of the country by bringing in Protestant colonists. The Acadians of Nova Scotia refused to be assimilated by this means, and finally, in 1755, were forcibly deported into the English colonies to the south, now the United States. Settlers were invited to take possession of the lands and homes thus vacated, liberty of conscience being guaranteed. Those who flocked in from Britain were largely Protestants, and many of them were Presbyterians. The Presbyterian settlers naturally ,applied to the countries from which they came to send them ministers. Rev. James Lyon came in 1764 from New Jersey, while Rev. James Murdoch, who came from Scotland in 1766, was the first permanent Presbyterian minister in Nova Scotia. Some of the Protestants who came from Europe belonged to the Reformed Church, and these persuaded Messrs. Lyon and Murdoch in 1770 to ordain a Mr. Comingoe, a fisherman of ability, piety, and influence, to be their pastor. This was the first ordination and the first meeting of presbytery held in the land. The many divisions of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland were maintained in the new country by the immigrants, who clung to their old affiliations. As Presbyterian congregations grew in numbers, new presbyteries were formed. The Burgher presbytery of Truro was organized in 1786, the Anti-Burgher presbytery of Pictou in 1795. In July, 1817, these two bodies united to form the Presbyterian Church of Nova Scotia, comprising three presbyteries. The Presbyterians in that year numbered about 42,000, with twenty-six ministers.

2. Under British Rule.

After the capture of Quebec in 1759 and the surrender of Montreal in 1760, Rev. George Henry became the first Presbyterian minister of Quebec in 1765, and Rev. John Bethune of Montreal in 1786. Presbyterian settlers pushed in farther and farther west. The first systematic efforts to send Presbyterian ministers to Upper Canada were made by the Reformed (Dutch) Church of the United States. Rev. Robert McDowall in 1798 crossed the St. Lawrence, and organized congregations from Brockville to Toronto, and the Rev. Daniel W. Eastman itinerated in the Niagara Peninsula from 1801. In 1818 a number of Presbyterian ministers issued a general invitation to the Presbyterian ministers west of Quebec to meet on July 9, 1818, with the view of forming "The Presbytery of the Canadas" independent of the old lines of division in Scotland. They met and organized what was the first presbytery in Upper or Lower Canada, with five ministers on their roll. The Presbyterian population in Upper Canada was then about 47,000, ministered to by sixteen ministers. The Earl of Selkirk brought out a colony of Highlanders from Scotland to settle along the Red River, in what is now Manitoba, which he had purchased for the purpose in 1810, though it was not till 1817 that they were allowed peaceable possession; the Earl of Selkirk also gave sites for a church and school at Kildonan, but it was 1851 before they had a minister of their own. The difficulty from the beginning was to secure a sufficient number of suitable ministers to supply Gospel ordinances to Presbyterians. Scotland felt the burden of responsibility, and in 1825 the Glasgow Colonial Society was formed, which sent out within ten years over forty men (all ministers of the Established Church of Scotland), and gave a small grant to each to aid in his support. Others who came helped to perpetuate the differences of the mother country. While a spirit of separation existed, there was at the same time a strong feeling in all denominations that there was no good reason for perpetuating the differences of the old land in the new. But the leaven of union worked very slowly.

3. Period of Unions.

In Upper Canada, in 1831, nineteen Presbyterian ministers from various sections met in Kingston and united to form, the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of Canada in Connection with the Church of Scotland. In the same year the Presbytery of the Canadas, which was now called the United Presbytery, changed its name once more to the United Synod of Upper Canada. This synod united with the synod in connection with the Church of Scotland, and the name The Synod of the Presbyterian Church in Canada in Connection with the Church of Scotland was retained. On its roll were seventy-seven ministers. The Disruption in Scotland affected the Presbyterians in the Maritime Provinces and Western Canada, and resulted in a Free Church in Nova Scotia, which, in 1860, united with the Presbyterian Synod of Nova Scotia, to form the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of the Lower Provinces, with eighty-two ministers. In Western Canada, in 1861, the United Presbyterian Synod, of fifty-nine ministers, united with the Synod of the (Free) Presbyterian Church of 129 ministers, to form The Canada Presbyterian Church. In 1866 the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of the Lower Provinces united with the Free Presbyterian Synod of New Brunswick to form the Synod of the Lower Provinces, with 113 ministers. In 1868 the Synods of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick in the Maritime Provinces, in connection with the Church of Scotland, united to form the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of the Maritime Provinces of British North America in connection with the Church of Scotland, composed of thirty-three ministers. These several unions resulted in there being four denominations of Presbyterians in 1870 in Canada, two in the Maritime Provinces, and two in western Canada. Leaders in all sections saw the necessity of union. Congregations were weak through division, and barely able to support their pastors. Negotiations were opened in 1870, and a union was effected in 1875, and The Presbyterian Church in Canada was formed with 627 ministers, 706 congregations, 88,228 members, 176 missionaries in the home field and 16 in the foreign, with a revenue of nearly one million dollars for all purposes. Only a few ministers and congregations then efused to enter, and one by one they, too, have come in, till at the present time those still holding aloof can almost be counted on the fingers of one hand.

4. Church Agencies.

Since the union of 1875 the problem of keeping pace with the immigrants coming into the country has become yearly more difficult. For the past two or three years Canada has added about four per cent annually to her population by immigration. To give Gospel ordinances to these newcomers, so that no section of tht country shall be left spiritually desert, has taxed the energies of all denominations of Christians. The Presbyterian Church, striving to help all who have called, finds its task complicated by the large foreign element appealing for public-school teachers as well as missionaries. The work of home missions may be considered in three sections: (1) Home missions proper al-e carried on by two committees, one for the Maritime Provinces, and one for western Canada. In the two sections 668 missionaries are employed, of whom 205 are ordained. The others are students preparing for the ministry, or catechists. They minister to 1,787 mission stations. The amount expended for this work during 1908 was about $210,000. All the colleges have missionary societies which furnish men and money to aid in home-mission work. (2) Augmentation: This scheme has for its object the granting of aid in settled congregations to make the minister's salary at least $800 and a manse. This required, in 1908, nearly $50,000 to supplement the salaries of 204 ministers. A separate committee has this work in charge. (3) French evangelization: The Presbyterian Church has always taken a deep interest in assisting the small numbers of its people scattered among the Roman Catholic population in Quebec, and in keeping up an aggressive, work by means of teachers and colporteurs, scattering literature and copies of the Scriptures among French Canadians. The school at Pointe-aux-Trembles has been a most effective institution in cultivating a liberal and enlightened spirit among the people. The cost of the French work in 1908 was $42,50, and the work is under the management of a board In higher education generally Presbyterians have given a percentage of teachers to the country considerably in excess of their numerical strength. In every great educational and university center this church has established a theological college, and has colleges in Halifax, Montreal, Kingston, Toronto, Winnipeg, and Vancouver. In 1908 there were in these colleges 208 students taking the theological course. The maintenance of the colleges in 1908 cost nearly $40,00. The foreign mission work of the church is in the hands of one committee. Work is carried on in Japan, Korea, China, India, the New Hebrides, West Indies, South America, among the Indians and Chinese of the Northwest, and the Jews. In 1908 the number of missionaries, foreign and native, was 668, at a cost of $236,000 Active Women's Societies give substantial aid to both Home Mission and Foreign Mission Committees of the Church. Aged Ministers and Ministers' Widows' and Orphans' Funds are maintained which give annuities to aged ministers according to length of service, $400 being the limit of annuity, and to widows an annuity of $150, with an allowance for each child under eighteen. The church reported for 1908 1,690 ministers, 9,167 elders, 2,192 congregations, 1,787 mission stations, 269,688 communicants, and 210,248 Sabbath-school scholars. During the same year it paid for stipends, $1,344,648; for missions, $690,00; by women's societies, $142,250; for all. purposes, $.3,747,480.

In 1899 the Presbyterian Church undertook to raise a special thank-offering to commemorate the close of a century of blessing. The amount aimed at was $1,00,00. $60,00 was to be given for the missionary, educational, and benevolent work of the church, and the balance was to be used locally in the removal of debt from church or manse. The amount for the schemes of the church was raised, and the debt fund far exceeded $1,00,000 instead of $400,000. An interesting movement has been going on since 1903 with the view of forming a union between the Methodist, Congregational, and Presbyterian Churches of the Dominion. The joint committee has concluded its work, and the basis formulated has been sent down by the three negotiating bodies (1910), to be considered and voted on by the people.

JOHN SOMERYILLE.

IX. In Other Lands:

In addition to the organizations in the countries named above, numerous bodies of Presbyterians organized or unorganized are found in many other countries. Thus in the West India Islands, Jamaica has not only a native Presbyterian church with a communicant member ship of 13,00 persons, but there are also three other congregations with a membership largely white, and connected with the Church of Scotland. The same church has a presbytery in British Guiana with about a dozen congregations, while on many of the islands there are separate self-supporting congregations. On Trinidad there is another large Presbyterian community of 1,00 native and Hindu Christians. Mission work has been extensively carried on in South America, and in addition to isolated congregations, in almost every large town on its eastern and western sea coast, there are large organizations in Brazil, 10,00 members; Mexico, 5,00 members, with many more in Argentina, and elsewhere, under the supervision of American and European ministers. In lands distinctively non Christian, there are many native churches, the fruit of the labors of Presbyterian missionaries, as well as single congregations in large towns, for European and American residents or visitors, ministered to, as a rule, by Presbyterian ministers from Great Britain. In Japan (q.v.) the native "Church of Christ," which is Presbyterian, has a communcant membership of 18,000, that of Korea (q.v.) has already more than 30,00, the number in China (q.v.) is not easily ascertained, but may be estimated at 60,00, including Manchuria and Formosa; in India (q.v.) the Presbyterian Church reports 15,000 communicant members, with as many more in the South India Church, exclusive of the Presbyterian chaplaincies and separate congregations with European and American membership in almost every important city in the great peninsula There is an organized Presbyterian church in Persia (q.v.), consisting of seceders from the native Syrian church, but altogether self-governing and self-supporting. In Egypt (q.v.) there is the Synod of the Nile, whose membership, drawn mainly from the Coptic population, is large. Along the Syrian coast and that of Asia Minor there are energetic Presbyterian missions with congregations at Beirut, Latakia, Alexandretta, Aleppo, Antioch, Tarsus, Adana, Messina, Cyprus, and elsewhere (see SYRIA), so that from a survey of the Presbyterian churches of the world, it appears that about one hundred millions of persons, young and old, should be assigned to the Presbyterian branch of the Christian Church.

G. D. MATHEWS.

X. Presbyterian Church Polity.

1. Doctrine

:

It is necessary to bear in mind in considering the Presbyterian polity that the word "presbyterian," while at one time designating the adherent of a Particular form of church government, has come to have a doctrinal as well as an ecclesiastical significance. The churches holding to the Presbyterian polity have developed in the course of their history such a natural relation to one great type of Christian doctrine that the words Calvinistic and Presbyterian are to a large extent synonymous. It is, therefore, proper to use the phrase "Presbyterian system" as designating the doctrinal, ethical, governmental and liturgical principles and regulations of the Presbyterian churches. The controlling idea of the Presbyterian system of thought, both theoretically and practically, is the doctrine of the divine sovereignty. By this sovereignty is meant the absolute control of the universe in all that it contains, whether visible or invisible things, by the one supreme, eternal, omniscient, omnipresent, and omnipotent God for wise, just, holy, and loving ends, known fully alone to himself. This divine so vereignty finds practical expression in the Presbyterian system, tbrough its organizing principle, the sovereignty of the word of God as the supreme and infallible rule of faith and practise. The Presbyterian system accepts and incorporates, as a perpetually binding obligation, only those principles and regulations which can be proved to be of Scriptural origin and warrant. It may be maintained that while in other churches than the Presbyterian, the sovereignty of God and the sovereignty of his word are recognized, it is only in those churches which adhere closely to the Presbyterian system that the logical outcome in faith, government, and worship of these two great truths, finds definite, general, and vital expression.

2. Polity:

1. Scriptural Basis.

The Presbyterian polity, it is maintained, finds clear warrant in the Holy Scriptures. Divine in its origin, one of its chief lesser sources was the Jewish ecclesiastical system of the time of Christ, excluding the priestly element. In that, system the people were associated together in synagogues or congregations for worship and godly living, and were governed by bodies of men called elders (Acts xiii. 15). In each congregation also, there was an officer known as the chief ruler of the synagogue, who was the president of the elders, and instruction was given either by the "legate" of the synagogue or by the doctors of the law (see SYNAGOGUE). The elders also constituted the bodies called the local sanhedrins, which exercised judicial functions within limited districts; while the control of the affairs of the Church-State as a whole was vested in a council composed of priests, elders, and scribes, designated as the Great Sanhedrin. Under this Jewish system our Lord lived. One of the first acts of his ministry was performed in the synagogue at Nazareth (Luke iv. 16), and the authority of the synagogue was recognized by him (Matt. xviii. 17) in the command "Tell it unto the church." The general features of the Jewish system were, it is believed, adopted by the primitive Christian Church, modified in matters of detail by apostolic authority. The elders of the synagogue became the elders of the Christian congregation (Acts xiv. 23); the chief ruler of the synagogue was probably reproduced in the episcopos or parochial bishop; the local sanhedrin was modified and established as the presbytery; and the Great Sanhedrin was the prototype of synods, general assemblies, and councils. The Presbyterian polity, also, finds divine warrant in and gives clear expression to the main principles of ecclesiastical polity set forth in the New Testament. These principles are: (1) The supreme headship of Jesus Christ, as both man and God, involving submission to his law, contained in the Christian Scriptures, as the only rule of faith and practise. (2) The parity of the ministry as ambassadors or representatives of the Supreme Divine Head of the Church. (3) Participation by the people, as members of the household of God, in the government of the Church, through officers chosen by them. (4) The unity of the Church, involving an authoritative control not by individuals, but by representative courts. (5) The right of private judgment in all matters of religion, subject only to the lordship of God over the conscience.

2. Government.

These principles were essential factors in the government of the New Testament Church, and as applied in Presbyterian government result in views of the Church, her officers, and judicatories as follows:

(1) Of the Church:

There is an invisible and there is a visible Church. "The catholic or universal Church, which is invisible, consists of the whole number of the elect that have been, are, or shall be gathered into one, under Christ the head thereof." "The visible Church, which is also catholic or universal under the gospel (not confined to one nation as before under the law), consists of all those persons in every nation, together with their children, who make profession of the holy religion of Christ, and of submission to his laws" (Westminster Confession, Chap. xxv.). The name "catholic" or "universal" is therefore the exclusive property of no one communion or denomination, and all churches holding to the fundamentals of the Christian religion are churches of Christ.

(2) Of Church Power:

The power of the Church is simply ministerial, declarative, and spiritual. It is ministerial, in that the Church exercises power only by Christ's authority. It is declarative, in that the Church is limited to the interpretation of principles and laws already contained in the word of God. The Church can neither add to nor take away from this divine law. It is spiritual, in that the Church is to be concerned alone with ecclesiastical affairs. The Church is not to exercise power in or over the State, neither is the State to usurp authority in or over the Church.

(3) Of the Particular Church:

The immense multitude of those persons in every nation who make profession of the Christian religion can not meet together in one place, and therefore, "it is reasonable and warranted by Scripture example that they should be divided into many particular churches." Presbyterians hold that without reference to the form of government, "a number of professing Christians, with their offspring, voluntarily associated' together, for divine worship and godly living, agreeably to the Holy Scriptures," are a particular church. Every Christian congregation has inherent rights for which it is not dependent upon any alleged superior authority, except as it voluntarily submits to a certain form of government. The, only source of authority is Jesus Christi the great head of the Church,

(4) Of the Officers of the Church:

(a) The Ministry: There is but one order in the ministry, and all ministers are peers each of the other. Denying an apostolical succession of diocesan bishops with authority over ministers, Presbyterians affirm an apostolic succession of apostolic men who have been specially set apart "to prayer and to the ministry of the Word," and who are ordained to their office by ministers alone (,scripRef>Acts vi. 4; 1 Tim. ii. 2). The distinctive mark of a true minister is not Apostolic Succession (q.v.; also see SUCCESSION, APOSTOLIC) in any sense, but the call of God to the work of preaching a pure Gospel. Further, the diocese of the New Testament bishop was limited to his parish, and every pastor is, therefore, at once both preacher and parochial bishop. ' Pastors, not prelates" such are Presbyterian ministers. (b) The Eldership: The New-Testament presbyter was a ruler in the local congregation, and was chosen to office by the people (Acts xiv. 23). In each Congregation a number of elders were associated together as a court of control, and exercised authority, not as individuals, but as an organised body (Acts xx. 17-28). Every Presbyterian congregation is, therefore, governed by a session composed of elders elected by the people, ordained by ministers, and presided over by the bishop or pastor of the congregation. See PRESBYTER. (c) The Diaconate: This office, in its origin, was a provision for the distribution of the benevolenee of the Apostolic Church (Acts vi. 1-4; see DEACON, I.). Presbyterian deacons, therefore, are officers charged with the care of the poor, and also may be entrusted with the temporalities of the congregations. They are chosen by the people, and ordained by ministers. In most Presbyterian churches to-day, temporalities are in charge of secular officers known ss trustees.

(5) Of Church Membership:

The terms of admission to the communion of the visible church are the same as the terms or conditions of salvation revealed in the Holy Scriptures. via., belief in one God, the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ as the divine and all-sufficient savior, involving acceptance of the Bible as the only infallible rule of faith and practise, and the declaration of a sincere purpose to lead a life acceptable to God in Jesus Christ. The Christian churches have no right either to add to or to take from these terms or conditions, and all who have accepted them are brethren in Christ. Churchmembers, as to their conduct, are under the control of the church through the pastors and elders as guides in the Christian life, and subject to discipline by the session for offenses (Matt. xviii. 17), provided, however, that every member deeming himself injured by the action of a session may appeal or complain to a higher court.

(6) Of Church Courts:

The distinguishing feature of Presbyterian government is the church court, the government of representative bodies, and not of individuals. Indeed it derives its distinctive name as a church polity from the "presbytery" of the New Testament, an organization including both ministers and elders. The governing bodies of the particular churches are known as sessions, consisting each of a pastor and a number of elders, elected by the people, and forming the first of the church courts. Fully organized denominational churches have higher or superior courts, known as presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies, through which the four great principles of ecclesiastical polity above mentioned find full expression. A presbytery is a church court exercising authority, legislative, executive, and judicial, over a number of congregations within a limited geographical area, and is composed of all the ministers within said area, with the addition of an elder from each congregation. The presbytery thus exhibits the unity of the church in a visible and tangible form; emphasizes the parity of the ministry, by concentrating the supervisory authority in all its ministerial members; sets forth the rights of the people by the presence of elders as their representatives, ruling conjointly with ministers; and exalts the headship of Christ by magnifying his law as the sole rule of procedure, and the interests of his kingdom as the sole sphere of Christian activity. Synods and general assemblies are but larger presbyteries, necessitated by the extent and numbers of any given denomination, and emphasising, in a yet more marked manner, the unity of the church. The constitutions of denominational Presbyterian churches provide for a general system of supervision by higher over lower courts in administrative and judicial matters, the power of final decision being vested in the general assembly. The scriptural warrant for the presbytery is found in such passages as I Tim. iv. 14, and for the synod and general assembly in Acts xv. 22-24, and xvi, 14. To this system of government was added, in 1875, the General Council of the "Alliance of the Reformed Churches throughout the World holding the Presbyterian System," which though a merely advisory body, yet recognizes the unity of the universal Christian Church through its world-wide constituency.

3. Worship:

Presbyterian worship is in part a matter of polity. It is based as to its character on the facts that a human priesthood is unknown to the New Testament, and that the only priest of the new dispensation is the Lord Jesus Christ. Ministers are not priests, but preachers. Sacerdotalism, therefore, whether in connection with the sacraments, or enforced liturgies, or priestly vestments, has no place in the worship of the Presbyterian churches. The sacraments are simply ordinances, wherein by sensible signs Christ and his benefits "are represented, seal, and applied to believers." Prayer is the free intercourse of the soul with God, and ought not to be hindered by such human devices as compulsory prayer-books. Ministers are not mediators between God and man, possessed of a delegated divine authority to forgive sins, but simply leaders of the people in all that constitutes the worship of and fellowship with the triune God. True worshipers worship the Father neither in Samaria nor in Jerusalem, but in spirit and in truth.

By its doctrine the Presbyterian system honors the divine sovereignty without denying human responsibility; by its polity it exalts the headship of Christ while giving full development to the activities of the Christian people; and in its worship it magnifies God while it brings blessing to man, by insisting upon the right of free access on the part of every soul to him whose grace can not be fettered in its ministrations by any human ordinances what soever.

W. H. ROBERTS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Westminster Standards being accepted by all the branches of the Presbyterian Church, nearly all those branches issue these fundamental works through their own boards of publication. For the history of the standards see the article on the subject. The prime sources for history, are, of course, the Minutes of the various presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies, which are also issued generally through the boards of publication. Works of general character are R. C. Reed, Hist. of the Presbyterian Churches of the World, Philadelphia, 1905; and J. V. Stephens, The Presbyterian Churches, Divisions, and Unions in Scotland, Ireland, Canada, and America, ib.,1910. For the more general history of Presbyterianism in Scotland consult: D. Calderwood, Hist. of the Kirk of Scotland, ed. for Wodrow Society, 8 vols., Edinburgh, 1842-49; T. McCrie, Sketches of Scottish Church History embracing the Period from the Reformation to the Revolution, 3d ed., ib., 1843; A. Stevenson, The History of the Church and State of Scotland, from the Accession of King Charles 1 to . . . .1626 . . , 2nd ed., ib. 1844; R. Keith, Hist. of Afairs in Church and State in Scotland, 162:7-68, ed. for the Spottiswoode Society, 3 vols., ib. 1844-50; F. Stephen, History of the Church of Scotland, from the Reformation to the Present Time, 4 vols., London, 1848; W. M. Hetherington, History of the Church of Scotland, from the Introduction of Christianity to the Disruption, May 18, 1843, 7th ed., Edinburgh, 1853; J. Anderson, Ladies of the Reformation, 2 vols., Glasgow, 1856; J. Lee, Lectures on the Hist. of the Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1800; idem, Ladies of the Covenant: Memoirs of Distinguished Scottish Female Characters, Embracing the Period of the Covenant arid the Persecution, New York, 1880; G. Grub, The Ecclesiastical Hist. of Scotland, 4 vols., ib. 1861; Hew Scott, Fasti eccles� Scotican�, 6 vols., London, 1866-71; A. P. Stanley, Lectures on the Hist. of the Church of Scotland, ib. 1879; A. H, Charteris, The Church of the Ninteenth Century to 1843, in St. Giles Lectures, 1 ser., Edinburgh, 1881; J. Tulloch, The Church of the Eighteenth Century, 1707-1800, in St. Giles Lectures, 1 ser. ib, 1881; J. C. Moffat, The Church in Scotland. A History of its Antecedents, its Conflicts and its Advocates , . , to the first Assembly of the Reformed Church, Philadelphia, 1882; J. Cunnningham, Church Hist. of Scotland, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1883; A. Edgar, Old Church Life in Scotland, London, 2 ser., 1885-86; C. G. McCrie, Scotland's Place and Part in the Revolution of 1688, Edinburgh, 1889; A. Williamson, What has the Church done for Our Colonies? ib. 1890; R. H. Story, The Church of Scotland , 5 vols., London, 1890-91; H. Cowan, Influence of the Scottish Church in Christendom, ib. 1898; M. G. J. Kinloch, Studies in Scottish Ecclesiastical History in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ib. 1898; P. Hume Brown, Hist. Of Scotland, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1899-1902; W. R. Taylor, Religious Thought and Scottish Church Life in the Nineteenth Century, Edinburgh, 1900; C. G. MeCrie, The Church of Scotland; her Divisions and her Reunions, London, 1901; J. Macpherson, History of the Church of Scotland from the Earliest Times, ib. 1901; G. Macleod, The Doctrine and Validity of the Ministry and Sacraments of the Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1903; H. F. Henderson. The Religious Controversies of Scotland, ib. 1905; H. Macpherson, Scotland's Battles for Spiritual Independence, London, 1905; Cambridge Modern History, v., 279 sqq.. New York, 1908.
On the United Free Church consult: J. A. Wylie, Disruption Worthies: a Memorial of 1843, Edinburgh, 1843; R. Buchanan, Ten Years' Conflict: History of the Disruption of the Church of Scotland, 2 vols., Glasgow, 1849; A. Turner, The Secession of 1843, Edinburgh, 1859; J. Bryce, Ten Years of the Church of Scotland, (1833-43), 2 vols., ib. 1850; W. Cunningham, Discourses on Church Principles, ib. 1883; N. L. Walker, Scottish Church History, ib. 1882; H. W. Monereiff, The Free Church Principle: its Character and History, ib. 1883; W. Nicholson, The Disruption, London, 1883; T. Brown, Annals of the Disruption: consisting chiefly of Extracts from the Autograph Narratives of Ministers who left the Scottish Establishment in 1843, new ed., Edinburgh, 1884 J. C. Johnstone, The Treasury of the Scottish Covenant, compiled by J. C. Johnstone, ib. 1887 (a series of extracts from important original documents and productions of contemporaries, covering Scottish Presbyterianism down to 1878, with an exhaustive bibliography; a most useful book); P. Bayne, The Free Church of Scotland; her Origin, Founders and Testimony, ib. 1893, New York, 1894; W. G. Blaikie, After Fifty Years, Letters of a Grandfather on the Jubilee of the Free Church, London, 1893; T. Brown, Annals of the Disruption, Edinburgh, 1893; D. A. Mackinnon, Some Chapters in the Scottish Church History; A Souvenir of the Jubilee of the Free Church of Scotland, ib. 1893; G. B. Ryley and J. M. McCandlish, Scotland's Free Church. A Historical Retrospect and Memorial of the Disruption, with a Summary of Free Church Progress and Finance, 1843-93, ib. and New York, 1893; The Free Church of Scotland Appeals, ed. R. L. Orr, Edinburgh, 1904 (official report of the whole proceedings in the house of lords in the litigation following the union of 1900); A. M. Stewart, The Origins of the United Free Church in Scotland, London, 1905; The Highland Witness of the United Free Church of Scotland, Glasgow, 1905; Practice and Procedure in the United Free Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1905 (official guide to the forms of procedure recognised).
On other Scotch churches and branches consult: J. Row, History of the Kirk of Scotland, 2 vols., London, 1834; J. MacGregor, The Church of the Present Day, and Disestablishment and Disendowment, contributions to the St. Giles Lectures, 1 and 8 series, Edinburgh, 1881, 1888; A. Scott, The Church from 1843 to 1881 A.D., in St. Giles Lectures, 1 ser., ib. 1881; P. M. Muir, The Church of Scotland, London, 1891; J. A. MacClymont, The Church of Scotland, Aberdeen, 1892; J. McKerrow, History of the Secession Church, 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, new ed. 1848; A. Thomson, Historical Sketch of the Origin of the Secession Church and the History of the Rise of the Relief Churchby G. Struthers, Edinburgh, 1848; D. Scott, Annals and Statistics of the Original Secession Church, ib. 1888; W. Blair, The United Presby. Church, Edinburgh, 1888; A. R. MacEwen, The United Presby. Church, London, 1898; R. Small, History of the Congregations of the United Presby. Church from 1733-1800, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1904; R. Naismith, Reformed Presby. Church of Scotland, ib. 1877; M. Hutchinson, The Reformed Presby. Church, 1680-1876, Paisley, 1893; J. Tait, Two Centuries of the Border Church Life, Kelso, 1889; J. W. Brown, The Covenanters of the Merse:� their History and Sufferings as found in the Records of that Time, London, 1893; D. H. Fleming, Story of the Scottish Covenants in Outline, Edinburgh, 1904; A. Smellie, Men of the Covenant, 7th ed., London, 1909; and the works cited under COVENANTERS, together with the Works of John Knox.
On Scotch doctrine, worship, polity, and law consult: Annals of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from the Final Secession in 1738 to the Origin of the Relief in 1752, Edinburgh, 1840; A. Peterkin, Records of the Kirk of Scotland, containing the Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies from . . 1838 . . with Notes and historical Illuatrations, ib. 1843; Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 1838-1848. Reprinted from the original edition under the Superintendence of the Church Law Society, ib. 1883; A. Duncan, The Scottish Sanctuary as it was and as it is. Recent Changes in Public Worship, ib. 1882; G. W. Sprott, The Worship of the Church of Scotland, ib. 1882; Constitution and Law of the Church of Scotland, ib. 1884; Practice of the Free Church in her Courts, ib. 1888; C. N. Johnston, Handbook of Scottish Church Defense. Prepared at the Request of the Church Interests Committee of the Church of Scotland, ib. 1892; C. G. McCrie. The Public Worship of Presbyterian Scotland historically Treated, London, 1892; T. Cochrane, Handbook to the Principal Acts of the Free Church, Edinburgh,1900; W. G. Black, The Parochial Ecclesiastical Law of Scotland, ib. 1901; A. T. Innes, The Law of Creeds in Scotland, ib. 1902; The Church Union Case. Judgment of the Court of Session 4th July, 1902, ib. 1902; J. M. Duncan, The Parochial Ecclesiastical Law of Scotland, ib. 1903; W. Mair, A Digest of Laws and Decisions, Ecclesiastical and Civil, Relating to the Church of Scotland, ib. 1904; The Free Church Appeals, 1903-04, ed. R. L. Orr, ib. 1904; Free Church Union Case, Judgment of the House of Lords, 1st August, 1804, ib. 1904; C. G. McCrie, Confessions of the Church of Scotland, their Evolution in History, ib. 1907.
For Presbyterianism in England consult: D. Neal, Hist.of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1793-1797; W. Wilson, Hist. and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches in London, 4 vols., London, 1808-14; T. McCrie, Jr., Annals of the English Presbytery, ib. 1872; J. Black, Presbyterianism in England in the 18th and 18th Centuries, ib. 1887; A. H. Drysdale, Hist. of the Presbyterians in England, ib. 1889; D. Fraser, Sound Doctrine. Commentary on the Articles of Faith of the Presbyterian Church of England, ib. 1892; Provincial Assembly of Lancashire and Cheshire. Record of the Provincial Assembly of the Presby. Church, Manchester, 1898; G. B. Howard, Rise and Progress of Presbyterianism, London, 1898; K. M. Black, The Scots Churches in England, Edinburgh, 1908.
On Presbyterianism in Ireland read: P. Adair, Rise of the Presby. Church in lreland, Edinburgh, 1886; J. S. Reid and W. D. Killen, Hist. of the Presby. Church in Ireland, new ed., Belfast, 1867; T. Witherow, Historical and Literary Memorials of Irish Presbyterianism, 2 vols., ib. 1879; T. Hamilton, Hist. of the Irish Presby. Church, Edinburgh, 1888; C. H. Irwin, History of Presbyterianism in Dublin, London, 1890; idem, Hist. of Presbyterianism in the South West of Ireland, ib. 1890; W. Cleland, Hist. of the Presby. Church in Ireland, Toronto, 1891; R. M. Edgar, Progressive Presbyterianism, Belfast, 1894; S. Ferguson, Brief Sketches of some Irish Covenanting Ministers during the Eighteenth Century, Londonderry, 1897; W. T. Latimer, A History of Irish Presbyterians, new ed. Belfast, 1902.
For the general history of Presbyterianism in America consult: C. Hodge, Constitutional Hist. of the Presby. Church, 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1839-40; R. Webster, Hist. of the Presby. Church in America, ib. 1858; W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, vols. iii.-iv., ix., New York, 1859-69; A. Blaikie, History of Presbyterianism in New England, 2 vols., Boston, 1881; C. A. Briggs, American Presbyterianism, New York, 1885 (valuable for reprint of documents); T. Murphy, The Presbytery of the Log College: Cradle of the Presbyterian Church in America, Philadelphia, 1890; J. W. MacIlvain, Early Presbyterianism in Maryland, Baltimore, 1890; G. P. Hays, Presbyteriana; . . Origin, Progress, Doctrines, and Achievements, New York, 1892; Twentieth Century Addresses, Philadelphia, 1902; A Short Hist. of American Presbyterianism . . . to the Reunion of 1869, ib. 1903; C. L. Thompson, The Presbyterians, New York, 1903.
Works on the history of the Northern and Southern Churches are: E. H. Gillett, Hist. of the Presby. Church in the U. S. A., 2 vols., rev. ed., Philadelphia, 1873; R. E. Thompson, in American Church History Series, vol. vi., New York, 1895; W. H. Foote, Sketches of Virginia, 2 series, Philadelphia, 1850-55; G. Howe, Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in South Carolina, 2 vols., Columbia, 1870-83; W. A. Alexander, Digest of the Acts of the General Assembly, Richmond, 1888; R. L. Dabney, Discussions, 3 vols., ib. 1890-92; T. C. Johnson, Hist. of the Southern Presby. Church, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New York, 1894; E. D. Morris, The Presbyterian Church New School, 1837-1889, Columbus, 1905. On the Cumberland Church, for history consult: J. Smith, History of the Christian Church including a history of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Nashville, Tenn., 1835; F. R. Cossitt, The Life and Times of the Rev. Finis Ewing, one of the Fathers and Founders of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1853; R. Beard, Biographical Sketches of the Early Ministers of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 2 vols., ib. 1867; E. B. Crisman, Origin and Doctrines of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib.1875; T. C. Blake, Old Log House: History and Defense of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1878; Semi-Centennial Exercises and Addresses, ib. 1880; B. W. McDonnold, History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1888 (much the fullest work published on this subject); R. V. Foster, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New York, 1894. For the doctrine consult: Finis Ewing, Lectures on Theological Subjects, Nashville, 1824; R. Donnell, Thoughts on Various Theological Subjects, ib. 1852; R. Beard (formerly professor of systematic theology in the seminary at Lebanon), Lectures on Theology, 3 vols., ib. 1870; idem, Why am I a Cumberland Presbyterian?, ib. 1874; S. G. Burney, The Doctrine of Election, ib. 1879; idem, Baptismal Regeneration, ib. 1880; idem, Atonement and Law Reviewed, ib. 1888; idem, Soteriology, ib. 1889; idem, Studies in Ethics and Psychology, ib. 1891; T. C. Blake, Compend of Theology, ib. 1880; W. J. Darby, Our Position, ib. 1889 (a pamphlet); R. V. Foster, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, ib. 1891; idem, Our Doctrines, ib. 1897; idem, Systematic Theology, ib. 1898; J. M. Howard, Creed and Constitution of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1892; A. B. Miller, Doctrine and Genius of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1892; J. R. Collingsworth, Pseudo Church Doctrine, 1892. On other Presbyterian churches in the United States and for the brotherhood consult: W. M. Glasgow, Hist. of the Reformed Presby. Church in America, Baltimore, 1888; J. P. Miller, Biographical Sketches . . . of the First Ministers of the Associate Church in America. Albany, 1829; R. Latham, Hist. of the Associate Reformed Synod of the South, Harrisburg, 1882; J. B. Scouller, History of the United Presby. Church of North America, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New York, 1894; T. Hancock, Church Error: or, instrumental Music condemned, Dallas, Texas, 1902; J. B. Scouller, Manual of the United Presby. Church of N. A., Pittsburg, 1888; idem, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New York, 1894; Presbyterian Brotherhood. Reports of the First Convention, Indianapolis, Nov. 13-15, 1906, Philadelphia, 1907, and Report of the Second Convention, Nov. 12-14, 1907, ib. 1908, and of the third, ib. 1909.
On the Presbyterian Churches of Canada and Victoria consult: G. Bryce, The Presbyterian Church in Canada, Toronto, 1875; W. Gregg, Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, ib. 1885; Canada Presbyterian Church. Rules and Forms of Procedure in the Church Courts, ib. 1903; R. Hamilton. History of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, Melbourne, 1888.
On Presbyterian Doctrine, Polity and Government consult: R. Baxter, Five Disputations, London, 1659; S. Miller, Presbyterianism, Philadelphia, 1835; D. King, Defence of the Presby. Form of Church Government, Edinburgh, 1854; T. Witherow, Which is the Apostolic Church? Belfast, 1856, Philadelphia, 1879; W. E. Moore, New Digest of the Acts and Deliverances of the Presby. Church, New School, Philadelphia, 1861; idem, The Presbyterian Digest, United Church, ib. 1873; A. A. Hodge, Commentary on the Confession of Faith, Philadelphia, 1869; C. Hodge, Discussions in Church Polity, New York, 1879; A. T. McGill, Church Government, Philadelphia, 1889; J. A. Hodge, What is Presby. Law as defined by Church Courts?, ib. 1891; L. Sobkowski, Epiakopat und presbyterat in den ersten christliohen Jahrhunderten, W�rzburg, 1893; D. D. Bannerman,
Worship, Order and Polity of the Presby. Church, Edinburgh, 1894; A. Wright, The Presby. Church; its Worship, Functions and Orders, ib. 1895; J. N. Ogilvie, and A. C. Zenos, The Presby. Churches: their Place in Modern Christendom, New York, 1898; R. E. Prime, The Elder in his Ecclesiastical Relations, ib. 1896; A. King, The Ruling Elder, London 1898; E. W. Smith, The Creed of Presbyteries, Toronto, 1902; W. Paterson, The Church of the New Testament the Presbyterate, London, 1903; Constitution of the Presby Church in the U. S. of America, Philadelphia, 1904; W. S. Roberts, Manual for Ruling Elders and Other Church Officers, ib. 1905; J. V. Stephens, Presbyterian Government, Nashville, 1907; W. M. Macphail, The Presbyterian Church. A Brief Account of its Doctrine, Worship, and Polity, London, 1908; Directory and Forms for Public Worship. Issued by the Church Worship Association of the United Free Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1909.

 

1 The using of this country as a penal settlement was one of the consequences of American independence. After 1619 convicted prisoners in England were either sent or allowed to go to the United Provinces, but when the American Revolution took place, Britain had to consider her future mode of dealing with such. Captain Cook's report of the country suggested New South Wales as a penal settlement, for the purpose of ridding England of its numerous criminals, as furnishing a safe place of their detention, and as promising a desirable home for time-expired and well-behaved prisoners, giving them a chance of reputable living, and in 1787 the first prisoners reached the colony.

PRESBYTERIUM: A body of elders, Jewish (Luke xxii. 66; Acte xxii. 5) or Christian (I Tim. iv. 14).

 

PRESBYTERY: An ecclesiastical term having two distinct uses. (1) The part of the church, behind the altar, which contained seats for the bishops and presbyters (priests), divided from the rest by rails, so that none but clergy might enter it. (2) An ecclesiastical court of Presbyterian churches, next in rank above the session, composed of all the ministers, and one elder from each church -within a certain radius, and having jurisdiction over the ministers composing it, over the candidates for the ministry and licentiates, and over the churches within its bounds. See POLITY, ECCLESIASTICAL; and PRESBYTERIANS, X.

 

PRESENCE AND PRESENCE FEES: The personal discharge of ecclesiastical duties by each incumbent upon whom the duties in question devolve, and the emoluments connected with the performance of such duties. Every incumbent of an ecclesiastical position is required to administer it in person, unless he may legally have a representative and leave of absence (see RESIDENCE). Personal presence is especially required of all those who are bound to recite the canonical hours in choir; and according to the Council of Vienne (1311), this is the case in cathedral, monastic, and collegiate churches, other churches being governed by their own usage. Those who do not conform to this regulation not only incur other penalties, but also forfeit their presence fees and consolations. The presence fees are those emoluments mbich are daily earned by personal attendance, and are distributed either daily or weekly. The consolations are emoluments in money or in kind (wine, poultry, eggs, etc.) which are distributed at fixed intervals; and they also include oblations, Or revenues from anniversary masses, masses for the dead, and the like. Since, however, these presence fees and revenues were not forthcoming in every religious foundation, the Council of Trent enacted that a third of all incomes and revenues should daily be distributed among Such of the clergy as were actually present. Otherwise the daily revenues should accrue to the remaining clergy in residence, or should be devoted to the improvement of the church building or, at the discretion of the bishop, to some other pious institution.,/p>

E. SEHLING.

PRESENTATION OF THE VIRGIN MARY, FEAST OF THE. See MARY, MOTHER OF JESUS CHRIST, IIl.

 

PRESIDING ELDERS. See METHODISTS, IV., 1, 8.

 

PRESSENS�, pr�'son"s�', EDMOND (DEHAULT) DE: French Protestant; b. at Paris Jan, 7, 182-1; d. there Apr. 8, 1891. He was educated at the College Bourbon and the College Sainte Foy; and after studying theology at Lausanne (1842-45), he became, in 1847, assistant pastor of the Chapelle Taitbout in Paris, becoming pastor two years later and retaining this position until 1871. He was elected to the National Assembly for the Department of the Seine in 1871, where he joined the Republican Left, and fought with Gambetta against the monarchist and clerical restoration. On the dissolution of the assembly he retired from political life until 1883, when he became a member of the Senate for life, being president of the Left Center after 1888. Pressens�'s political career did not interfere with his religious duties. Though he had resigned his pastorate in 1871 he preached continually both in his old pulpit and throughout France and French Switzerland, while he was long the president of the Commission synodale de l'union des l'�glises libres �ang�liques de France. An enthusiastic advocate of the free-church system, he was as catholic in church relations as in theology. Throughout his life he cultivated all forms of Protestantism, and many Roman Catholics were among his friends. Amid all his activities he found time for authorship. He published, among other works, eight Conferences sur le ehristianisme daas ses applications aux questions sociales (Paris, 1849); Du catholicisme en France (1851); Histoire des trois premiers si�cles de l'�glise chr�tienne (4 vols., 1858-1877; Eng. transl., The Early Years of Christianity, London, 1869-78); Discours religieux (1859); L'Ecole critique et J�sus-Christ (1863); L'�lglise et la r�volution fran�aise (1864, new ed., 1889; Eng. transl., Religion and the Reign of Terror, New York, 1869); J�sus-Christ, sort temps, sa vie, son �uvre (1865, new ed., 1884; Eng. transl., Jesus Christ: His Times, Life, and Work, 4th ed., London, 1871); �tudes �vang�liques (1867; Eng. transl., Mystery of Suffering and Other Discourses, London, 1868); Le Concile du Vatican, son histoire et ses cons�quences politiques et religieuses (1872); La Libert� religieuse en Europe d�puis 1870 (1874); Le Devoir (1875); La Question eccl�siastique en 1877 (1878); �tudes contemporaines (1880; Eng. transl., Contemporary Portraits, New York, 1880); Les Origines (1883; Eng. transl., A Study of Origins, London, 1883); Vari�tes morales et politiques (1886); Les �glises libres de France et la r�forme, fran�aise (1887); and A. Vinet, d'apri's ses correspondances inedites (1890). He was also a prolific contributor to the periodical press, and in 1854 founded the Revue chr�tienne, of which he was editor at the time of his death.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

BiBLIOGRAPHY: Hyacinthe Loyson, Edmond de Pressenc�, Paris, 1891; Lichtenberger, ESR, xiii. 164. A very full list of the works is found in H. P. Thieme, Guide bibliographique de la litt�rature fran�aise, pp. 324-325, Paris, 1907.

PRESSLY, JOHN TAYLOR: United Presbyterian; b. in Abbeville District, S. C., Mar. 28, 1795; d. at Allegheny, Pa., Aug. 13, 1870. He was graduated at Transylvania University, Ky., 1812, and studied theology under John Mitchell Mason (q.v.); he was ordained and installed, 1816, pastor of the Cedar Spring congregation, the one in which he had been brought up; and was professor of theology in the theological seminary, and pastor at Allegheny, Pa., after 1832. He took a leading part in organizing the United Presbyterian Church, which in 1858 was formed out of the Associate and Associate Reformed Presbyterian Churches; and the strength of this denomination in Pittsburg and its neighborhood is largely due to him. As preacher, pastor, and professor, be exerted a lasting influence upon his denomination.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Piper, Lives of the Leaders of our Church Universal, ed. H. M. MaeCracken, pp. 778-783, Philadelphia, 1879.

 

PRESTER JOHN: A legendary Christian king of Asia, who in the twelfth century was supposed to have conquered the Mohammedans in a bloody battle and to have protected the crusaders. Bishop Otto of Freising, followed by Alberic, in his chronicle for 1145, relates that a bishop of Gabula told Pope Eugene III. of a Nestorian king and priest named Presbyter Johannes, who ruled "beyond Persia and Armenia," the double office being due to a confusion of kam ("priest") with khan ("prince"). In his chronicle on 1165, moreover, Alberic states that Prester John, "the king of the Indians," sent letters to various Christian rulers, especially to Manuel of Constantinople and the Roman Emperor Frederick. Influenced by rumors of such a king, Alexander III. sent his physician in ordinary in search of the monarch, directing his letter, dated at Venice Sept. 27, 1177, "to the king of the Indians, the most holy of priests," but the messenger disappeared without leaving a trace.

A new epoch for the legend began with the Dominican and Franciscan missions to the East after 1245. The majority of reports agreed that Prester John no longer lived, but had fallen in battle with Genghis Khan, the chief authority for this form of the legend being the Franciscan Wilhelmus Rubruquis. On Jan 8, 1305, the archbishop of Peking, John of Monte Corvino (q.v.), told of a King George of the Nestorian sect, a descendant of the famous Prester John of India. This monarch had ruled in a land called Tenduch, twenty days distant, had become a convert to the Roman Catholic faith, and, after receiving minor orders, had ministered in his royal robes. This king, termed by Marco Polo the sixth after Prester John, had died in 1299. The fall of the Mongol dynasty in China in 1368 put an end to the missions in the East, but the way was already prepared for the third, or African, phase of the legend by the vague use of the term "India" and the accounts of a Christian kingdom of "Abascia" in middle India. This transfer from Asia to Africa was aided by the similarity of the names of the Abchases in the Caucasus (also called Abasi and Abassini) and the Abyssinians. The Roman Catholic Jordanus, bishop of Quilon in southern India, called the king of Ethiopia simply John. Envoys of this monarch appeared in Europe c. 1400, and when the Portuguese undertook to voyage to the East Indies, they were encouraged in great part by the fame of the realm of Prester John, and when they found the Christians of St. Thomas in Malabar, they fancied that region a Christian kingdom.

A careful study of medieval travels led to the identification with Prester John of Unk Khan, whom Rubruquis and others had declared to be the brother of a Nestorian King John, who had ruled over the Naymans, but had gained the throne of the Catai or Caracatai after the death of Coir Khan. Others saw in the Tibetan Lama an apostate descendant of the mythical king, and still others brought the so-called Christians of St. John into the discussion. In 1839 M. A. P. Avezac-Macaya investigated the legend of Prester John (Recueil de voyages et de memoires publ� par la Soci�te de Geographie, IV., 547-654), and identified the Coir Khan of Rubruquis with the Ghaur Khan, the founder of the kingdom of Qara-Khithay, who was a Buddhist, but apparently had many Nestorian subjects. This prince, called Yeliu Tashe by the Chinese, was succeeded in 1136 by his son Yeliu Yliei, and in 1155 by his grandson Tchiluku. In 1208 the latter made the Nayman Prince Kushluk his son-in-law, only to meet his death at the hands of his thankless prot�g�, who in his turn was killed in 1218 by Genghis Khan. Rubruquis took the title Ghaur Khan as a proper name, fused the first three princes into one, and finally gave ground to the confusion with Unk Khan, who was killed by Genghis Khan fifteen years before Kushluk.

According to Gustav Oppert Ghaur Khan or Kor Khan was changed by phonetic laws to Yor Khan, which was corrupted through the Hebrew Yohan nan and the Syriac Yuhanan into Johannes. It is a historic fact, moreover, that Kushluk's wife, the daughter of the last Ghaur Khan, was a Christian, and that descendants of this royal family who later ruled in Tenduch were also Christians and ruled over a Christian population.

(W. GERMANNt.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Zarneke, in the Abhandlunpen of the Saxon Academy of Sciences, philological-historical class, vol. vii., 1879, vol. viii., 1883-88; G. Oppert, Der Presbyter Johannes in Sage and Geschichte, 2d ed., Berlin, 1870; G. Brunet, La L�gende du Pr�tre-Jean, Bordeaux, 1877; S. Baring-Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, London, 1884; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 437-439.

PRESTON, JOHN: Puritan; b. at Upper Heyford (6 m. w. of Northampton) in the latter half of 1587; d. at Preston-Capes (12 m. w.s.w. of Northampton) July 20, 1628. He was educated at King's College (1604-06) and Queen's College, Cambridge (1606-07), and became fellow at the latter, 1609. He took orders and became dean and catechist at Queen's. On the nomination of the duke of Buckingham, he was made chaplain to Prince Charles, preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and master of Emanuel College (1622). He was the chaplain-in-waiting at the death of King James I. (1625). In his closing years, his stanch Puritanism cost him the duke's patronage. As a preacher, he attracted great attention. He was also a vigorous defender of Calvinism. His writings were very popular; a few of which are: The New Covenant, or the Saints' Portion (London, 1629); The Saint's Daily Exercise (1629); and The Breastplate of Faith (1630).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The life of the Renowned Doctor Preston, written by Thomas Ball in 1628, was abridged by Samuel Clarks and several times printed, e.g., in Lives of Thirtytwo English Divines, pp. 75 sqq,. London, 1877, and is edited by E. W. Harcourt, Oxford, 1885. Consult further: D. Neal, Hist. of Puritans, ed, J. Toulmin, ii. 124 sqq., 5 vols, Bath 1793-97; B. Brooke, Lives of the Puritans, ii. 356 sqq., 3 vols., London, 1813; DNB, xlvi. 308-312 (gives a list of twenty-four works).

 

PRESTON, THOMAS SCOTT: Roman Catholic; b. at Hartford, Conn., July 23, 1824; d. in New York Nov. 4, 1891. He was brought up in the Protestant Episcopal Church; was graduated from Trinity College, Hartford,, 1843, and from the General Theological Seminary, New York, 1846; was ordained in 1846, and served as assistant rector at the Church of the Annunciation and subsequently at St. Luke's, both in New York City, till 1849, when he entered the Roman Catholic Church; he studied a year at St. Joseph's Seminary, Fordham, and was ordained priest in 1850; served as assistant at the cathedral in New York and at St. Mary's, Yonkers; became chancellor of the diocese of New York in 1853 and vicar-general in 1873, and was also rector of St. Anne's, New York, after 1861. Among his books are: Sermons for the Principal seasons of the Sacred Year (New York, 1864); Christian Unity (1867); Reason and Revelation (1868); Christ and the Church (1870); Catholic View of the Public School System (1870); The Vicar of Christ (1871); Divine Paraclete: Sermons (1880); Protestantism and the Bible (1880); and God and Reason (1884).

PREUSCHEN, ERWIN FRIEDRICH WILHELM FERDINAND: German Protestant; b. at Lisaberg (not far from Frankfort), Hesse, Jan. 8, 1867. He was educated at the University of Giessen (lie.theol., 1891), and after being an assistant to A. Harnack at Berlin in the preparation of his Bestand der allchrimlichen Literatur (1891-93); held various pastorates in Hesse-Darmstadt until 1897; was a teacher in a gymnasium at Darmstadt (1897-1907), where lie was appointed professor in 1907. In theology he holds that " an investigation of the original form of Christianity as an absolute religion is the only justifiable foundation of theological activity and Christian knowledge, such an investigation to be uninfluenced by philosophical categories and ecclesiastical dogmas." He has written Analekta, k�rzere Texte zur Geschichte der alten Kirche and des Kanons (Freiburg, 1893); Palladius and Rufinus (Giessen, 1897); Antilegomend, die Reste der dusserkanonischen Evangelien and urehristlichen Ueberlieferungen (1901); Zwei gnostische Hymnen (1904); Leitfaden der biblischen Geographie (1904); Kirchengeschichte fur die deutsche Familie (Reutlingen, 1905); and Vollst�ndiges griechisch-deutsches Handw�rterbuch zu den Schriften des N. T. (Giessen, 1908 sqq.). He has also edited Tertullian's De p�nitentia et de pudicitia. (Freiburg, 1891) and De pr�scriptione h�reticorum (1892), as well as Origin's commentary on St. John (Leipsic, 1908), while in 1900 he founded the Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentlichte Wissenschaft, of which he has since been the editor. . He has translated E. Hatch's Greek Ideas and Usages, their Infuence upon the Christian Church (London, 1890) under the title Griechentum and Christentum (Freiburg, 1892) and the Armenian version of the sixth and seventh books of the church history of Eusebius (Leipsic, 1902).

 

PRICE, HORACE MACCARTIE EYRE: Church of England bishop; b. at Malvern (36 m. s,w, of Birmingham), England, Aug. 3, 1863. He received his education at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1885; M. A., 1889); was ordained deacon, 1886, and priest, 1888; entered the service of the Church Missionary Society, in which he remained, except for a year, till his consecration as bishop of Fuh Kien, China, in 1906. His appointments were: missionary and vice-principal of the Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, 1886-89; curate of Wingfield, Suffolk, 1889-90; principal of the society's boys' school at Osaka, Japan, 1890-97; acting secretary for the society at Osaka, 1897-98; principal of the society's divinity school in the same city, 1900-03, and secretary for the society, 1899-1904; did missionary work there, till 1906, acting also as examining chaplain to the bishop of Osaka, 1899--1906, as archdeacon of Osaka, 1901-06, and as secretary for the society in central Japan, 1904-1906. These posts he left to take up the duties of his bishopric.

PRICE, IRA MAURICE: Baptist; b. at Welsh Hills, near Newark, O., Apr. 29, 1856. He was educated at Denison University, Granville, O. (B.A., 1879), the Baptist Union Theological Seminary (B.D., 1882), and the University of Leipsic (Ph.D., 1886). He was professor of Greek and modern languages in Des Moines College, Des Moines, Ia.(1879-80), instructor in French and German in Morgan Park Military Academy (1880-83), instructor in Hebrew in Wheaton Theological Seminary (1882-83), and instructor in the Correspondence School of Hebrew (1882-84). After his return from Germany he was instructor (1886,88) and professor (1888-92) of Hebrew in Baptist Union Theological Seminary, and in 1892 was appointed associate professor of Semitic languages and literatures in the University of Chicago, where he has been full professor of the same subjects since 1900. In 1902-08 he was a member of the International Sunday School Lesson Committee, of wbicb be was made secretary in the latter year, and in 1906 he was Gay Lecturer in the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He has written Introduction to the Inscriptions discovered by Mons. E. de Sarzac (Munich, 1887); Syllabus of Old Testament History (New York, 1891); The Great Cylinder inscriptions (A and B) of Gudea, part 1 (Leipsic, 1899); The Monuments and the Old Testament (Chicago, 1899); Some Literary Remains of Rim-Sin (Arioch) of Larsa (1905); and The Ancestry of our English Bible (Philadelphia, 1907).

 

PRIDE: An unwarranted feeling of self-sufficiency, usually manifested by an arrogant bearing and a disregard of the worth of others. The word is used both in a religious and in an ethical sense; but the two forms of pride are closely related, since pride toward God is also directed against society, while arrogance toward one's fellows becomes arrogance toward God. At present the word is employed chiefly in the ethical sense. In the Bible, however, where pride is contrasted with humility, it is the religious sense of the word that prevails. God hates "a haughty look" (Prov. vi. 17), and in his sight all manifestations of pride are an "abomination" (Luke xvi. 15). In the New Testament the Old-Testament contrast between pride and humility is made the basis of the distinction between Pharisaical piety and true religion. While humility is that feeling of dependence which necessarily accompanies faith and love toward God, pride is that self-assurance, or self-righteousness, which prevents one from feeling the need of the grace of God in Jesus Christ. Considered ethically, pride consists in self-exaltation, with correlative depreciation of others. Aside from moral and religious pride there is social pride, which, when combined with benevolence, becomes condescension. In the religious field the worst form of pride is intellectual pride, which carries with it the danger of hypocrisy (Luke xviii. 11-14). Since the normal religious consciousness includes absolute trust in God, while pride is characterized by trust in one's own powers, it is evident that pride is an obstacle to salvation. The transition from the sinful state to the state of grace is possible only in the experience of absolute dependence upon God, and of utter powerlessness to save oneself. From its very nature, faith excludes pride. However, pride persists in Christian life as a blot and a sign of disease.

The conception of pride was completely shifted by the rise and development of Roman Catholicism. Through the authority of the Roman hierarchy submission to the Church and its teachings was substituted for submission to God by faith, and any attempt to separate from the Church was looked upon as wanton arrogance and self-exalttion. Hence, pride came to be regarded by the Church as the basal sin. Since in the monastic orders obedience (i.e., humility and self-renunciation) was the chief requirement, any refractory independence was identified with pride. By this suppression of personality, pride, or superbia, was shifted into the category of the worst, or the very root-sin. Augustine repeatedly characterizes superbia as the chief and basal sin, the source of all other sins, and praises obedientia as the maxima virtus. Prudentius calls superbia "the root of all evil." This conception was introduced into scholasticism by Peter Lombard in the "Sentences." He makes superbia the first of the seven mortal sins and deduces from it all other sins. It is made to account for the fall of the first man, and even of the devil. The fall of man is still too often ascribed to pride (the wishing to "be as God"), which makes the thing to be explained the explanation; for if the origin of sin is to be explained, and pride is sin, it must be shown whence pride arose. If the essence of sin is selfishness, pride can not be regarded as a special sin either toward man or toward God; in both relations it is the evidence of a false and exaggerated estimate of one's own worth, wherein the sin consists.

(L. LEMME.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. E. Luthardt, Saving Truths of Christianity, p. 89, Edinburgh, 1868; J. Martineau, Types of Ethical Theory, 1238, Oxford, 1889.

PRIDEAUX, HUMPHREY: Orientalist; b. at Padstow (25 m. w.n.w. of Plymouth), Cornwall, May 3, 1648; d. at Norwich Nov. 1, 1724. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A.,1672; M.A., 1675; B.D., 1682); and published Marmora Oxoniensa (Oxford, 1676), a transcript of the inscription on the Arundel Marbles (containing many typographical errors). In consequence of this work, the lord-chancellor, Heneage Finch, gave him the living of St. Clement�s, near Oxford, 1679, and a prebend in Norwich Cathedral, 1681. He was appointed also, in 1679, Busby�s Hebrew lecturer in Christ College, in 1683 rector of Bladon, Oxfordshire, in 1688 archdeacon of Suffolk, and in 1702 dean of Norwich. He wrote two famous works:  The True Nature of Imposture Displayed in the Life of Mahomet  (London, 1697; 9th ed., Dublin, 1730); and  The Old and New Testament Connected in the History of the Jews and Neighbouring Nations  (2 vols., London, 1716�18; best ed., the 25th, by J. T. Wheeler, 1858, reedited, 1876; commonly called �Prideaux�s Connection�), this calling forth several works animadverting upon Prideaux� conclusions. The first of these works maintains with great learning and prejudice the lowest view of Mohammed�s character; the second presents a mass of erudition upon all relevant topics.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY:  His  Letters . . . to John Ellis, Under Secretary of State . . . 1674�1798,  E. M. Thompson edited for the Camden Society, London, 1875. His  Life  appeared anonymously, London, 1748. Consult further: A. � Wood,  Athen� Oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss, iv. 656, and the  Fasti,  ii. 331, 348, 384, 400, 4 vols., London, 1813�20; J. Foster,  Alumni Oxonienses, iii. 1212, ib. 1887.

 

 PRIDEAUX, JOHN:  Church of England bishop of Worcester; b. at Stowford, near Ivybridge (10 m. e. of Plymouth), Sept. 17, 1758; d. at Bredon (38 m. s.s.w. of Birmingham) July 29, 1650. He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford (B.A., 1600; M.A., 1603; B.D., 1611; D.D., 1612); took orders soon after receiving his master�s degree; became chaplain to Prince Henry; fellow of the college at Chelsea in 1609; rector of Exeter College, 1612; vicar of Bampton, 1614; regius professor of divinity, 1615; canon of Christ Church, 1616; vicar of Chalgrove and canon at Salisbury, 1620; rector of Ewelme, 1629; was five times vice-chancellor of the university; and was appointed bishop of Worcester, 1641. He was a loyalist, and the surrender of Worcester to the Parliamentary forces in 1646 ended his episcopate; he spent his last years in poverty with his son-in-law, rector of Bredon. He was a diligent writer, mainly in Latin, his principal works in English being  The Doctrine of the Sabbath  (London, 1634), and  Sacred Eloquence (1659); he also wrote on devotional subjects.

 BIBLIOGRAPHY:   DNB, xlvi. 354�356, where references to scattering notices are given.

 PRIERIAS, SILVESTER (SILVESTRO MAZZOLINI):  Italian Dominican and opponent of Luther; b. at Priero (40 m. w. of Genoa) about 1456; d. at Rome at the beginning of 1523. He entered the Dominican monastery of Santa Maria di Castello in Genoa at the age of fifteen, and eight years later was ordained priest. From 1490 to about the end of the century he was studying and teaching at Bologna and Padua, and after being prior of several monasteries was vicar general of the province of Lombardy (1508�10), being at the same time inquisitor in Brixen and vicinity. In 1511 he became inquisitor in the district of Milan and two years later was prior at Cremona. Meanwhile he had written a series of theological works including his  Compendium Capreoli  (1497),  Tractatulus de digbolo  (1502),  Aurea rosa  (1503),  Tractatus de expositione miss�  (1509),  Malleus contra Scotistas  (1514), and especially his  Summa summarum qu� Silvestrina dicitur  (Bologna, 1515; reprinted forty times), a work neither balanced nor original but a comprehensive practical theology. It brought him the fame of an erudite Thomist, and about the middle of 1514, Pope Leo X. called him to Rome to take the Dominican chair of Thomistic theology at the Gymnasium Romanum; and in the following year, through the influence of Cajetan (q.v.), he was appointed master of the sacred palace. Thus he became a councilor of the pope in matters of faith and inquisitor within the city, and was also empowered to act as inquisitor and judge in matters of faith affecting the entire Church. He was influential in securing the condemnation of Reuchlin. As censor he considered the theses of Luther and within three days composed his  Dialogos in pr�sumptuosas Martini Lutheri conclusiones de potestate pap�  (1518). Without having an inkling that it was a religious question with Luther, Prierias, in order to draw out Luther�s fundamentals, set forth in four theses the most extreme views on the infallibility of the Church, concluding that any one asserting that the Church could not do what she did (specifically regarding indulgences) must be adjudged a heretic. Luther, who received this trivial work in Aug., 1518, wrote a reply in two days, while Prierias answered briefly in his  Replica  (1519?) and the German reformer scornfully advised Prierias in a letter now lost not to make himself ridiculous. Prierias, who had meanwhile been officially commissioned to examine Luther�s utterances, published, in 1519, an  Epitoma responsionis ad Martinum Lutherum  (Perugia, 1519), which was, in short, an index of the contents of a comprehensive work which he had meanwhile begun and which appeared as  Errata et argumenta Martini Luteris recitata, detecta, repulsa et copiosissime trita  (Rome, 1519). This was to prove that the papal decision in matters of faith and doctrine was divinely inspired and could be rejected only under penalty of eternal death. Luther published this work, like its predecessors, with a violent preface and appendix, and caustic marginal comments. He could even be half doubtful whether Prierias� statements really represented true Roman doctrine; but Leo X. declared, in a brief of July 21, 1520, that Prierias had written canonically against Luther, and threatened with excommunication and heavy fine any unlicensed reprinting of the work. It always remained an important document for the Roman Catholic doctrine of the period concerning the powers of the pope. Such was the influence of Prierias that Erasmus was forced, despite his hatred of him, to take refuge with him from the Carmelites of Louvain. Other works are  Conflatum ex Sancto Thoma  (with a list of his own writings; Perugia, 1519); and  De strigimagarum d�monumque mirandis libri tres  (Rome, 1521).

(T. KOLDE.)

 BIBLIOGRAPHY:  J. Qu�tif and J. �chard,  Scriptores ordinis pr�dicatorum, ii. 52 sqq., Paris, 1721; F. Michalski,  De Silvestri Prieriatis�vita et scriptis  M�nster, 1892; and the lives of Luther by K�stlin, Kolde and Jacobs (see under LUTHER, MARTIN).

PRIEST, PRIESTHOOD.

I. In the Old Testament. Ranks and Grades (� 1). 6. Perquisites.
1. Name and Conception. Post-Exilic Arrangements (� 2). II. In the Christian Church.
2. History 4. Position and Duties. Early and Patriotic Conceptions (� 1).
Origins (� 1). Teaching Functions (� 1). The Medieval Church (� 2).
To the Division of the Kingdom (� 2). Sacrificial and Other Functions (� 2). The Roman Doctrine (� 3).
The Regal Period (� 3). 5. Consecration, Manner of Life. Anglican Conception (� 4).
Exile to New-Testament Times (� 4). Consecration (� 1).  
3. Organisation. Apparel; Manner of Life (� 2).  

I. In the Old Testament:

1. Name and Conception:

The usual designation of a priest in the Old Testament is kohen, which is reproduced in Aramaic, Phenician, and Ethiopian. The Arabic kahin signifies "seer," "truth-teller," showing a specialization of function. The etymology of the word is yet in doubt. The word kemarim, A. V., "chemarim" (Hoc. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4), is used only of idolatrous priests (II Kings xxiii. 5), while mal'ak, "messenger," is used of the priest only in a figurative sense (Mal. ii. 7; Eccles. v. 6). The Old Testament assumes a priesthood to be a universally established institution, making mention of Melchizedek (q.v.) and of an Egyptian priesthood (Gen. xli. 45, 50, etc.); Moses became the son-in-law of Jethro, a priest of Midian. The inferences that have been drawn from the relationship between Moses and Jethro (Ex. ii. 16, 21, iii. 1, iv. 18, xviii. 1-12) have not been entirely justified. While there may have been connections between the priesthood of Yahweh founded by Moses and the Midianitic-Kenitic priesthood of Jethro, these relationships were due to the long intercourse between the Israelites and the MidianitioKenitic tribes of the Sinai peninsula (see MOSES). The originality of Moses as the founder of the Iaraelitic priesthood and of the religion of Yahweh remains unquestionable. The individuality of the law for the priests delivered by Moses in the name of Yahweh must be considered the outcome of his own life's work; how many of the peculiarities were borrowed by him from the wider Semitic field is uncertain, especially since the age of various inscriptions bearing on the subject has not been fully determined (see HAMMURABI AND HIS CODE; HEXATEUCH). The priesthood of the Phenician Baal threatened under Jezebel to become established in Israel (I Kings xvi. 31-32). Priests of Baal existed in the northern kingdom (II Kings x. 19), and a priest of Baal in Jerusalem, named Mattban, is referred to in ,scripRef>II Kings xi. 18. The opponents of Elijah (q.v.) on Mt. Carmel are called prophets (see PROPHETS, PROPHECY) although they were undoubtedly priests.

2. History:

1. Origin.

Priestly individuals are to be found among the Israelitic tribes before the rise of the national priesthood. They are mentioned prior to the theophany on Sinai (Ex. xix. 22, 24). Aaron is called "the Levite" (that is "the priest" ) as early as Ex. iv. 14. According to the moat ancient tradition it was Moses who, above all, promulgated in priestly fashion from the oracular tent the decrees of God (Ex. xxxiii. 7 sqq.) and the divine legislation (Ex. xviii. 15 sqq.). He is regarded as the founder of the priesthood. The only two priestly clans which come into notice during the period of the judges go back to the family of Moses (cf. for Dan, Judges xviii. 30; and for Shiloh, I Sam. ii. 27-28, according to which God revealed himself in Egypt to the house of Eli and entrusted it with the priesthood). The form of Aaron rises in the old tradition and can not be otherwise disposed of. It is a capricious proceeding to interpret him as a mere personification of the ark of the covenant by a play on the word aron "ark" (E. Renan, Histoire du people d'Israel, i. 179, 5 vols., Paris, 1887-94; Eng. transl., Hist. of the People of Israel, London, 1888 sqq.). It is conceivable that the house of Eli originated with Moses, while the Zadokites were derived from Aaron. It is, however, more probable that the house of Eli went back to Aaron, through one of their ancestors, Phinehas, and lost first place in the genealogy when the legitimacy and higher dignity of the "sons of Zadok" were established as being of great antiquity.

2. To the Division of the Kingdom.

The descendants of Eli retained their priestly office despite the loss of the ark (I Sam. iv. 11 sqq.) and the destruction of Shiloh that ensued probably at that time (Jer. vii. 12, 14). In the time of Saul, Ahia-Ahimelech, grandson of Phinehas, and Ahitub, was priest, carried the ephod, and inquired of Yahweh for Saul I Sam. xiv. 3 sqq.). Nob is mentioned as the home of the sons of Eli who had increased to the number of eighty-five. After the massacre by Saul, the only survivor, Abiathar, fled to David and became his priest (I Sam. xxii). The ark on its return was placed in the house of Abinadab in Kirjath-Jearim and his son, Eleasar, was ordained its guardian (I Sam. vii. 1). Uzza and Ahio are mentioned later as sons of Abinadab (II Sam. vi. 3). The ark having been placed in Jerusalem by David, the priestly service in connection with it continued, and Abiathar and Zadok appear regularly as priests. The sons of David and the Jairite Ira are also referred to as priests (II Sam. viii. 18, xx. 26). David himself on occasion wore the priestly ephod, presented the sacrifice and blessed the people in the name of Yahweh (II Sam. vi. 14, 18, xxiv. 25). The partizanship of Abiathar for Adonijah led to his banishment to Anathoth, and it is possible that Jeremiah "the son of Hilkiah, of the priests of Anathoth" (Jer. i. 1) belonged to this family. Zadok's son Azariah is mentioned as the chief of the royal officials (I Kings iv. 2,/scripRef>).

3. The Regal Period.

Jeroboam, after the division of the kingdom, established an official worship at Bethel and Dan for the northern kingdom with priests who "did not belong to the Levites" (I Kings xii. 31-32, xiii. 33). As royal officials they shared the fate of the dynasty when it fell. After the deportations of 722, 720, and later, the replanted colony asked for priests of Yahweh to conduct the service of the national religion (II Kings xvii. 26 sqq.). Amos (vii. 10 sqq.) and Hosea (iv. 4-14, vi. 9) give unflattering pictures of the priests of the north. In the southern kingdom Jehoshaphat is said to have appointed priests as judges in Jerusalem and throughout the country (II Chron. xvii. 8, xix. 8-11). The priesthood supported the dynasty of David in the time of Athaliah and defended the religion of Yahweh against the Phenician Baal worship. The degeneracy of the Jewish priesthood is described by Isaiah and Micah, but on the discovery of the book of the law (622 B.C.; cf. E. Neville, The Discovery of the Book of the Law, London, 1910) the priesthood cooperated with the king in carrying out its provisions (II Kings xxii.-xxiii.). The reform of Josiah abolished idolatry and the worship on the high places, and raised the position of the priesthood of the capital. Jeremiah (viii. 8) has priests in mind when, among other complaints, he declares that the scribes turn the law into lies. The priests were, next to the false prophets, Jeremiah's principal opponents.

4. Exile to New testament Times.

Many priests must have returned after the exile (Ezra viii. 2, 24). In the first years after the exile the, priests seem to have sunk to a low spiritual and moral level (Zeph. iii. 4; Mal. i. 6-u. 9), and were among those who intermarried with the heathen. Twenty-one of these with the Levites and heads of the people, signed the covenant of Neh. ix. (Neh. x. 3-9). The incomes of the priests and the order of the temple service were regulated at that time. Nehemiah energetically suppressed, during his second stay in Jerusalem, renewed attempts of the priests to form alliances with the surrounding peoples and to grant them rights in the temple (Neh. xiii. 4-9, 28-31), a measure which led to the establishment of the Samaritan congregation (Neh. xiii. 28; Josephus, Ant., XI., vii. 2, viii. 2 sqq.). The high priest and his house steadily gained in importance, and the scribes, as interpreters of the law, acquired the real spiritual leadership of the people (see HIGH PRIEST; PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES). Priests abandoned the service of the altar during the Hellenistic period (see HELLENISM), to view the gymnastic exercises (II Mac. iv. 14). On the other hand, the Maccabees (see HASMONEANS) came of a priestly family. As a consequence of the Maccabean victory the old high priestly aristocracy was compelled to retire, but found in the newly established temple of Leontopolis (q.v.) in Egypt an opportunity for priestly activity. The high regard in which the priesthood was held by the pious in this and the subsequent Period may be inferred from the Book of Jubilees and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (see PSEUDOEPIGRAPHA, IV., 33, 111. 23) in their glorification of Levi. John the Baptist was the son of a priest (Luke i. 5 sqq.), and Josephus came of a priestly family.

3. Organization:

1. Ranks and Grades.

The historical data concerning the organization of the priesthood are scanty. it is probable that there were higher and low grades of temple attendants from the beginning. The Canaanites were probably employed in menial services about the sanctuary (Josephus, Ant., IX.,xxi. sqq.). Foreigners served in the temple up to the time of the exile, and formed racial associations and are called nethinim, "gifts," in the lists of the returned exiles. Toward the close of the regal period there was at the head of the Jerusalem priesthood a "high priest" and a "chief priest," and three doorkeepers (II Kings xxiii. 4, xxv. 18). All this is independent of the question of the relative rank of priests and Levites, which had become acute under the reform of Josiah. Deuteronomy distinguishes between regular priests in service and the solitary Levite in a country town, who occupied the position of a ger ("stranger," q.v.; see also PROSELYTE) and depended upon charity for his subsistence. The Levite had the right to act as priest at the central sanctuary, but it is uncertain what rank he would take there and whether he might remain permanently or must return to his home. This was a question which did not interest the Deuteronomist. During the exile, Ezekiel drafted his proposals for the reorganization of the temple service, among which was that the priests who had served idols on the high places were as a punishment to do the work formerly performed by the foreigners in the temple (Ezek. xliv. 10 sqq.). His program did not create the distinction between superior and inferior temple attendants, or between the aristocratic Zadokites and the humbler Levites of the country; but he established the terminology, and "Levites" was thenceforward the designation of the subordinate temple attendants. Developments, however, did not follow Ezekiel's ideals. The lists of the returned exiles show that those who could not give evidence of priestly descent were excluded from the temple service, that not a few must have attained the priesthood from families outside Jerusalem, and that the distinction between priests and Levites had been established in Palestine as well as in BabyIonia. In the priest code the Levites take a prominent position, but are subordinate to the priests. Theoretically they are the substitutes for the whole community in place of the first-born that belonged to Yahweh and as such are "given" to the priests (,scripRef>Num. iii. 9, viii. 19, xviii. 6). The older opposition between the priestly tribe of Levi and the other tribes appears in P, especially in Num. xvi. xvii. The proportion of priests and Levites given in P, one to 11,000, at no time corresponded in the remotest degree with the facts. P is the representation of an ideal theocracy such as was supposed actually to have existed in the time of Moses. Ezra's reform sought to realize a holy community in accordance with the ideas expressed in P.

2. Post-Exilic Arangements.

A more elaborate distribution of the priests into classes gradually arose out of the preexilic organization into families. There were four classes or families on the return from the exile, those of Joshua (the high-priestly family), Immer, Pashur, and Harim (Ezra ii. 36-39). There was an attempt to connect the post-exilic with the preexilic families. According to rabbinical tradition the four classes were divided by lot into twenty-four. The people, too, are said to have been divided into twenty-four classes, each of which sent representatives for a week to assist at the sacrifices in Jerusalem. (Taanith, iv. 2 sqq) But how far these arrangements were carried out is doubtful. The size of some of the classes made subdivisions necessary. The hierarchical order of the latest period was essentially as follows: (1) The high priest; (2) the captain of the temple (Acts iv. 1, v. 24), subordinates of whom are also mentioned. (3) two katholikin, probably overseers of the temple property; (4) several gizborim, "stewards"; (5) a number of amarkelin, probably guardians of the treasure. The twenty-four heads of courses and of families are in a separate category. A merubheh begadhim, or high priest ordained by investiture instead of by anointment, is added in some places.

4. Position and Duties.

1. Teaching functions.

The priesthood in Israel was held in high respect, although it never had the importance of the hierarchy in Egypt or BabyIonia' It was a sin to kill a priest even at the express command of a king (I Sam. xxii. 17; I Kings ii. 26). But excepting perhaps the house of Eli at Shiloh in the preexilic period the priests were in a state of dependence on private individuals (,scripRef>Judges xvii. 10 sqq.), tribes (,scripRef>Jude xviii. 19), or especially on the kings. Twice the Jerusalem priesthood interfered in politics (I Kings i.; II Kings xi.), but never dared to disregard the royal arrangements for the temple. The position of priests in the community is in no way to be compared with that of the prophets. They lacked organization and after the exile had little influence. Indeed, they were often opposed by the pious among the people, even before the times when Hellenism was influential. The law which gave them an important place in the post-exilic theocracy prevented their historical development, since the ideal which the law was intended to establish was past and fixed. The function of the priesthood according to the law was to mediate between God and the people. It received for God the sacrifices of the people; it imparted Gods blessing to the people. In the ancient period the chief duty of the priests was to learn the divine will or torah by means of the sacred lot (see EPHOD; LOT; and URIM AND THUMMIM). The torah included decisions on doubtful legal points, answers to questions of a ritualistic and ceremonial nature or those asked in important crises. The customary law that arose from the priest code shows that the old Israelitie torah was pervaded by an earnest moral spirit.

2. Sacrificial and Other Functions.

In the more ancient period the assistance of the priests at sacrifice was not required (see SACRIFICE), only later did the services of priests at the sacrifices become customary, and, finally, mercenary. The duties of the priest at the sacrifice may be learned from the priest code, where ancient custom and later practise are described together. The sacrificial animal was slaughtered by him who brought the sacrifice, both in the early period and according to P. Ezekiel would assign the work to the Levites (Ezek. xliv. 11); according to the Chronicles (II Chron. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11) they took part only at great festivals as assistants of the priests. The priests themselves in later times acted as slaughterers at ordinary sacrifices (,scripRef>II Chron. xxix. 24, 34). The priests removed the ashes, maintained the fire, took care of tabernacle, temple furnishings, and appurtenances (Lev. vi. 2 sqq., xxiv. 8; Ex. xxvii. 21, xxx. 7-8; Num. iv. 8 sqq.). It was their duty to examine those who were obliged to remove from the camp and to bring the sacrifice of purification for them (Lev. xiii.xiv.), to deal with the woman suspected of adultery, to reconsecrate the Nazarite whose oath had been violated, and at the close of the consecration period to bring the sacrifice (Num. vi. 9-20,/scripRef>), to present the ashes of purification of the red heifer (Num. xix. 3 sqq.). They were to estimate the value of the redeemable forfeits to the sanctuary, the value of the first-born, of inheritances, and of everything under the ban (Lev. xxvii. 7 sqq.), to pass upon ceremonial purity, to blow the holy trumpets, and finally to bless the people (Lev. x. 10-11; Num. x. 8-10, vi. 23-27). The priest code does not deal with the right of the priests to pronounce judgment, whereas Ezekiel (xliv. 24) strongly emphasizes it, and Deuteronomy (in what is regarded as an interpolation) mentions it explicitly several times (Deut. xvii. 8 sqq., xix. 17). In post-exilic times the judicial function was exercised generally by the elders or the king. The priest issued only the divine judgment as expressed through the lot. In post-exilic times the judicial function was exercised by the aristocracy (Ezra vii. 25, x. 14). A centralized high court was gradually formed in the Sanhedrin (q.v.) in which priests sat. Deuteronomy discusses the duties of the priesthood briefly.

5. Consecration, Manner of Life:

1. Consecration.

The priesthood in ancient Israel passed, as a rule, by inheritance, although sometimes those not of priestly families were consecrated. Even those of priestly family were obliged to pass through a solemn ordination ceremonial (Ex. xxix. 1-37, xl. 12-15; Lev. viii.), consisting of: (1) an act of purification and atonement. The priest was washed and a sin-offering was brought for him. (2) An act of investiture and the bringing of a burnt-offering. (3) An act of consecration consisting of (a) anointing with oil, (b) the application of the blood of the ram to the lobe of the right ear, the right thumb, and right great-toe; part of the rest being sprinkled around the altar, and part of it left standing in a vessel upon the altar; (c) the sprinkling with blood and oil, the remainder of the blood and oil being mixed and sprinkled on the person and dress of the priest. Following this threefold consecration came a third sacrificial act, the offering of the ram of consecration, with the accompanying division of the flesh among those whose perquisite it was. The entire proceeding represents the transference to the priest of the authority of presenting the sacrifice to God and of receiving in its place the priestly portion.

2. Apparel, and Manner of Life.

The ordinary priest was required to wear during the performance of his duties: (1) linen trousers that reached from the hips to the ankles; (2) a long tunic provided with arms of byssus in one piece, woven probably in a checker pattern; (3) a girdle also of byasus, inw-oven with threads of blue, purple, and scarlet. According to Josephus (Ant., III., vii. 2) there were inwoven flowers, and the ends of the girdle bung down to the ground, being thrown over the left shoulder during the service; (4) a sort of cap, also of byssus, of uncertain form; a conical shape is usually assumed. The color of the dress, excepting the girdle, was white throughout, symbolizing purity. No shoes were worn. The hereditary priests were under all circumstances assured of support from the legally provided income; but actual priestly service was permitted only to the physically faultless. In Lev. xxi. 17-20, are enumerated twelve blemishes that disqualify a priest for officiating. Priestly ordination must therefore have been preceded by a thorough examination. Those who passed it clothed themselves in white; those who failed, in black (Middoth v. 4). No age limits are given in the codes, but traditionally the minimum age was twenty.

The rules for purification laid down for the people in general were more strict as applied to the priests. They were not to arouse the suspicion of adherence to other divinities by any peculiarities in method of wearing the hair or by using heathen rites of mourning, were to avoid defilement from the dead, excepting for father, mother, son, daughter, brother, unmarried sister, and wife. The priest's marriage was restricted in certain respects-he might not marry a woman of immoral character, a sickly or a divorced woman, or a widow, unless perhaps her former husband had been a priest. Adultery by a priest's daughter was punishable with death by fire. Especial strictness in observing the rules of purification was required during the period of actual service-perfect continence, abstinence from wine, and washing before the beginning of the service, and the sacred dress was not to be worn at any other time (Lev. x.; Ezek. xliv. 17 sqq., xxiv. 44).

6. Perquisites:

The income of the priest consisted of his portion from sacrifices, other religious assessments, and income from private sources. The priest who officiated at a sacrifice received a share of the common sacrificial meal (I Sam. ii. 13 sqq.) The consecrated bread usually fell to him (I Sam. xxi. 5, 7); and to him, in general, everything fell that had once been hallowed and excluded from profane use, in so far as it was not eaten at the common sacrificial meal, or, because of high sanctity, destroyed. In the period of the kings the priests received money given as trespass and sinofferings (II Kings xii. 16). According to D the tribe of Levi received all the burnt-offerings of Yahweh (Deut. xxiii. 1). The intensification of ritualistic zeal, as witnessed by the prophets, redounded to the advantage of the priests. According to P the priest received the hide from the burntoffering and all the sin and guilt offerings for individual Israelites. The sin and guilt-offerings brought for the people as a whole and for the high-priest were burned outside the camp (Ex. xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 21). Of all sacrifices such as peace offerings the priest received the breast and the right thigh, and a cake as a by-gift. Of the meat-offering he received all that was not cast into the altar-fire as heave-offering; as also the showbread, the meat of lambs brought at Pentecost, and definite impost on the sacrifices of the Nazarites (Lev. vii. 31 sqq., ii. 3, 10; Num. vi. 20). All firstlings of the flocks were brought as solemn sacrifices to God and the priest received his share (Ex., xxii. 29). All that was unclean and unserviceable was to be redeemed, as also the first-born of men. Everything under the ban fell to the priests (Lev. xxvii. 21, 28; Num. xviii. 14). The first-fruits of grain, new wine, and oil belonged to Yahweh (Ex. xxiii. 19). The magnitude of the offering of first-fruits is not stated. According to Deut. xiv. 22 sqq., the custom seems to have been a tenth of the total produce every third year. In P the first-fruits includes that of the threshing-floor and new flour (dough; Num. xv. 17-21). In addition there were firstlings of fruit which were brought in baskets in solemn procession to the temple. According to Neh. x. 37-39, these offerings were stored up in the chambers of the temple. The priest received also firstlings at the feasts of unleavened bread and of Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 10, 20).

The Tithe (q.v.), perhaps originally and even in D identical with the first-fruits, was to be eaten as a sacrificial meal at the central sanctuary (Deut. xiv. 22 aqq.). It might be converted into money but was to be used only in the form of a sacrificial meal, at which the Levite must not be forgotten. At the end of three years the whole tithe was to be made over to the poor of the locality, including again the Ixvite. In P the tithe is a fixed tribute to the Levites, who in turn have to give a tenth to the priests (Num. xviii. 21, 25 sqq., 30). This legislalation was never carried out in practise. The highpriestly families, even under the regime of the law, monopolized the tithe, while the lower priests suffered privation (Josephus, Ant., XX., viii. 8, ix. 2). The prescriptions of P and D were so combined by the pious Jew that he offered the tithe of Num. xvi i ii - 21 as a "first tithe," that of  Deut. xiv. 22-27 as a "second," and that of Deut. xiv. 28-29 as a "third" (Tob. i. 7-8; Josephus, Ant., IV., viii. 2'1,). A considerable part of the income of the priests was derived from ownership of real estate. Instances of individual priests owning land may be found in I Kings ii. 26; Jer. xxxii. 7 sqq., xxxvii. 12; Ezek. xlv. 1 sqq., xlviii. 10 sqq. Many priests as well as Levites in the first years after the exile must have supported themselves from the products of the land near Jerusalem. In Josh. xxi. and I Chron. vi. 39 sqq., thirteen of the forty-eight Levite cities, all lying near Jerusalem, are apportioned to the priests. The apportionment never actually took place, but the texts indicate how the subject was considered.

(J. K�BERLE�.)

II. In the Christian Church:

 

1. Early and Patristic Conceptions.

Offerings and priests are essential factors in all pre-Christian religions, the one as means of securing the divine favor, the other as mediators between suppliants and the deity by presenting the offerings of the former to the latter. It was a striking characteristic of early Christianity that it had no offering, and therefore no priests. All the faithful were conceived as priests, and prayer as their offering; but, if all were priests, there was no room for a professional priesthood, and prayer can not be conceived as material. This idea of a congregation of priests (the universal priesthood, as it is called) was a favorite in the ancient Church, and was regarded as part of the superiority of Christianity (Justin Martyr, Trypho, cxvi.). Irenaeus (H�r., IV., viii. 3) uses it to justify his designation of the apostles as priests. Tertullian (De exhortations castitatis, vii.) grounds upon it the right of all Christians to administer the sacraments (cf. De baptismo, xvii.; De monogamia, vii.). Origen (e.g., "On Prayer," xxviii. 9) and Augustine (Civitas Dei, xx. 10; Reuter in ZKG, vii. 209) know of it and approve it, and even Leo the Great mentions it (e.g., Sermo, iv. 1) with approbation. In time, however, another set of ideas supplanted that of the universal priesthood, and it became customary to name bishops and presbyters "priests" (sacerdotes). The designation was in use in Africa in Tertulhan's time (cf. De baptismo, xvii.; De exhortatione castitatis, vii.) and it is found in Rome and the East in the third century. Comparison between the Christian officials and the Old-Testament priesthood was instituted as early as the end of the first century (cf. I Clement xl. sqq.); this may have led to giving the name of the latter to the former, but it is more likely that this conception was introduced by that of a Christian offering. As early as the Didache (cf. chap. xiv.) the elements of the eucharist were called "offerings." The usage at first was figurative, and the congregation, not the officials, were thought of as making the offering (cf. Justin, Trypho, cxvii.; Apol., i. 67; Irenaeus, H�r., IV., xvii. 5, xviii. 1). But, the phraseology having come into use, it was inevitable that thought should progress. The conception of a Christian altar, the place of offering, grew up in the time when Christians were still declaring "we have no altar" (cf. Apostolic Constitutions, ii., vii.). From all this it was not far to the thought that bishops and presbyters are priests, not as Christians, because of the universal priesthood, but by virtue of their office; and the language of Tertullian (ut sup.) shows that the transition had been made. Old-Testament notions doubtless added their influence. In the third century the offerings were made not by but for the faithful, and the Christian priest had become the mediator between God and his servants. The figurative sense was remembered for a time beside the new interpretations, but ultimately was lost sight of. The letters of Cyprian in many passages present bishops, presbyters, and even deacons as "priests," who offer sacrifice to God and fill a mediatory office; they and not the congregation make the eucharistic offering, and it is assumed that Old-Testament passages are applicable to the Christian priests. The development of thought in the Greek Church was the same (et. Apostolic Constitutions, II., xxv. 12, IV., xv. 1; the third of the Apostolic Canons; canons i and ii. of the Synod of Ancyra, Mansi, Collectio, ii. 513; Synod of Laodicea, canon xix., Mansi, 567; Chrysostom, " On Priesthood," iii. 4, iv. 1, vi. 4, 11. Chrysostom's views of the priesthood are still held unchanged in the Eastern Church).

2. The Medieval Church.

The medieval Church accepted this conception without question. From it or in connection with it theologians (e.g., Peter Lombard; cf. the " Sentences," iv. dist. 24J) developed the doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass (see MASS, I). The authorities on church polity made it the basis of the exclusive right of the hierarchy and especially of the bishop of Rome to govern the Church. Thomas Aquinas remembered the universal priesthood; but he drew from it only the conclusion that all the faithful as priests bring spiritual offerings to God, not the inference that they have no need of human mediators (Summa, iii., quest. 82, art. 1; cf. iii. quest. 26, art. 1, Sup. iii. quest. 37, art. 2). If the mass was a sacrifice, the celebrant must be regarded as a priest in the fullest sense. So the universal priesthood was lost sight of until it was revived by the Reformation. Then it appeared as the necessary consequence of the very fact of Christianity. The entire conception of sacrifice was rejected, and with it went all danger of a return of the thoughts which had grown from it.

3. The Roman Doctirne.

The Roman Church adheres to the medieval doctrine. To be sure its catechism (De ord. sacr., �� 505-506, p. 613, ed. Danz) speaks of a twofold priesthood-an "inner" and an "outer," the former common to all, the latter the prerogative of a class set apart for their appropriate service. But how strongly the emphasis falls on the latter appears from the unreserved judgment of the Council of Trent (session xxiii., De sacr. ord., chap. iv.): "If any one affirm that all Christians indiscriminately are priests of the New Testament or that they are all mutually endowed with an equal spiritual power, he clearly does nothing but confound the ecclesiastical hierarchy, which is an army set in array." The ecclesiastical priesthood follows from the New-Testament sacrifice, and the Scriptures and church tradition agree that it was instituted by the Lord and that its "power of consecrating, offering, and administering his body and blood, as also of forgiving and of retaining sins," was delivered to the apostles and their successors (I.e., chap. i.; cf. canon i.). The priestly order was always entered by means of an act of benediction, which was conceived as a sacrament as early as Augustine (Contra epist. Parmeniani, ii. 24, 28, 29). Peter Lombard ("Sentences," iv., dist. 24) repeats the thoughts of Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas (Summa, iii., Sup. quest. 34-40) develops them but slightly. The scholastic doctrine is summed up in the bull Exultate Deo of Eugenius IV. On these old foundations the antiProtestant doctrine is built up in the authoritative writings of the Roman Church. It is said: "As Christ was sent by the Father and the apostles by Christ, so to-day priests are sent, with the same power which clothed Christ and the apostles, for the perfection of the faithful and the upbuilding of the body of Christ. No one can assume this honor of himself, but he must be called of God; and those are called of God who are called by the "legitimate ministers of the Church" (Roman catechism, De ord. sacr. I.. p. 603). Ordination can be imparted only by the bishops. It is a sacrament, the effect of which is the ineffaceable spiritual character by virtue of which the priest has power to "make sacrifice to God and administer the sacraments of the Church" (i.e. 5, p. 614), especially to " produce the body and blood of our Lord." This character distinguishes the priest from other believers. The secondary effect is the reception of the "grace of justification," which enables the recipient to fill his office rightly (I.e., p. 618). The ceremony of ordination is made to conform to these ideas. The bishop and the priests present lay their hands on the candidate, the bishop puts the stole over his shoulders crossing it before his breast, anoints the candidate's hands, and then gives him the full cup and the paten with the host. The candidate there by becomes an "interpreter and mediator between God and man, which is considered the chief function of the priest."Finally, there is another imposition of hands with the words: "Receive the Holy Spirit, whose soever sins ye remit," etc. (I.e., 5, p. 614). The candidate must be baptized and of the male sex, and is required to be morally sound. He must have knowledge of the Scriptures and the administration of the sacraments. Ordination is forbidden to the married, those not yet twenty-five years of age, slaves, all who have shed blood, those with serious bodily defects, and all born out of wedlock. In the ancient Church it was not allowed without induction at the same time into a suitable benefice, and the Council of Trent renewed this provision. The Council opened the way, however, to avoid the restriction by providing that, if the titulus beneficii be lacking, ordination may take place on ground of a titulus patramonii, i.e., the possession by the candidate of adequate personal means. The titulus mens�, i.e., assurance by another to provide for the candidate's support, may be substituted for the titulus patrimonii.

(A. HAUCK.)

4. Anglican Conception.

It is to be noted as an evidence of the determination to continue the ministry as it had come down through the ages from the primitive Church, that, while throwing off corruption and exaggerations concerning the priestly office, the reformed Church of England deliberately refused to substitute "presbyter" for "priest" in the Book of Common Prayer, and retained sacerdotes as the designation of the clergy in the authorized Latin version of the Thirty-nine Articles (art. XXXII.). Controversy concerning priesthood chiefly gathers round two points: (1) the offering which priests present, (2) the mediatorial position which they occupy. (1) While repudiating any material sacrifice in the Christian Church (save in the most subordinate sense), or any renewal of our Lord's sacrificial death, Anglican divines have maintained in the eucharist a continual commemoration, according to Christ's institution, of that one perfect oblation, and the application of its virtue to us, as in the peace-offering, by partaking of the consecrated elements. Showing Christ's obedience unto death (the essence of his sacrifice), we are taught, according to St. Paul, to offer likewise ourselves, as members of his mystical body-our souls and bodies-a reasonable, holy, and living sacrifice to God. This is the sacrificial side of the Eucharist in the Anglican liturgy, and according to her representative divines. This is a priestly act of the whole body under Christ, the high priest of our profession, led by the Church's appointed representatives in the official priesthood. The priest acts not as substitute for the people, but as their leader. Without such a duly appointed leader there can be no celebration of the Eucharist; while he is not to perform the service without a congregation (cf. D. Waterland, A Review of the Doctrines of the Eucharist, chap. xii., in Works, vol. vii., 11 vols., Oxford, 1823-28; J. Bramhall, Consecration of Protestant Bishops Vindicated, chap. xi., and Protestants' Ordination Defended,: in vols. iii. and v. of his Works, 2 vols., Oxford, 1842-45; Answer of the Archbishops of England to the Apostolic Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on English Ordinations, pp. 18, 19, 37, London, 1897). (2) The priesthood is not a caste separate or separable from the Church; it is the divinely ordained organ through which the body executes ministerial functions. In public prayer as in the Eucharist the priest is the leader of the congregation. In private ministrations likewise, it is his office to lead persons to God, aiding them, where need requires, in their penitence and confession, and then, as one authorized to plead in the Church's name, invoking upon them God's blessing, or (where he judges it to be applicable) his absolution.

Thus in the ministration of the sacraments the priest acts as the representative of the Church, as well as of the Lord the head of the Church. Sacraments are an approach in an appointed way to God. Their administration is al�ays accompanied by prayer, calling forth the gift that God has promised. The Anglican conception of the office of Priesthood is clearly shown in the ordinal. (1) No one is suffered to act as a priest without ordination by a bishop, through whom the ministerial commission is transmitted. (2) In this ordination the Holy Ghost is solemnly invoked, and prayers are offered for the candidate, and he is then by the. imposition of hands empowered to execute the office of a priest in the Church of God, and is bidden to be a faith ful dispenser of the Word of God and of his holy sacraments.

A. C. A. HALL

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On L.: A fairly good guide to the literature is indicated in the bibliographies under HIGH PRIEST; LEVI, LEVITES, the reference in which to the literature on the Hexateuch is important; of especial value are the works of Kuenen, Curtiss, Greets, Baudissin, Van Hoonacker, Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, Sch�rer, and the articles in the Bible dictionaries there mentioned, to which add Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, part xxxii., cols. 640-660. The subject is treated in the works on Jewish antiquities- Ewald, Germ., pp. 345 sqq., 3d -ed., G�tingen, 1866, Eng. transl., pp. 260 sqq�, Boston, 1876; Bensinger, Arch�ologie, pp. 342 sqq and Nowack, Arch�ologie, vol. ii. Consult further: K. C. W. F. B�hr, Syvmbolik des mosaisehen Cultus, Heidelberg, 1839; K�per, Das Priestertum des alter Bundes, Berlin, 1868; Oort, in ThT, 1884, 289 sqq.; H. Vogelstein, Der Kampf zwischen Priestern und Leviten seit den Tagen de Ezechiels, Stettin, 1889; B. Bantseh, Das Heiligkeitsgesetz, pp. 142 sqq., Erfurt, 1893; A. Baehler, Die Priester und der Cultus im letzten. Jahrzehnt des jerusalemischm Tempels. Vienna, 1895; E. Meyer, Entstehung des Judentums, pp. 188 sqq., Halle, 1898; F. von Hummelauer, Dos vormosaische Priestertum in Israel, Freiburg, 1899; A. Edersheim, The Temple; its Ministry and Services at the Time of Jesus Christ, London, 1900; W. Kelly, The Priesthood. An Exposition of Lev. viii.-xv., ib. 1902; W. Rosenau, Jewish Ceremonial Institutions and Customs, Baltimore, 1903; W. R. Harper, Constructive Studies in the priestly Element in the O. T., 2d ed., Chicago 1905; G Laudtman The Origin of Priesthood, Ekenas, 1905; C. F. Kent, Student's Old Testament. vol. iv., New York, 1907. For the idea of the priesthood in the Christian Church consult: Chrysostom's "Six Books on the Priesthood," in Eng. transl. in NPNP, 1 ser., ix. 33-83, and also translated by B. H. Cowper, London, 1808; Bingham, Origines, i. 72 sqq. 219 sqq; Sermon on the Keys in the Catechism Set forth by Archbishop Cranmer, 1548; R. Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, V., lxxvii. 1-8, in Works, 3 vols., Oxford, 1841; W. Howitt, Hist. of Priestcraft, London, new ed., 1848; G. Hiekes, Treatises on Christian Priesthood, republished in Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, 3 vols., Oxford, 1847-48; T. T. Carter, The Doctrine of the Priesthood of the Church of England, London, new ed., 1883; E. Mellor Priesthood in the Light of the New Testament, ib. 1876 (Congregational Lecture); H. E. Manning, The Eternal Priesthood, ib. 1883; H. C. Lea, A Sketch of sacerdotal Celibacy, Bston, 1884; Saserdoce (pseudonym), The Ancient Fathers on the Priesthood in the Church, London, 1891; E. Denney, Anglican Orders and Jurisdiction, New York, 1894; N. Dimoek, The Christian Doctrine o Sacerdotium, London, 1897 memorial ed., 1910; R. C. Moberly, Ministerial Priesthood, chap. vii., ib.1897; C. Gore, The Church and the Ministry, ib. 1899; W. Sanday, The Conception of Priesthood in the Early Church and in the Church of England, ib. 1899; idem, Different Conceptions of Priesthood and SacrifIce, ib. 1900; R. Poncet, Lee Privies des clerce au moyen-doe, Paris, 1901; J. Wordsworth, The Ministry of Grace Studies in Early Church History, London, 1901; T. M. Lindsay The Church and the Ministry in the Early Centuries, ib. 1902; the Encyclical of Leo XIII. on Anglican Orders is in Eng tranal. in The Great Encyclical Orders of Pope Leo XIII., with preface by J. J. Wynne, New York, 1903; H. Bruders, Die Verfasaung der Ruche van stem ersten Jahrhundert, Mains, 1904; H. Evans The Price of Priestcraft, London, 1904; C. Androutsos, The Validity of English Ordinations from an Orthodox Catholic Point of View, ib., 1910; Schaff, Christian Church, ii. 123 131, iii. 238 sqq., DCA, ii. 1698-1708.

PRIESTLEY, JOSEPH: English theologian and scientist; b. at Fieldhead in the parish of Birstall (28 m. s.w. of York), West Riding of Yorkshire, Mar. 13, 1733; d. at Northumberland, Pa., Feb. 6, 1804. He was the son of a cloth-weaver, and was brought up in the dissenting family of his aunt after 1742. Intended for the dissenting ministry, he mastered Latin and Greek at Batley grammarschool (1745), learned Hebrew under a Congregational clergyman, and studied also the rudiments of Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic. His theological studies were interrupted by symptoms of tuberculosis, but were resumed in 1756 at Daventry Academy. Repelled by Calvinistic doctrine he embraced Arianism (q.v.) in distress that he could not feel a proper repentance for the sin of Adam. He became acquainted with David Hartley's Observations on Man, a book which exercised a decisive influence on his speculations, which also was ranked by him next to the Bible. He embraced Hartley's theory of association carrying with it the necessarian doctrine and in 1754 became a scientific determinist. In 1755 he became Presbyterian minister at Needham Market, Suffolk, but his success was impeded by an impediment in speech. He continued his theological studies and soon came to reject the doctrines of the atonement, the inspiration of the Bible, and all direct divine action on the human soul. In 1758 he became minister at Nantwich, Cheshire, and established a flourishing school, and in 1781 vas appointed tutor in languages and belles-lettres at Warrington Academy. He was ordained in 1782; and removed to Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, in 1767; became later a Socinian; in 1769 set on foot The Theological Repository, an organ of critical inquiry; and in 1773 entered the new religious movement under the Unitarian name (see UNITARIANS).

He then retired to Leeds, where he founded a circulating library and in 1773 removed to. Calne, Wiltshire, as literary companion of the Earl of Sherbourne, which gave him leisure for study, during which his scientific experiments developed rapidly. Disquisitions Relating to Matter and Spirit (London, 1777), followed by Philosophical Necessity (1777), defined his position, which he called materialism He had adopted the theory that matter consists only of points of force (1772); the doctrine of the penetrability of matter suggested itself before 1772; and after 1775 he had abandoned the distinction between soul and body for homogeneity. In 1780 he removed to Birmingham, where he was amply supplied by friends with funds for his living and for experiments, and the same year was made junior minister of the New Meeting. In his Greek Harmony of the Gospels (1777) he limited the ministry of Christ to a period of little more than a year; and his rejection of the doctrine of the virgin birth and of the impeccability and intellectual infallibility of Christ, and the opinion that he was born at Nazareth, were expressed in The History of Early Opinions concerning Jesus Christ (Birmingham, 1786). The best-known of his theological writings was History of the Corruptions of Christianity (1782). From 1786 Priestley issued an annual defense of Unitarianism and in 1791 concurred in the formation of the Unitarian Society. Supporting the principles of the French Revolution, he was one of the organizers of the Constitutional Society of Birmingham; and on the night of July 14, 1791, after the fall of the Bastile, a riotous mob burned his church and house with all his books, papers, and apparatus. He escaped by flight to London, and was partly indemnified after a legal contest covering nine years. He then settled down as morning preacher at Hackney, London, where he also continued his scientific pursuits and lectured on history and chemistry in Hackney College. He removed to the United States in 1794 and settled at Northumberland, Pa. There he held public services in his own house, and after 1799 in a wooden building, and succeeded in establishing a Unitarian society at Philadelphia. He worked out his doctrine of universal restitution, upheld Biblical institutions against those of oriental antiquity, annotated the whole Bible, and completed his General History of the Christian Church (Northumberland, 1802).

Priestley was a pioneer in the erection of chemistry into a science, in the investigation of gases, and the discovery of oxygen. He was a warm friend of Benjamin Franklin, whom he first met at London, after 1762. He was a member of the Royal Society from 1766 and was elected one of the eight associates of the French Academy of Sciences in 1772. He wrote a History of the Present State of Electricity (London, 1769). He was an original seeker after truth, was essentially devout, and a rapid, untiring, and thought-educing writer. He stands at the transition point marked by the dissolution of ultratheological views and the advent of agnosticism, occupying the central position of the first period of the Unitarian movement. Other works to be mentioned are: Analogy of the Divine Dispensations (Theological Repository, 1771) pronounced by James Martineau his finest piece of work; A Free Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism (Birmingham, 1782); Institutes of Natural and Revealed Religion (1782); and Letters to a Philosophical Unbeliever (1787). The Theological and Miscellaneous Works (26 vols., London, 1817-32), and Memoirs and Correspondence (2 vols., 1831-32) were collected by J. T. Rutt, and name over 130 separate works.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: His own Memoirs was edited and completed by his son Joseph, London, 1805, reprinted, 1904, best ed. by T, Cooper and W. Christie. 2 vols,. London, 1806; Priestley's Scientific Correspondence, ed. H. C. Bolton, was privately printed, with biographical sketch and bibliographical notes, Brooklyn, 1893. As a source for his life the sketch in the Universal Theological Magazine for Apr., 1804, is essential. Consult further, besides the work of J. T. Rutt, ut sup.; J. Corry, The Life of Joseph Priestley (2 eds.), Birmingham, 1804; T. Belsham, Zeal and Fortitude in the Christian Ministry Illustrated, London, 1804; G. L. Cuvier, �loges historiques, Paris: 1880; W. Sprague. Annals of the American Unitarian Pulpit, pp. 298-308, New York, 1885; Lord Brougham, in Works, vol. i., Edinburgh, 1872; F. Hitchman, Eighteenth Century Studies, London, 1881; Leslie Stephen, Hist. of English Thought in the 18th Century, New York, 1881; B. Schoenlank, Hartley and Priestley die Begrfinder du Associationismus in England, Halle, 1882; H. Sidgwick, Hist. of Ethics, London, 1888; T. E. Thorpe, Joseph Priestley, London and New York, 1906. Sidelights are cast by Miss C. Hutton, Reminiscences of a Gentlewoman of the Last Century, Birmingham, 1891; J. B. Dale, The Dawn of Radicalism, New York, 1892; J. H. Allen, in American Church History Series, x. 154-159, 187, New York, 1894; I. W. Riley, American Philosophy, The Early Schools, pp. 398-407, New York, 1907; DNB, xlvi. 357-378 (extended, with a very full account of his literary works and a useful index of references to letters published in various places and also to books containing scattering details).

PRIESTS OF THE MISSION. See VINCENT DE PAUL.

 

PRIMACY. See PRIMATE.

 

PRIMASIUS: Bishop of Hadrumetum and primate of Byzacena in Africa; d. about 560. Of his early life nothing seems to be known, but in 551, after he had become a bishop, he was called with other bishops to Constantinople and took part in the Three Chapters Controversy (q.v.) where he shared the fortunes of Vigilius, bishop of Rome; helped to condemn Theodorus Ascidas, bishop of C�sarea, the chief promoter of the controversy, and fled with Vigilius to Chalcedon. He declined to attend the so-called fifth ecumenical council at Constantinople in the absence of the pope; was the sole African to sign the papal constitutum to Justinian, and was ingloriously crushed with his leader. While at Constantinople, Primasius studied the exegesis of the Greeks, and his fame is chiefly due to his commentary on the Apocalypse. This work, divided into five books (MPL, lxviii. 793-936), is of importance both as containing the pre-Cyprian Latin text of the Apocalypse of the early African church, and as aiding in the reconstruction of the most influential Latin commentary on the Apocalypse, the exegetical work of the Donstist Ticonius (q.v.; see also AUTPERTUS, AMBROSIUS). The text and exegesis o� Revelation xa. 1-xxi. 6 are taken without reference from Augustine's De civitate Dei, xx. 7-17. Of special interest is a letter of Augustine to the physician Maximus of Then� preserved by Primasius, in which the four philosophical cardinal virtues are combined with the later three so-called theological virtues to make the number seven, in a manner nowhere else known of Augustine. The work of the Donatist Ticonius was considered by Primasius a piece of treasure adrift and belonging of right to the Church, needing only to be revised and expurgated. He followed essentially the strongly spiritual exegetical method of Ticonius, approved the theory introduced by Victorinus and developed by Ticonius that the Apocalypse in certain places repeats with different words and imagery what had previously been said, and held the true content of the prophecy to be the conflict between the Church and the world instead of Ticonius' more concrete interpretation of the struggle of the Donatists with false brethren and gentiles. The first edition of Primasius' commentary was by Eucharius Cervicornus (Cologne, 1535; reprinted, Paris, 1544), but the moat complete and still the most valuable is that of Basel, 1544, which is based on a very ancient manuscript of the Benedictine Monastery of Murbach in Upper Alsace. The same monastery, according to a manuscript catalogue, possessed a work Contra h�reticos, which is no longer extant, and alludes to other works, especially one on Jeroboam. The commentary on the Pauline epistles and on Hebrews ascribed to Primasius by Migne (MPL, lxviii. 409-793) is spurious.

(J. HAUSSLEITER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H, Kihn, Theodor von Mopsuestia and Junidius Africanus ale Exegeten, pp. 248--254, Freiburg, 1880; J. Hausaleiter, in ZKW, vii (1886), 239-257; idem, in T. Zahn's Forschungen zur Geshichte den neutestamerlichen Kanons, iv. 1-224, Leipsic, 1891; H. Zimmer, Pelagius in Irland, Berlin, 1901; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr� xi. 283-284, x. 332, xi. 879; DNB, iv. 467.

PRIMATE: In general ecclesiastical usage, the chief prelate of a land or of a people. The early hierarchic organization followed the political division of the Roman Empire, but the terms applied to the higher officials of the Church changed in the course of time. In the East the system was headed by patriarchs, under whom were exarchs in the dioceses (in the Greek sense of the word) and eparchs in the provinces or eparchies. In the West this order finds its counterpart in the relation of the pope, the primates, and the archbishops. The designations primas, episcopus prim� sedis, or episcopus prim� cathedr� were originally synonymous with metropolitan, and occur after the beginning of the fourth century. Episcopus prim� cathedr� was applied to Secundus of Tigisis in the synodal acts of Certa (305), and occurs in canon 58, Synod of Elvira (306). The mode of speech is used with reference to Africa, Italy, and Gaul in the fifth and sixth centuries. The bishop of Carthage, however, had a different position from the other primates, since he exercised supervision aver all the churches of the African provinces; called and presided over the African general synods; and he could ordain anywhere. On the other hand, he had no special name, being termed merely primas or senex. His position accordingly corresponded to that of an oriental patriarch, but had no parallel in the West. The appellation "primate" gradually gave place to the title of archbishop, which was given to all metropolitans. It was reserved for those metropolitans who were also papal vicars. In the PseudoIsidore (see PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS) there is a marked tendency to deny the rank of primate to metropolitans. It was considered synonymous with patriarch (Anacletus, Epist., ii. 26); and was accordingly restricted to the ancient primates, or to those whom the Curia, beginning with Nicholas I., desired to honor with that special title, thus leading to the practise of appointing primates in various countries to increase papal influence.

The bishops of Rome claimed the highest primacy in the Church, but, while accepting the pseudo-Isidorian identification of primate and patriarch, they were inclined to give larger prerogatives to the four ancient patriarchs than to the other primates; as, for instance, Innocent III. in view of the reunion of the Eastern Church with the Western. After the attempt had failed, however, the primates appointed by Rome took second place in the hierarchy, after the patriarchs. Their powers, partly determined by the older canons, partly by usage, and partly by special papal privileges, included the confirmation of the bishops and archbishops of their jurisdictions; the calling and conducting of national synods; the supervision of their territories; the court of higher appeal; and the right of royal coronation. At the present time, the primates possess little more than certain honorary privileges. The title of primate is now borne by the archbishops of Salzburg, Antivari, Salerno, Gnesen, Tarragona, Grau, Mechlin, Armagh, Braga, and Bahia in the Roman Catholic Church.

(A. HAUCK.)

In the Anglican Church the archbishop of Canterbury is primate of All England; the archbishop of York, primate of England; the archbishop of Sydney, primate of Australia; since 1893 the archbishop of the West Indies is primate for that territory; the Episcopal Church of Scotland has a primus; the archbishop of Toronto is primate of All Canada. In the Church of Ireland the archbishop of Armagh was primate of All Ireland, and the archbishop of Dublin was primate of Ireland.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For the history and the sources consult Bingham, Origines, II., xvi. References to other early literature are in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xvi. 53. Consult further: G. Phillips, Hirchenrecht, ii. 68, Regensburg, 1846: P. Hinschius, Rirrhenrecht, i. 581 sqq., Berlin, 1869; DCA, ii. 1708-09.

PRIME: The first of the so-called "little hours" of the Breviary (q.v.). According to Cassian (De institutis c�nobiorum, iii. 4 sqq.), it originated at the end of the fourth century in a monastery at Bethlehem, to fill the space between lauds, which closed the night office, and terce. The name prime occurs first in the Rule of St. Benedict (chap. xv.). Prime and compline have special reference to the beginning and ending of the day and its work, and are less affected by the season or feast than the other hours, not even including the collect for the day. The first part of prime resembles the other "little hours" in structure; the psalms are three on feastdays, on Sundays four with the Athanasian Creed. The second part begins with the reading of the section of the martyrology (where this is read), and in monastic communities is recited not in choir but in the chapter-house. This original division is still indicated in the Roman breviary by the short lesson ad absolutionem capituli ("on leaving the chapter") which closes the office.

 

PRIME, SAMUEL IREN�US: Presbyterian; b. at Ballston, N. Y., Nov. 4, 1812; d. at Manchester, Vt., July 15, 1885. He was graduated from Williams College (1829), and studied theology at Princeton Theological Seminary (1832-33). He took charge of the academy at Weston and was pastor at Ballston Spa (1833-35), and at Matteawan, N. J. (1837-40). He became editor of The New York Observer in 1840, and continued to occupy this position till his death, making it one of the most influential religious and family papers in the United States. He was for some time a director of the American Bible Society, corresponding secretary of the Evangelical Alliance, president of Wells College, and a trustee of Williams College. He took a leading part in the affairs of the Presbyterian Church, and in the Christian and philanthropic enterprises of the age. He wrote a number of books which had a large circulation abroad. Among them were the Iren�us Letters which appeared in the columns of The New York Observer, and show a rare faculty of clothing everyday topics and experiences with a fresh interest, and extracting from them lessons of practical wisdom.

With the Evangelical Alliance of America, founded in 1867 (see EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE, � 2), he was closely identified. He attended the fifth general conference at Amsterdam in 1867, and read the report on religion in America, prepared by Prof. Henry B. Smith. He served as one of the corresponding secretaries of the American Alliance till 1884, and had a prominent share in the preparations for the great New York Conference of 1873. Dr. Prime was a conservative in his theology, a man of sound judgment, quick wit, rich humor, and a ready incisive pen. He was one of the leaders of public opinion, and one of the most untiring and useful writers of his age and country. A memorial service in his honor was held by the Evangelical Alliance Jan. 5, 1886.

The following works issued from his pen: The Old White Meeting-house, or Reminiscences of a Country Congregation (New York, 1845); Life in New York (1845); Annals of the English Bible, Abridged from Anderson, and Continued to the Present Time (1849); Thoughts on the Death of Little Children (1850); Travels in Europe and the East (1855); Power of Prayer (history of the Fulton Street prayer-meeting, New York City; 1859); The Bible in the Levant- or, the Life and Letters of the Rev. C. N. Righter, Agent of the American Bible Society in the Levant (1859); Letters from Switzerland (1860): Memoirs of the Rev. Nicholas Murray, D.D. (Boston, 1882); Five Years of Prayer (in the Fulton Street prayer-meeting) with the Answers (New York, 1884); Walking with God, Life hid with Christ (1872); Songs of the Soul, gathered out of many Lands and Ages (1873); Alhambra and the Kremlin, journey from Madrid to Moscow (1873); Fifteen Years of Prayer in the Fulton-street Prayer meeting (1873); Under the Trees (1874); Life of Samuel F. B. Morse (1875); Prayer and its Answer illustrated in the first Twenty-five Years of the Fulton-street Prayer-meding (1882); Iren�us Letters (3 series, 1882; with portrait, 1885; with sketch of Dr. Prime's life, 1888, containing his biography in the form of letters).

P. and D. S. SCHAFF.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Prime, S. I. Prime. Autobiography and Memorials, New York, 1888.

PRIMER: Ecclesiastically, an elementary book upon the cardinal points of Christian belief; liturgically, the name given to a series of works which have an important place in the history of the Anglican Prayer Book (see COMMON PRAYER, BOOK OF). The earliest example of the liturgical primer (with which this article is principally concerned) was compiled about 1390. The first of consequence was that by William Marshall, Prymer in Englysshe (London, 1535), which contained expositions of the Apostles' Creed, Decalogue, Lord's Prayer, and Ave Maria, also the various offices and hours, seven penitential Psalms, the Dirige, and the Roman Commendations. The next of importance was the "Bishops' Book," The Godly and Pious Institution of a Christian Man (1537), authorized by the king, the two archbishops, and a number of other ecclesiastical authorities, and marking a great step in advance from Romanism to Anglicanism. Bishop Hilsey's Manuall of Prayers, or the Prymer in Englyshe (1539) furnished a basis for the system of lessons and for that of the epistles and gospels. A step further was taken by The Prymer set forth by the King's Majesty (1545, reprinted 1547), which included the Litany. In 1553 appeared the Primer of Private Prayers, which was used in making Queen Elizabeth's First Primer (1560); her second (1566) incorporated many changes. The last known was issued in 1571. The employment of these belongs to the history of the Prayer Book (see COMMON PRAYER, BOOK OF, � 1).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult the literature under COMMON PRAYER, BOOK OF, especially F. Procter and W. H. Frere, A New History of the Book of Common Prayer, chaps. i.-ii., London, 1905. The three primers (Marshall's, Hilsey's, and King Henry's of 1545) were reprinted in E. Burton's Three Primers put forth in the Reign of Henry VIII., Oxford, 1834, 2d ed., 1848.

 

PRIMICERIUS: In the medieval Church an administrative church official of lesser rank. He was classed with the archdeacon and treasurer, and his duties included, according to Isidore of Seville (Epist., i. 13), the supervision of the acolytes, exorcists, and psalmists; the furnishing of an example for the clergy in duties, morals, devotions, and zeal of perfection; the distribution of assignments to the clergy and the regulation of chanting and the bearing of candles at feasts; the giving of advice to the parish priests; and direction through the Ostiarii (q.v.) of the episcopal letters enjoining fasts. The office was in vogue everywhere in the West in the sixth and seventh centuries. Later with the introduction of the canonical order the office was attached to the chapter. The decretals of Gregory IX. (1227-41) placed the primicerius after the archdeacon, and made him the superior over the minor clergy with special supervision of the service in the choir, thus identifying him with the pr�centor. In many dioceses the primicerius discharged the functions of the scholasticus and was the head of the cathedral school. Later still a portion of his functions were transferred to the dean, while special pr�centori were frequently retained in the chapters. A peculiar development of the primicerius took place at Rome, where the office occurs possibly as early as the fourth century, and where almost a complete list of the primicerii notariorum from 544 to 1297 has been preserved (P. L. Galetti, Del primicero della ,Santa Sede Apostolica, pp. 20 sqq., Rome, 1776). This primicerius notariorum belonged to the lower clergy and had charge of parrochial correspondence, of the martyrology, and the like; and after Gregory the Great (590-604) he was the scribe of papal documents. He thus became the chancellor and director of the papal archives. By the seventh and eighth centuries he had risen to such importance, that he, together with the archdeacon and archpresbyter, acted as pope during a vacancy. Late in the tenth century he was the first of the seven papal judges palatine. With the end of the thirteenth century, however, the office seems to have disappeared.

(A. HAUCK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, II., xxi. 11, III., xiii. 5; DCA, ii. 1709-1710; G. Phillips, Kirchenrecht, vi. 343, Regensburg, 1884; P. Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, i. 380-381, Berlin, 1889; H. Breslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, i. 157 sqq., Leipsic, 1889.

PRIMIN, SAINT. See PIRMIN.

 

PRIMITIVE (" HARDSHELL ") BAPTISTS. See BAPTISTS, II., 4 (h).

 

PRIMITIVE METHODISTS. See METHODISTS, I., 4, IV. 9.

 

PRINCE, THOMAS: Congregationalist; b. at Sandwich, Mass., May 15, 1687; d. in Boston Oct. 22, 1758, He was graduated at Harvard College, 1707; visited Barbados and Madeira; preached for several years at Coombs and other places in England; returned to Boston, 1717, and in 1718 was ordained associate pastor of the Old South Church, Boston. His memory rests upon his Chronological History of New England in the Form of Annals . . . with an Introduction Containing a Brief Epitome . . . of Events Abroad from the Creation (vol. i., Boston, 1736; nos. 1, 2, 3 of vol. ii., 1755; ed. Nathan Hale, Boston, 1826; ed. S. G. Drake, 1852). The history proper begins with 1602. He intended to bring it down to 1730; but almost twenty years elapsed after the appearance of the first volume, ere he began the second; and, his death coming soon' after, he brought the history down no later than Aug. 5, 1633. During the Revolutionary War many of his manuscripts, kept in the tower of the Old South Church, were destroyed, and thus a large part of his invaluable collection respecting the early history of the country has perished. Besides this, he published a number of sermons, and An Account of the Earthquakes of New England (1755), and New England Psalm Book Revised and Improved (1758). His library, including his manuscripts, was bequeathed to the Old South Church, and by it deposited in the Public Library, Boston, 1866, of which a catalogue has been published.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 304-307, New York, 1859; W. Walker, in American Church History Series, iii. 110, 264-286, 274, 1894; idem, Ten New England Leaders, pp. 38, 40, 279, 364, ib. 1901.

 

PRINS, JAN JACOB: Dutch theologian; b. at Langezwaag in Friesland in 1814; d. at Leyden May 24, 1898. He studied in Amsterdam and at Leyden; was Reformed pastor at Eemnes-Binnendyks (Utrecht), 1838; Alkmaar and Rotterdam, 1843-55; professor of exegetical and practical theology at Leyden, 1855-76, and of New-Testament criticism and hermeneutics, and of history of primitive Christian literature, in the same university, from 1876 till he retired in 1885. He was one of the synodical translators of the New Testament, and the author of Disputatio theologica inauguralis de locis Euangelistarum, in quibus Jesus baptismi ritum subiisse traditur (Amsterdam, 1838); De Realiteit van's Heeren Opstanding uit de dooden (Leyden, 1861); Wetenschap en Kerk in hare wederzijdsche betrekking (1867); De Christetijke Zedeleer, de Geschiedenis des Bijbels en der Christelijke Kerk (6 parts, Amsterdam, 1878); De Maaltijd des Heeren in de Karinthische Gemeente, ten tilde van Paulus (Leyden, 1868); Over de Studie der Godgeleerdheid en de keuze van het predikambt in de Heruormde Kerk (Amsterdam, 1868); and Het Kerkrecht der Nederlandsehe Heruormde Kerk (Leyden, 1870).

PRIOR, PRIORESS: The title of an official over a monastery or convent next in rank to the abbot or abbess. Before the pontificate of Celestine V. (1294), the term signified a monk of superior rank or greater age. After that time the prior claustralis was next to the abbot, and was appointed by him to inspect and control the deans, and to maintain discipline among the monks. The prior conventualis was master of his own monastery when it was an offshoot from another monastery, or he was superior of a house of canons.

 

PRISCA, PRISCILLA. See MONTANISM.

PRISCILLIAN, PRISCILLIANISTS:

The Ninety Canons.

Bishop of Abila and Spanish sectary, and his followers; beheaded at Treves about 385. Apparently educated under Gnostic influences by a certain Manichean Marcus of Memphis, Priscillian held to the doctrine that charismata continued in the Church and regarded the Apocrypha (q.v.) as inspired. He was a rigid ascetic, though he did not forsake his wife even when he became bishop. The first literary production of Priscillian seems to have been his Nonaginta canones, which purport to refute heretics on the basis of the writings of Paul, and it is marked by a primitive and even Marcionitic spirit. Bishops and clergy on the whole are to be peaceable; apostles, prophets, and masters (doctors) are the divinely appointed orders of the Church, preeminence being due the doctors, among whom Priscillian reckoned himself. he "spiritual" comprehend and judge all things, being "children of wisdom and light"; and the distinction between flesh and spirit, darkness sad light, Moses and Christ, and the "prince of this world" and Christ, are emphasized, so that two sorts of spirits and two wisdoms are contrasted. At the same time this dualism is blended with monism; but though Christ is both God and man, as man he is "not made of divinity, but of the seed of David and of woman," a primitive Christology, drawing upon him the charge of Photinianism (see PHOTINUS). Justification is by faith, and faith by the grace of God. Rigid asceticism, including abstinence from wine and meat, is recommended, and separation from unbelievers is urged. The Old Testament is ranked far below the New.

Conflicts.

Priscillian was not content to remain a lay teacher and leader of conventicles. Like other ascetics, he wished to become priest and bishop to give his views more influence. So formidable became the movement that in 380 Bishop Hydatius of Emerita convened a synod at Saragossa in which he charged the ascetic faction with reading Apocryphal writings and with Novatianism, Photinianism, Manicheanism (see NOVATIAN; and MANICHEANS), and all sorts of heresy. Priscillian, still a layman, did not appear at the synod, though he wrote in reply his third tractate justifying the reading of the Apocrypha, without denying that their contents were partly spurious. The resolutions of the synod, which consisted of two Gallic and ten Spanish bishops, condemned certain practises of the conventicles; such as receiving the Eucharist in the church but eating it at home or in the conventicle; fasting for three weeks before Epiphany, as the day of Christ's birth and baptism (the twenty-fifth day of December being not yet accepted in Spain), and substituting meditation in the mountains for attending church during this period, fasting on the Sundays of the period of Quadragesima and on Sundays as a whole; their imitation of Christ in the desert during the forty days of Lent; and their preference of conventicles, in which women spoke and taught, to churches; and Priscillian, though forbidden to call himself doctor, was not expressly condemned. Hydatius, however, claimed that Priscillian and his adherents had been anathematized, whereupon bishops Hyginus of Cordova and Symposius of Astorga, sympathizers with Priscillian, advised that the matter be brought before a synod. The ascetic faction followed this suggestion the more readily since Priscillian was then consecrated bishop of Abila by Instantius and Salvianus. Hydatius, foreseeing defeat, obtained from Gratian a rescript against pseudo-bishops and Manicheans, whereupon Priscillian, Instantius, and Salvianus went to Damasus at Rome, and, laying before him a memorial (the second tractate), asked to be rehabilitated either by a synod or by the emperor. While both received the three Spanish bishops with suspicion, they obtained from Gratian a rescript relieving them of the charge of being pseudo-bishops and Manicheans, thus assuring Priscillian of his position.

Views.

Theologically (Tractates, iv.-xi.) Priscillian's God is the "God Christ"; he is not Patripassian but Christopassian. God is "invisible in the Father, visible in the Son," and the Holy Ghost is one in the work of the two. In Christ is all; without him, nothing. This God-Christ was to him the order of the preexistent elements of the world, and in that sense the creator, as well as the repulsor of the dark powers of chaos. Earthborn powers and other potencies axe maintained, but the vivification of chaos is the work of the Spirit of God. Throughout the system a certain dualism can not fail to be recognized. Man was made by God in the divine image; the Creator gave life to the human "body of an earthly dwelling"; man belongs, hence, to the earth; the natural man is subject to time; and the "divine race of men" is weakened by its earthly incorporation, whence the fall and paganism. The Mosaic law was the preparation for redemption through the prohibition of idolatry, while sacrifice was designed to kill the vices of man. Salvation was brought by Christ, and he suffered all to which man is subject. Through the birth and death of Christ the evils of human birth were purified, and the curses of earthly domination were crucified, so that he overcame the earthly nature of man. In accordance with the trichotomy of Priscillian a third testament of the Spirit should follow, but in his extant writings there are no details on this subject. In asceticism Priscillian distinguished three degrees, though he did not deny hope of pardon to those who were unable to attain full perfection. The perfect in body, mind, and spirit were celibate, or, if married, continent. Throughout his writings Priseillian appears as an archaizing Western Christian with ideals of rigid asceticism,, and Gnostic in tendency. Though clearly unaware that he was heretical, his veiled dualism could scarcely be regarded as orthodox, and he must have written at least one work which was unquestionably Gnostic. In this he taught that the human soul, born of God, had proceeded from a certain "repository." Descending through a number of circles, it had been seized by malignant powers and imprisoned in divers bodies. This imprisonment had been confirmed by a divine autograph, which Christ had annulled by his death. The first circle appears to have been controlled by the patriarchs, who, as beneficent powers, controlled the "members of the soul," while the "members of the body" were subject to the zodiac. It would also seem that the priscilliamsts assumed seven heavens (the "circles") with corresponding archons, the earth itself being given to a "malignant prince." According to Orosius, Priscillian derived these doctrines from a "memoir of the apostles," and this work must have spoken of the "prince of dampness" and the "prince of fire" as powers of nature. When God shows "the virgin of light" to the "prince of dampness," lightning and rain follow. His attribution of profound influence of the stars on man apparently substantiates the assertion that for many years Priscillian studied magic and astrology, and later as possessing the charismata he doubtless endeavored to heal the sick.

The Priscillianists.

With the victorious return of Priscillian and Instantius, the controversy with the anti-ascetics seemed to be at an end. But their route through Gaul had brought the ascetics of that country into contact with those of Spain, so that they now felt themselves to be a power. The opposing bishops renewed their activity, the Spaniards being led by Ithacius Clarus, bishop of Sossuba (Ossonoba?) from before 379 to e. 388. Though he did not directly attack Priscillian, the latter appealed for protection to the proconsul Volventius, and Ithacius sought refuge in Gaul with the prefect Gregorius. Meanwhile Gratian had died, and the new emperor, willing to hear Ithacius, convened a synod at Bordeaux, in 385, where all parties concerned were to be heard. Here Priscillian defended himself in his first tractate, maintaining that the Apocrypha should be read, but declaring himself innocent of Patripassianism, Manicheanism, Ophitism, and other heresies, condemning Basilides, Arius (qq.v.), the Borborites (see GNOSTICISM, � 2); and Montanists (see MONTANISM), and denying that he worshiped stars and demons, or taught that man had been created by the devil. He likewise denied that he practised magic. The result of the synod hard been determined from the first. Inatantius was deposed, and Prisciilian, to escape a worse state, appealed to the emperor. The decision took place at Treves. Ithaeius, seconded by Hydatius, accused Priscillian of magic and Manicheanism, the penalty for either being death by Roman law. Martin of Tours, himself denounced by Ithacius as a heretic, interceded fo Priscillian at court, urging that deposition was a sufficient penalty. Maximus solemnly promised to spare the lives of the accused; but the bishops Magnus and Rufus urged the emperor to break his word, and he entrusted the investigation to the prefect Evodius, who employed torture. Tertullus, Potamius, and Johannes, in order to escape a penalty, now confessed themselves and their friends as guilty. Evodius held Priscillian charged with sorcery and enforced a confession that the conventicles were basely immoral. Maximus could now take advantage of the victims to satisfy his avarice. Ithacius, hitherto the accuser, withdrew to avoid scandal among the bishops, and his place was taken, at the emperor's command, by a certain Patricius. Priscillian and four others were beheaded, the same fate soon overtaking Asarbus and the deacon Aurelius. Inatantius and Tiberianus (whose property was confiscated) were banished, and Tertullus, Potamius, and Johannes were sentenced to brief exile.

The execution of a bishop for sorcery and immorality (the latter charge entirely baseless) attracted attention far and wide, but with the fall of Maximus the tide changed. Hydatius resigned his see, while Ithacius was deposed and probably exiled from Spain. Priscillian, on the other hand, was regarded by his friends as a martyr. His sect spread widely, especially in Galicia (Spain), though no longer represented in the episcopate. So flourishing were they that appeal was made to Leo I. (440-461), who wrote an epoch-making letter (given in Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 20-26); a synod of Toledo (447) under the influence of the pope condemned the sect; and in 563 the Synod of Braga was obliged to deal with it, but thenceforth it vanished, being absorbed by the Cathari (see NEW MANICHEANS, II.). The ascetic and Gnostic sect of the Priscillianists must be regarded primarily as a phenomenon of Occidental monasticism and early Christian enthusiasm, resulting in Gnosticism. The basis of the sect was the "Abstinentes" of Philaster (H�r., lxxxiv.), groups of ascetics in Gaul and Spain under suspicion as to their theology, and apparently Encratites (q.v.) transplanted to the west. They had adopted Gnostic and Manichean elements, had rejected many foods as coming from the devil, and despised marriage. They, like the Priscillianists, were essentially the children of such apocryphal writings as the Acts of Thomas, Andrew, and John, and perhaps the Books of Ezra and an Epistle to the Laodiceans. Mingled with the Gnostic concepts of the Priscillianists, moreover, were pagan elements; and the conscious possession of nonCatholic secret doctrines, at once the advantage and the peril of the sect, is shown by the fact that the Priscillianist Dictinius, later Catholic bishop of Astorga, in his Libra asserted that Priscillianists were justified in falsehood if need be, deeming that they might make themselves pass for Catholic Christians providing they recognised in their hearts the truths opposed to the Church, veracity being required only toward fellow sectaries and not toward the Catholic church.

(F. LEZlUS.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For sources consult Priacilliani qua supersunt, ed. G. Schepes, in CSBL, xviii. 1889. For discussions consult: DCB, iv. 470-478 (detailed); J. M. Mandernach, Geschichte des Priscialliniamus, Treves, 1851; J. Bemays, Die Chronik des Sulpicius Severus, Berlin, 1861; P. B. Gams Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, vol. ii., Regensburg, 1864; H. L. Mansel, Gnostic Heresies, lectures ix., xii., London, 1875; G. Schepes, Priscillian, Warzburg, 1886; idem, Pro Priscilliano, in Wiener Studien, pp. 128-147, Vienna 1893; F. Paret, Priscillian, Ein Reformator des 4. Jahrhunderts, W�rsburg, 1891; Hilgenfeld; in ZWT, 1892, pp. 1-84; Dierich, Die Quedlen zur Geschichte des Priscillianismus, Breslau, 1897; F. Lezius, Die Libra des Dictinius, in Abhandlungen A. won Oettingen gewidmet, pp. 113-124, Munich, 1898; K. K�nstle, Antipricilliana. Dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchungen und Texte aus dem Streite gegen Priscillians Lehre, Freiburg, 1905; E. C. Babut, Priacillien et le Pr iscillisnisme Paris, 1909; Harnack, Dogma, iii. 336, iv. 133, v. 58. vi. 8; Neander Christian Church, ii. 354, 771-779. A considerable body of periodical literature is indicated in Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 882.

PRISON REFORM.

 

  • I. History of imprisonment.
  • II. Theory of Treatment of Prisoners.
  • III. Penology.
  • IV. The Modern System.

I. History of Imprisonment:

In modern conditions care of prisoners coincides with care for those undergoing punishment, since now the withdrawal of liberty is the principal punishment for crime. This idea has developed only gradually. The history of prisons may be divided into three periods: (1) Until the fifteenth century the prison was not .a means of punishment. " Prisons served not for punishment, only for surveillance." Penalties consisted of fines, proscriptions, and different forms of capital and corporal punishment. (2) During the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries imprisonment became a form of punishment. The number of cases in which capital punishment and chastisement were applied became so numerous that people asked whether capital punishment was right, and the idea of betterment through punishment gained adherents. But prison conditions were still horrible. (3) In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries imprisonment came to be regarded as a means of betterment, this coming about especially through the labors of John Howard and Elizabeth Fry (qq.v.). In Germany the old conditions perpetuated themselves longest. There was no division of classes in the prisons (not even always a separation of the sexes), no pastoral care, and neither instruction nor employment, while the personnel was inefficient and the buildings were defective. Theodor Ffiedner (q.v.) gave the first impulse to a betterment of these conditions. But without the influence of Frederick William IV. such reforms would have been impossible. Another laborer in this field was Johann Heinrich Wichern (q.v.).

II. Theory of Treatment of Prisoners:

Present conditions regarding the care of prisoners involve: (1) Care for the prisoners during the time of their confinement. An important factor here is the prison-pastor. Every large prison has one or more ministers; in smaller places the clergyman of the community has charge of these matters. Every Sunday church services are held at which the attendance of the prisoners is obligatory. But not least important is the teacher, who gives instruction in the elementary branches, criminals being generally without the simplest elements of knowledge. In charge of the teacher a library is found-in each prison. The inspector is also a factor. In Germany the military have usually held these positions inspite of the fact that they often lack the necessary qualifications. Wichern tried to introduce specially trained men from his own charitable institution, but failed. Little has been done so far in the direction of training women to care for prisoners of their own sea. (2) The care of prisoners after their dismission is also a part of the system. For this purpose there exist protective associations. Neither the State nor individual cities nor churches have done much for this cause. Associations for this purpose are mostly voluntary. An important part of their duties is the care of the family of the prisoner. For the dismissed there is secured employment, if possible, and other aid and assistahce are given him though there are only a few asylums for men for temporary lodging, while homes for women are more numerous. It is to be regretted, however, that there is little zeal developed in these protective associations and their success is small, but, of course, the field of labor is a difficult one. (T. SCH�FER.)

Prison conditions regarding the care of prisoners involve (1): The care of prisoners during the time of their confinement. The purposes of the deprivation of liberty are (a) punishment, (b) deterrent effects, (c) reformative effects, (d) the protection of society. These factors are emphasized differently in different countries. In Europe, emphasis has been laid chiefly upon punishment and the protection of society. In the United States, probably mote than in any other country, the protection of society and the reclamation of the offender are emphasized. Upon the distribution of emphasis depends the nature of the care of prisoners during their confinement. European conditions are in general more rigorous and less reformative in method than American prison conditions. Important factors during imprisonment in prisons generally are the warden and his associates, the prison physician, the prison chaplain, and the prison teacher. Every large prison has one or more chaplains; in smaller communities, correctional institutions are frequently visited by one or more of the clergymen of the community. In most prisons, if not in all, Sunday church services are held with obligatory attendance. Of great importance are prison teachers, giving instruction in the elementary branches of education. Offenders are in large measure lacking even in the simplest elements of knowledge. Libraries are found in most prisons. In some American prisons, the library is as large and as well selected as libraries in small American cities. The lesser prison officials, such as guards and keepers, are gradually becoming of a higher grade. Civil-service requirements are in effect in many American states. Physical exercise, military drill, and industrial training within the prison tend to reconstruct the abnormal man into a normal and useful member of society upon his release. Much attention is paid in the United States to sanitary conditions in prisons and penitentiaries. Lesser correctional institutions are frequently unsanitary and even filthy. The treatment of tuberculosis in prisons has received great impetus during the last decade, largely through the efforts of New York state in establishing in one of the state prisons a separate ward for prisoners afflicted with the "White Plague." The death rate from tuberculosis has been very materially reduced through such segregation.

(2) The care of prisoners after their release is also a part of the system of the treatment of prisoners. In many American states, a more or less effective parole system is carried out. Released prisoners are placed under the supervision of a parole agent for periods of from six months to the period of the maximum sentence. No conclusive statistics are available as to the percentage of permanent reformation of released prisoners. About twenty-five per cent of released prisoners become delinquent before the termination of their parole. The parole system is increasingly considered fully as necessary as the imprisonment of the offenders. The tendency is to place the parole work under the supervision of the State. In some states, private associations, such as prisoners' aid societies, conduct the parole work. In many states, no parole work is done. An important part of the duties of prisoners' aid societies is the care of the family of the prisoner during his imprisonment. For the released prisoner employment is secured, if possible, and other aid and assistance given him. There are a few homes for discharged prisoners in the United States, the Volunteers of America (q.v.) maintaining several "Hope Halls."

The released or discharged prisoner does not now find it so difficult as formerly to obtain work. The attitude of society toward the released prisoner is materially changing, the principle of the "square deal" making gratifying progress.

O. F. LEWIS.

III. Penology:

The Greek word poine, denoting the satisfaction, pecuniary or otherwise, paid for an injury, passing through the Latin pana, "penalty," has become enlarged in later years to signify in "penology" the whole science of penal law, penal administration, the prevention of crime, and the correction of the offender. In each of these departments there is a new recognition of fundamental principles, some of them early discerned but tardily applied, and an infusion of new knowledge and of the humane sentiment. Jesus set aside the retaliatory features of the Jewish law. Modern penal law can hardly be said to have eradicated vindictive features entirely from its codes; but the modern tendency is to make such codes measures of social defense with deterrent rather than vindictive penalties. Fundamental principles of the new penology are the protection of society and the reformation of the offender. In Plato's social system there was a recognition of the duty of kindness and pity toward the prisoner; in the New Testament it has a distinet prominence in the teaching of Jesus. In modern times the most important point of departure from the old penal system dates from the publication of the work entitled Dei delitti e delle pene (" Crimes and Penalties ") in 1769 by Cesare Beccaria Bonesana, an Italian nobleman, and from the personal work of John Howard (q.v.), who began his visitations of prisons in England in 1773 and extended his work and inspections over the continent. Beccaria's influence was felt mainly in the abolition of torture and of capital punishment, and the reformation of criminal codes. Howard initiated reforms in the physical, moral, and industrial conditions of prison life. The duty of society to the offender was considered in all its aspects. Elizabeth Fry exerted great influence in the last century in,.Great Britain and Europe, also Mary Carpenter (q.v.), Matthew Davenport Hill, and others. Alexander Maconochie at Norfolk Island, and Sir Walter Crofton in Ireland, enlightened and progressive prison directors, demonstrated the possibility of making new moral and educational appeals to the prisoners with grades and privileges based on the merit system.

IV. The Modern System:

The same principle with independent and original application has borne fruit in the reformatory system in the United States. Juvenile reformatories for boys and girls were established in the first half of the last century; but a new epoch marks the extension of the idea to institutions for those from sixteen to thirty years of age first established in Elmira, New York, in 1876 under Z. R. Brockway and since adopted in ten American states. A fundamental feature of the reformatory system is the indeterminate sentence. The prisoner is not committed for a definite time to the institution, but is obliged to secure his conditional release by his attainments in school, industry, and deportment. When he has earned his parole he is released tentatively, and after proving by some months of good conduct his ability to live an honest, law-abiding life receives his absolute discharge. If not corrigible, he can be detained for the maximum period fixed by the code as the penalty of the offense for which he was committed. The probation system of treating offenders without imprisonment was first adopted in Massachusetts in 1878 and afterward adopted in France, Belgium, and various American states. Another important American contribution is juvenile courts first established in Chicago in 1899 and soon after adopted in other states and also in Europe. The system of county jails in the United States still remains the worst feature of American prisons. The tendency is now toward state control of prisoners with better sanitation, an improvement in the personnel of prison officials, the introduction of common schools, trade-schools, libraries, prison journals, lectures, and the formation of various societies among the prisoners. In Europe the system of separate confinement is applied in a number of countries; in the United States the prevailing system is congregate labor by day and separate cells by night. Reduction of sentence is allowed for good behavior, and the parole system is now applied in some thirty states. The, abolition of the lease system in Georgia and Louisiana marks a great advance in the South. Educative and productive labor is a fundamental necessity as a moral agent in prison. Other features of modern progress are a better standard of prison construction, the assignment to prisoners of a portion of their earnings; provision for the payment of fines by instalments on probation and the assignment of a portion of the prisoner's wages to his family; an improvement in prison dietaries; new and better principles of classification, the development by finger prints of a scientific method for the identification of prisoners, the separation of accidental from habitual criminals, the humane treatment of the criminal insane, with more effective organization for aid to the discharged prisoner. Under Cesare Lombroso, Enrico Ferri, and others a new impulse has been given to the study of the criminal, his environment, and history, though criminal anthropology has hardly attained yet the rank of a science. Prison associations for improving legislation and aiding prisoners exist in several states. The National (now "American") Prison Association in the United States was first formed in 1870, and immediately after, under the initiative of Dr. E. C. Wines, supported by the government of the United States, the International Prison Congress was formed, and has exercised great influence in Europe and the United States.

SAMUEL J. BARROWS�.

The Eighth International Prison Congress was held in Washington, U. S, A., in October, 1910, and marked high-tide in the advocacy of modern principles of penology. The congress, composed of representatives of nearly two-score nations, went on record as advocating the principle of the indeterminate sentence, the theory of the reformation of the offender, the use of probation and parole, the development of colonies for tramps and vagrants and inebriates, the productive labor of prisoners and the support, when possible, of prisoners' families from the earnings of the prisoner, the development and extension of the juvenile court and other important modern principles.

O. F. LEWIS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Of great value are the "Acts," etc., of international congresses on penology and prison reform held at Stochholm 1878, Rome 1885, St. Petersburg 1890, Paris 1895, Brussels 1900, and Washington 1910. Consult further: F. A. Wines, Punishment and Reformation, Sketch of the Rise of the Penitentiary System, New York, 1895, 9th ed., 1910; E. F. Du Cane, Account o/ the Manner in which, Sentences of Penal Servitude are carried out, London, 1882; J. P. Altgeld, Our Penal Machinery, Chicago, 1884; J. F. Du Cane, Punishment of Crime, 1885; F. von Holtzendorff, Handbuch des Gef�ngnisswesens, 2 vols., Hamburg, 1888; A. Gioux, Sur le r�gime penitenitiaire, Poitiers, 1889; K. Krohne, Lehrbuch der Gef�ngnisskunde. Stuttgart, 1889; V. Leitmaier, Oesterreichische Gef�ngnisskunde, Vienna. 1890; C. Wulff, Die Gef�ngnisse der Justisverwaltung in Preussen,  Hamburg, 1890; C. Cook The Prisons of the World, London, 181; A. Winter, New York State Reformatory an Elmira, London, 1891; J. C. Powell, The American Siberia: a southern convict Camp, London, 1892; F. Stuckenberg, F�ngselsv�senet i Denmark, 1660-17Q1,, Copenhagen, 1893; C. Hiller, Die Disciplinarstrafen in den oesterreichiachen Strafanstalten, Leipsic. 1894; W. Tallaok, Penological and Preventative Principles, with Special Reference to Europe and America, London, 1898; H. S. Wilson, History and Criticism; Studies on the Conciergere. London, 1898; G. Bonneron, Notre r�gime p�nitentiaire. Les Prisons de Paris Paris, 1897; A. Lecci, Il Sistema penitenaiario a il Domicilio coatto in Italia, Rome, 1897; J. George, Humanit&aunl;t and Kriminalstrafen von Mittelalter bis auf die Gegenwart, Jena, 1898; H. M. Boies, The Science of Penology, New York, 1901; C. 8rohne and R. Uber, Die Strafanstalten in Preussen, Berlin, 1901; G. Vidal, Cours de droit criminel et de science p�nitentiaire, Paris, 1901; G. Curli and A. Bianchi, Le nostre Carceri e i nostri Riformatorii, Milan, 1902; A. Macdonald, Hearing on the Bill to Establish a Laboratory for the Study of the Criminal and Defective Classes, Washington, 1902; M. B. Booth, After Prison--what? New York, 1903; H. Leuse. Aua dam Zuchthause. Berlin, 1903; W. B. Nevill, Penal Servitude, London, 1903; The Mark of the Broad Arrow; or, the Life of a Convict, London, 1903; E. Carpenter, Prisons, Police and Punishment, London, 1905; P. Cuehe, Traite de science d de l�gpislation p�nitentiaires. Paris, 1905; E. Spins, Die Zuchthaus- und Gef�ngnisatrafe, ihre Differenzierung and Stellung im Strafgesetze, Munich, 1905; A. Lenz, Die anpio-amerikaniache Reformbewungung im Strafrecht, Stuttgart, 1908; P A. Parson, Responsibility for Crime: an Investigation of the Nature and Causes of Crime and a Means of its Prevention, New York, 1909. For periodical literature consult Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 882.

PROBA: Christian centoist of the fourth century. She was the daughter of Petronius Probianus, consul in 310, and wife of Clodius Celsinus Adelphius, prefect of Rome after 351. "Cento" originally meant a cloak made of patches, and then came to be applied to compositions constructed from words and lines taken from the poets and put together to express a content other than the original. The making of centos from the verses of Homer and Vergil was much affected, and even Christians so employed themselves. Before her conversion to Christianity Probe composed one, not extant, on the conflict between Constantius and Maxentius. Afterward she embodied in like compositions the story of creation to the flood, the birth of Christ, and his passion, writing in hexameters. Of course the original coloring was lost; at the baptism, e.g., the Father uses words employed by Juno, Turnus, and others. Yet it is remarkable how impressive the results sometimes are. Pope Gelasius refused the sanction of the Church to such efforts, but in spite of this the cento appears to have been much read in the Middle Ages, as is evidenced by many existing manuscripts and the mention of many more. One manuscript contains besides the cento of Proba three other works of this character: Pomponii versus in gratiam domini, instruction concerning Christianity in a discussion between Melibeeus and Tityrus, evidently in imitation of Proba; De verbi incarnatione, a fragment not by Sedulius; and De ecclesia. There is displayed here a certain dexterity in the use of lines from Vergil to construct, for example, a long address by a priest.

(G. KR�GER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best ed. is by C. Schenk! in CSEL, xxvi. pp. 511-627, Vienna, 1888. Consult: J. Asehbach, Die Anicier and die r�mische Dichterin Proba, Vienna, 1870; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittetalters, i. 125 sqq., Leipsic, 1889; M. Manitius, Geshichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie, pp. 123-130, Stuttgart, 1891; G. von Dsialoweki, Isidor and Ildefona als Litterar-historiker, pp. 29-30, Münster, 1898.

 

PROBABILISM: A doctrine of Roman Catholic moral theology that in case of ethical problems the course of conduct to be adopted should be determined by what is adjudged to be probably right, with due support of precedent and authority recognized by the Church. Analogues to the system may be found among later Greek philosophers, particularly the Neo-Academics Carneades and Clitomachus, as well as in the distinction drawn by Cicero (De officiis, i. 3) between "perfect duty" and "medium duty," for the performance of which "a probable reason may be assigned." A tendency toward probabilism early became evident in the Church, as in the admissibility of a certain degree of "pious fraud" in the theory of the Greek Fathers after Chrysostom. It was further developed in the medieval Penitential Books (q.v.) with their frequent formula "there is no harm" in regard to matters ethically equivalent or indifferent; and it received a powerful impulse in the balancing of conflicting authorities by the scholastic casuistry of the last three centuries of the Middle Ages. Here reference need only be made to the Summa Angelica of Angelus Carsetus (d. 1495), the Summa rosella of Giovanni Baptista Trovamala (fifteenth century), the Regulæ morales of Jean Charlier Gerson (q.v.); and the Dominicans of the sixteenth century, particularly the school of Melchior Cano (q.v.). Bartolome de Medina (d. 1581), followed by Domingo Bafiez (d. 1604), enunciated the doctrine that "if an opinion is probable, it may be followed, even though a more probable opinion be opposed."

With these precedents Jesuit moralists, after the beginning of the seventeenth century, developed the doctrine of probabilism with extreme subtility and logic. Probabilism was formally introduced into the courses in moral theology by Gabriel Vasquez in 1598; and Antonio Escobar y Mendoza (q.v.) defended the tenet that an ethical judgment supported as probable by a recognized authority might unhesitatingly be preferred to another opinion which was safer and more probable. This principle affected the confessional, since a penitent who could appeal to a probable opinion must be absolved by his confessor, even though the latter were of a different opinion; while attrition was probabilistically made to suffice for contrition. Escobar likewise taught that the great number of divergent moral opinions is one of the chief proofs of the goodness of divine providence, since the yoke pf Christ is thus made easy. Hermann Busenbaum (q.v.), in similar fashion, warned against giving too much weight to excessive scruples of conscience, and urged that in each case the mildest and safest opinion should be followed. Probabilistic arguments were also used in defense of such teachings as the distinction between philosophical and theological sin and mental reservation.

As early as 1620 the Sorbonne protested against the doctrine of probabilism, and in 1656 Pascal attacked it in his "Provincial Letters." Renewed protests of the Sorbonne in 1658 and 1665 led Alexander VII. to condemn probabilism and the moral theories connected with it (Sept. 24, 1665). Opponents of the doctrine arose within the Jesuit order, among them Paolo Comitoli (d. 1626) and Michael de Elizalde; Innocent XI., in 1679, condemned sixty-five probabilistic theses as laxistic. In 1687 the thirteenth general congregation of the Jesuits officially declared that the Society of Jesus was not opposed to anti-probabilism, although when Tyrso Gonzalez, the Jesuit general, attacked probabilism in his Fundamenta theologiæ moralis (Dillingen, 1691), he encountered the most strenuous opposition from his order. A severe blow was dealt probabilism when, in 1700, the assembly of the clergy of France forbade it to be taught. Additional Jesuit authors also opposed it, though its most unsparing enemies were the Dominicans. The net result was a series of modifications of Probabilism, of which the Jesuit casuistry of the eighteenth century evolved three chief types. These were equiprobabilism, according to which one of two moral opinions may be followed only if it is exactly as probable as the other; probabiliorism, in which, if the probabilities are not equal, that which is more probable must determine the course of action; and tutiorism, according to which the safer, rather than the more robable, opinion is to be followed. See CAUSISTRY.

(O. Z�CKLER�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the history of the subject consult: D. Concina, Storia del Probabilismo e Rigorismo, 2 vols., Lucca, 1748; K. F. St�udlin, Geschichte der Christiichen Moral, pp. 448, 489, 523 sqq., G�ttingen,1808; A. Wuttke, Handbuch der christlichen Sittenlehre, ed. L. Schulte, i. 284, Leipsic, 1874; J. J. L. von D�llinger and F. H. Reusch, Geshichte der Moralatreitigkeiten in der r�misch-katholischen Kirche, i. 28 sqq., 94 sqq., 120 sqq., 412 sqq., Munich, 1889; H. C. Lea, History of Confession and Indulgences, ii. 285-411, New York, 1896; A. Schmidt, Zur Gewhichte des probabilismus, Innsbruck, 1904; KL, viii. 1874-88; S. Mentr�, Cournot et la renaissance du probabilisme au xix. si�cle, Paris, 1908. For criticism, besides the fifth of Pascal's "Provincial Letters," consult: S. Rachel, Examen probabilitatis Jesuitica, Helmstedt, 1864; C. E. Luthardt, Geschichte der chrisaichen Ethik, ii. 125-129, Leipsic, 1893; J. M�ller, System der Philosophie, part iii., Mainz, 1898; idem, Reformkatholicismus, ii. 132-152, Zurich, 1898; Lieber, in Deutsche Stimmen, pp. 312 sqq., Cologne, 1901; W. Hermann, R�mische and evangelische Sittlichkeit, 2nd ed., Marburg, 1901; A. Ehrhard, Der Katholicismus and das 20. Jahrhundert, pp. 198 sqq., Freiburg, 1902; P. von Hoensbroech, Die ultramontane Moral, pp. 50-70, Berlin, 1902. For apologetics on the subject consult: A. Ballerini, Opus theologicum morale, ed. Palmieri, vol. i., 1898; K. A. Leimbach, Untersuchungen �ber die verschiedenen Moral systeme, Fulda, 1894; C. Pesch, Pr�lectiones dopgatic�, iii. 340-346, Freiburg, 1895; F. A. G�pfert, Moraltheologie, i. 167 sqq Paderborn, 1897; J. Mausbach, Des ultramontane Moral nach Graf P. von Hoenabroech, pp. 29 sqq., Berlin, 1902; Frans ter Haar, Das Dekret des . . .Innocent XI. Uber den Probabilismus, Paderbom, 1904; A. Lehmkuhl, Probabilismus vindicatus, Freiburg, 1906.

PROBATION, FUTURE: An expression carrying the implication that in the future world the Gospel will be decisively offered to all who did not in this world finally reject Christ, and that those who there accept him will be saved. As here defined, it is to be distinguished (1) from the orthodox doctrine of probation-it extends the offer of salvation into the future life under the conditions above mentioned (see JUDGMENT, DIVINE); (2) from dogmatic Universalism (q.v.)-it leaves in doubt the ultimate issue of the probation; (3) from a second probation-only a single probation is affirmed; (4) from the Roman Catholic doctrine of Purgatory (q.v.), which is not that of probation at all, but of the cleansing of such as have departed this life in faith; (5) from the assertion that the probation of all men extends into the next world-character may be decisively determined here below. The theory was advocated by I. A. Dormer, System der christlichen Glaubenslehre (2 vols., Berlin, 1879, 2d. ed., 1886-87; Engl. transl., System of Christian Doctrine, 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1880-82), and drew much attention to itself in the so-called "Andover Controversy," through its reappearance in Progressive Orthodoxy (pp. 67-111, Boston, 1885) by professors in Andover Theological Seminary. It was there maintained that the destiny of all men will be irrevocably fixed at the judgment, and that the principle of judgment is, Christ is the Judge. Scripture support for the hypothesis is sought not so much in specific passages (I Pet. iii. 18-20, iv. 5-6; Matt. xi. 21-22, x. 32) as in its harmony with the central principle of Christianity there contained, i.e., the absolutely universal destination of the Gospel, which rests upon the universal significance of Christ's person and work, and which guarantees that the final state of all souls shall be decided by their conscious acceptance or rejection of Christ as Savior and Lord. A doctrine as to the condition of many of the dead, having points of agreement with the foregoing presentation, is advocated by Edward White, Life in Christ, chap. xxii. (London, 1878). See ESCHATOLOGY, � 5.

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. F. Wright, An Inquiry concerning the Relation of Death to Probation, Boston, 1882; G. H. Emerson, The Doctrine of Probation Examined, Boston, 1883; N. Smyth, Dorner on the Future State, New York, 1883; S. Leathes and others, Future Probation, London, 1886; S. M. Vernon, Probation and Punishment, New York, 1890; E. C. Gordon, in Presbyterian Quarterly, xi (1897), 218-230; G. P. Jackson, Man an Eternal Probationer, Nashville, Tenn., 1902. Further literature will be found under ESCHATOLOGY; HADES; and INTERMEDIATE STATE.

PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. See FILIOQUE CONTROVERSY.

 

PROCESSIONS: In restricted ecclesiastical usage, the term applies to the solemn entrance of the clergy and their assistants to the altar for mass or other liturgical worship, or of their return after the service to the sacristy. In a more general sense, procession means the moving in formal order, within or without the church, of a religious body, the head of which, such as bishop or priest, walks last, those highest in dignity next before him, and those lowest come first. It is taken as an obvious symbolism representing the Christian journey, and arises from the interest in giving expression to varying inner religious states, beyond the confines of the altar. They may be (1) processions of festal joy or commemoration, expressive of thanksgiving; or (2) of prayer and penitential processions (called litani�, rogationes, supplicationes), as on days of petition and on occasions of great calamity or visitation; or (3) processions of honor to bishops or other dignitaries at their consecration or visitation; or (4) funeral processions. The procession may be attended with prayers and music and accompanied by candles, by statues of saints as on saints' days, or by relics as in dedications. They may be extraordinary, called by special ecclesiastical order, or, as most frequently, ordinary, prescribed by ritual law, such as Palm Sunday and Corpus Christi. In early times the persecutions hindered their growth, although funeral processions seemed to have been known. Tertullian names processio, procedere, alongside of stated worship and fasting, as a religious practise in the sense of church attendance (Ad uxorerm, ii. 4; H�r., xliii.; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 264). By the fourth century processions with relics were common. In Constantinople where the Arians were not allowed to worship within the walls, they moved in processions on the streets with the singing of hymns, and Chrysostom instituted similar ones among the orthodox. A notice by Ambrose (Epist., xl., ad Theodosium) shows that processions were in use in the West at the same time, at least among the monks. During the Middle Ages this feature in connection with all ceremonial was developed with great magnificence by the Roman Catholic Church.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, XIII, i 12, XXII., iii. 8; DCA, ii. 1715-17; J. Gretser, De catholic� ecclesia sacris processionibus, Ingoldstadt, 1600; J. Eveillon, De processionibus ecclesiasticis, Paris, 1641; D. Vatar, Des processions de l'�glise, ib. 1705; J. E. Riddle, Manual of Christian Antiquities, pp. 757-758, 771-774, 833, 2d ed., London, 1843; M. E. C. Walcott, Sacred Arch�ology, ib. 1860; L. Duchesne, Christian Worship, passim, London, 1904; KL, x. 448-450.

PROCHET, MATTEO: Italian Waldensian; b. at Lucerna San Giovanni (30 m. s.w. of Turin) Sept. 28, 1836; d. at Rome Feb. 16, 1907. He was educated at the Waldensian college of Torre-Pellice, and, after serving the required year in the army, he studied theology at Florence and spent a semester in the Presbyterian College, Belfast. After serving as an evangelist in Lucca and Pisa (1861-66), and Genoa (1866-70), he was the first Protestant clergyman to enter Rome after its capture by Victor Immanuel, and there founded a Waldensian church (1870), of which he was pastor till 1875, although in 1871 he had been appointed president of the Italian Evangelization Committee, a position which he retained until 1906, when he was compelled to retire from active life on account of the age limit. He must be regarded as almost the pioneer in the modern active Protestant propaganda in Italy.

 

PROCKSCH, OTTO: German Protestant; b. at Eisenberg (34 m. s.w. of Leipsic), Saxe-Altenburg, Aug. 9, 1874. He was educated at the universities of T�bingen, Leipsic Erlangen, and G�ttingen (Ph.D., Leipsic, 1899), and at the seminary for preachers in Leipsic (1898-1900). In 1901 he became privat-docent for Old-Testament exegesis at the University of K�nigsberg; was made extraordinary professor at Greifswald in 1906, and ordinary professor in 1909. He has written Ueber die Blutrache bei den vorislamischen Arabern and Mohammeds Stellung zu ihr (Leipsic, 1899); Geschichtsbetrachtung and geschichtliche Ueberlieferung bei den vorexilischen Propheten (1902); Das nordhebr�ische Sagenbuch (1906); Johannes der T�ufer (1907); and Studien zur Geschichte der Septuaginta (1910).

 

PROCLUS. See NEO-PLATONISM III., � 3.

 

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA: Byzantine historian; b. at C�sarea in Palestine toward the close of the fifth century; d. probably after 562. After 527 he was the legal companion and secretary of Belisarius in the campaigns in Persia, Africa, and Italy, so that as an eye-witness he described in eight books the wars against the Persians, Vandals, and Goths. More important for ecclesiastical conditions were his six books, Peri ktismatan (De �dificiis Justiniani imperatoris, Paris, 1663, Eng. transl., On Justinian's Buildings, London, 1886); his Anecdota contain only scandals concerning Justinian, Theodora, Belisarius and his wife, and the entire court. Theologically he was orthodox; to him Christ was God, and Mary the mother of God. He was plainly disinclined to dogmatic partizanship; and Christian and classical elements appear unfused in his writings. As a historian he is of the highest importance. His works have been edited by L. Dindorf in CSHB (3 vols., Bonn., 1833-38); by J. Haury (3 vols., Leipsic, 1905-06); and there is an edition, with Italian translation, of the wars of the Goths by D. Comparetti (2 vols., Rome, 1895-1896), and a German translation in Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit (6th year, vols. ii.-iii., by D. Costi, Leipsic, 1885).

(N. BONWETSCH.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Dahn, Prokop von C�sarea, Berlin, 1885; L. von Ranke, Weltgeschichte, iv. 2, pp. 285 sqq., Leipsic, 1883; F. J. Hartmann, Untersuchungen �ber den Gebrauch des Modi in der Historien des Prokops, Regensburg, 1903; Krumbacher, Geschichte, pp. 230-230 (with fine list of helps); DCB, iv. 487-188.

PROCOPIUS OF GAZA: Christian rhetorician; b. in Gaza c. 465; d. there before 528. The school of rhetoric at Gaza was widely celebrated for its teachers, among whom were �neas (see �NEAS OF GAZA), and Procopius, "the Christian sophist." Of the latter's life little is known except that he spent it in the town of his birth, refusing calls to Antioch and Tyre. He is known to have carried on an extensive correspondence with contemporaries, and Choricius describes him as modest, unpretentious, and idealistic. His writings are partly rhetorical, partly exegetical. Of his speeches only one is extant-the bombastic encomium of the Emperor Anastasius I., probably written between 512 and 515. The description of the Church of St. Sophia and the lament over the falling of its cupola during an earthquake in 558 are not genuine. On account of the loss of so much of his work the more valuable is the possession of 162 letters, partly recommendations to pupils and others, partly on philosophical or rhetorical themes, which give insight into the ecclesiastical species of sophistics of the period. Among his exegetical works is his commentary in the form of a Catenae (q.v., �� 3, 7) on the Octateuch, in which the attempt has been made by Lindl (see bibliography below) to prove that the complete Hexaplar text as it was in the time of Procopius is in existence. It has been shown by Wendland, Klostermann, and Eisenhofer that Procopius drew upon Philo, Origen, Basil of C�sarea, Gregory of Nyssa, Apollinaris of Laodicea, and Cyril of Alexandria. The commentary on Kings and Chronicles is practically all from Theodoret. For Isaiah and the epitome of the Octateuch, Cyril, Eusebius of Caesarea; and Theodore of Heraclea are the sources. The best preserved is the commentary on the Song of Songs. The commentary on Proverbs is but an epitome by Procopius of his catena. His works, so far as they are preserved, are in MPG, lxxxvii. 1-242; his letters are best found in Epistolographi Gr�ci, ed. R. Hercher, pp. 533-598 (Paris, 1873).

(G. KR�GER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The funeral oration of Choricius is in Boissonade, Choricii Gazasi Orationes . . . fragmenta, pp. 1-24, Paris, 1840. Consult: L. Eisenhofer, Procopius van Gaza, Freiburg, 1897; T. Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, ii. 239-250, Leipsic, 1883; P. Wendland, Neuentdeckte Fragments Philos, Berlin, 1891; E. Klostermann, Griechische Exzerpte aus Homilien des Origines, in TU, xii. 3 (1894), 1-12; E. Lindl, Die Oktateuchcatene des Prokop von Gaza, Munich, 1902; Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, xi. 176-180; DCB, iv. 486-487.

PROCOPIUS, ANDREAS, THE GREAT: Bohemian priest; b. in Bohemia about 1380; d. at Lipau, near B�hmisch-Brod (20 m. e. of Prague), May 30, 1434. On the death of Zizka, in 1424, he succeeded him as leader of the Hussite army. He was sprung from the lower nobility, and had been a follower of John Huss (see HUSS, JOHN, HUSSITES). As a priest he never bore arms; but he learned warfare under Zizka, and conducted campaigns with consummate skill. He was more of a statesman than Zizka, and his policy was to terrify Europe into peace with Bohemia. In 1426 he invaded Saxony, and defeated the Germans at Aussig. In 1427 he turned to flight a vast host of Crusaders at Tachau, and in 1431 he routed the forces of Germany at Tauss. These victories rendered inevitable the assembling of the Council of Basel. In Jan., 1433, Procopius and fourteen other Bohemian leaders came to Basel to confer with the council (see BASEL, COUNCIL OF). Bohemia, anxious to present a united front to the council, strove to reduce the town of Pilsen, which still held to Roman Catholicism. The siege did not succeed, a mutiny against Procopius arose in the army, and he retired from the management of affairs in Sept., 1433. Soon after this, the Bohemian Diet accepted the "compacts" of the council. The idea of peace spread rapidly; and a party in favor of the restoration of Sigismund as king of Bohemia began to form. Procopius roused himself to oppose the royalist league. In May, 1434, the royalist army met the Taborites, under Procopius, at Lipau, and after a desperate fight, he was defeated and killed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Creighton<,i id="iv.v.xxix.p2.3">Papacy, ii. 188-202; F. Palacky, Geachichte von B�hmen, vol. iii., Prag., 1850; idem, Urkundliche Beitr�ge zur Geschichte des Hussitenkriegs, 1418-38, 2 vols., ib. 1873-74; C. H�fler, Geschichteschreiber der husritiwhen Bewegung, 3 vols., Vienna, 1850-00; E. H. Gillett, Life and Times of John Huss, vol. i. passim, Philadelphia, 1881. Sidelights from the papal tide are cast by Pastor, Popes, vol. I.

 

PROCTER, JOHN: English Dominican; b. at Manchester Jan. 23, 1849. He was educated at the Dominican colleges at Hinckley (1863-66) and London (1867-72) and at the University of Louvain (1872-74; S.T.L., 1874). In 1872 he was ordained to the priesthood, and in. 1866-72, 1874-78, 18821883, and 1885-1900 was stationed at St. Dominic's Priory, London, and also conducted a large number of missions and retreats in England, Ireland, Scotland, and the United States. He has been superior of the Dominican Houses in Newcastle-onTyne (1878-82), Leicester (1883-85), and London (1888-94), and was provincial of his order from 1894 to 1902. Since 1906 he has been parish priest of St. Dominic's Priory Church, London. He has written Sovonarola and the Reformation (London, 1898); Saint Sebastian, Lay-Apostle and Martyr (1899); The Rosary Confraternity (1899); The Liming Rosary (1900); indulgences (1900); The Catholic Creed; or, What do Catholics believe f (1900); The Rosary Guide for Priests and People (1901); The Dominican Tertiary's Daily Manual (1901); The Perpetual Rosary (1904); and Ritual in Catholic Worship (1906). He has likewise edited the anonymous Short Lives of the Dominican Saints (London, 1900); T. A. Drane's Spirit of the Dominican Order (1897) and Daily Life of a Religious (1898); and M. E. Capes' Flower of the New World (1899), and has translated Savonarola's Triumph of the Cross (1901) and St. Thomas Aquinas' Apology for the Religious Orders (1902) and The Religious State, the Episcopate, anal the Priestly Office (1902).

PROCURATOR: In general, one who acts as agent or factor for another in temporal interests. The term was anciently applied to lawyers in the civil courts and to proctors in ecclesiastical judicatories. As a secular calling it was forbidden to the clergy by a series of synods beginning with the First Synod of Carthage (348, chaps. viii.-ix.) and coming down to the Synod of Mainz (813, chap. xiv.). In case one who followed the profession desired to enter the clergy, he was required first to purge himself from participation in the duties which his profession involved. The clergy were repeatedly enjoined to abstain from labors of this sort, the only exception being service in behalf of widows or orphans, that intrusted to them by their bishop, or where the property of the church was concerned. In church life the term seems to have been applied to those who had charge of the temporalities. It was also applied to those who represented a person in absence during the ceremony of marriage or betrothal, as well as in some other ecclesiastical ceremonies.

 

PRODICIANS: A sect of Antinomian Gnostics, founded in the second century by Prodicus, a heretic of whom no definite information has come dowel. They claimed, as the sons of the most high God (not of the demiurge), and as a royal race, to be bound by no laws. They rejected the Sabbath and all external ceremonies as something fit only for those who stood under the sway of the demiurge. As their authorities, they quoted some apocryphal writings of Zoroaster.

 

PROFESSIO FIDEI TRIDENTINÆ. See TRIDENTINE PROFESSION OF FAITH.

 

PROLES, ANDREAS: German Augustinian; b. at Dresden Oct. 1, 1429; d. at Kulmbach (48 m. n.e. of Nuremberg) June 5, 1503. After completing his education at Leipsic, he entered the Observantine Augustinian order at Himmelpforte, near Wernigerode, in 1450, and was ordained priest three years later. He was directed to study at Perugia for a -year and a half, and then taught theology in the monastery at Magdeburg until 1456, when he became prior at Himmelpforte. Here he maintained the union of the five Observantine monasteries of Himmelpforte, Magdeburg, Dresden, Waldheim, and Konigsberg in Franconia, securing a renewal of the papal sanctions and privileges. Proles himself was elected vicar in 1460 or 1461, but the machinations of one of his subordinates resulted in a papal bull that the Observantine monasteries be subject to the provincial of Saxony. At the expiration of his term in 1467, he taught at Magdeburg for six years, and then was reelected vicar, this time holding office for thirty years. With unwearying energy, and appeals to the secular arm, Proles reformed monastery .after monastery despite the resistance of monks and provincials alike. In 1475 he was forbidden by the Augustinian general to discharge the functions of vicar, while the reformed monasteries were returned to their provincials; and in 1476, as he refused compliance, he and his followers were placed under the ban of the general. Proles appealed to the pope, the result being the annulment of all edicts against him and the renewal of the privilege of Observantine reunion. In 1496, after further struggles, the Saxon, or German, congregation of Observantine Augustinians was fully recognized, and its delegates were accorded equal rights at the general chapters with those of the provinces of the order. In course of time he thus reformed and incorporated with his congregation about thirty monasteries, the most important in all Germany. Proles was gladly consulted by princes regarding secular affairs, and likewise furthered the intellectual development of his monks, as well as their talents as preachers. He himself was a distinguished preacher, and in 1530 the Dominican Petrus Sylvius issued some of his sermons, with, at least, partial revision.

(T. KOLDE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Accounts of the life were written by C. Sch�ttgen, Dresden 1737; G. Sch�tse, Leipsic, 1744; and H. A. Pr�hle, Gotha, 1887. Consult also: T. Kolde, Die deutsche Augustinerkonpregation and Johann von Staupits, pp. 96 sqq., Gotha, 1879; E. Jacobs, in Geschtsequellen der Provinz Sachsen, xv. 478 sqq., Halle, 1882; KL, x. 480-481.

PROLOGUS GALEATUS ("Helmeted Preface"): The name given by Jerome himself to the first published and most celebrated of his prefaces, that prefixed to his translation of the Books of Samuel and Kings. The preface is important as setting forth the principles adopted by Jerome in his translations from the Hebrew. It contains also a brief general introduction to the Old Testament, describes the contents of the three parts of the Palestinian canon, remarks upon the origin of the Hebrew alphabet, and makes a defense of his translations against the "mad dogs who bark and rage" against him. An English translation is given in NPNF, 2 ser., vi. 489-490.

 

PROPAGANDA, CONGREGATION AND COLLEGE OF THE: A congregation of cardinals and a college, both at Rome, for the implanting and extension of the Roman Catholic faith among pagans and heretics. Beginning with the thirteenth century missionary activity was carried on by various orders. Among these were the Jesuits, and Ignatius of Loyola formed the plan of founding "national colleges" for training missionaries, his idea being to educate young men from the very countries which were to be mission fields, so that they might be sent home as well-equipped champions of the Roman Catholic faith. Each of these institutions and every order concerning itself with missions independently cultivated the field of activity assigned it. On June 21, 1622, however, Gregory XV., the first pupil of the Jesuits to ascend the papal throne, created a congregation of cardinals De propaganda fide, in which was centralized the entire system of missionary labor.

When the Propaganda plans to begin operations within a certain district, which must first have received thorough geographic or ethnographic delimitation, a number of missionaries, furnished either by a religious order or by the national colleges, are sent there under the charge of a prefect apostolic, whence the district in question is termed an apostolic prefecture. All who are thus commissioned are priests, and their first object is to establish in their prefecture fixed missionary centers either for individuals or for small groups of their number. To every such station is also allotted a subdivision of the district as a prospective parish. In case the enterprise thrives, new parishes are detached; but even though such progress may be made that clergy may be trained either wholly or in part from the converts among the population without drawing priests from without, no new diocese is created until it may safely be assumed that it will be permanent. Instead of establishing a see, the apostolic prefecture is now made an apostolic vicariate, in which the pope, who is bishop there in his capacity of universal bishop, is represented by a bishop in partibus, or vicar apostolic. This prelate, like the prefect apostolic, may be removed at any time. In course of time, the apostolic vicariates are still further subdivided, since smaller districts facilitate more energetic activity; and finally, if all goes well; a bishopric is organized.

The situation and object of the missionaries not only dispense them from the minute observance of many rules of habit, breviary prayers, precise times of saying mass, and the like, but also from requiring rigid obedience on the part of their converts to the rules of life laid down by the Roman Catholic Church; and certain concessions may be made to divergent popular customs or similar factors, as in the case of fasts, impediments to marriage, etc. In both these directions, even as early as the thirteenth century, those in charge of missions were empowered with manifold privileges, or "faculties," which the Propaganda now confers upon its missionaries either as the mouthpiece of the pope or on the ground of unrestricted papal authority. Naturally no unnecessary faculties are conferred, and they are also generally limited to a certain number of years, their continuance being determined by the persistence of the conditions which originally evoked them. Here the determining factor is the. attitude assumed by the State toward the Church, since from the Roman Catholic point of view the relative subordination of canonical rule to expediency can not entirely cease until the State undertakes its proper duty of maintaining the ordinances of the Church. Until this point is reached, the Propaganda directs its efforts to the desired end, and accordingly governs local church concerns. When, however, the State renders due aid to the Church, and the region in question has become wholly "Catholic," the Propaganda is replaced by the Inquisition. Where the latter is able to maintain pure doctrine and a corresponding mode of life with the full cooperation of the State, the territory in question is termed "Catholic"; but where, on the contrary, heresy revels unpunished, the land is regarded as a missionary district, and consequently as a "province of the Propaganda," since all church affairs are there controlled more or less by missionary motives. In modern times the distinction between the two is little more than a historic survival, since even in "Catholic lands" the aid formerly given by the State is being withdrawn. Nevertheless, a sharp difference is still observed by the Curia in the hope that recalcitrant States may return to their allegiance to the Church and again aid in the suppression of heresy.

Certain lands once "Catholic" have now become missionary districts through the continued recalcitrancy of their governments. Although this category includes primarily the Protestant countries, it also comprises the regions controlled by the Greek Church, despite the fact that they can scarcely be described as having once been "Catholic" in the technical sense of the term. Nevertheless, Pius IX. established, primarily for them, a special "Congregation for the Oriental Rites" (see under ROMAN CATHOLICS, "Uniate churches"). The Greek countries are treated similarly to the Protestant missionary lands.

Roman Catholic dioceses in Protestant countries -these including the German sees, the reestablished English and Dutch bishoprics, and the newly founded North American dioceses--are missionary sees; and their bishops are, therefore, vested with pastoral care not only over the Roman Catholics, but also over the. Protestants, in their dioceses. These bishops are, accordingly, under the constant supervision of the Propaganda, from which they receive the necessary missionary faculties. Some uncertainty exists as to whether the Curia regards such pre-Reformation sees as are partly conterminous with newly established dioceses as preserving a de jure continuity. It is clear, however, that dioceses which are still administered by prefects or vicars apostolic are held to have been uninterrupted by the Reformation.

E. SEHLING.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Meier, Die Propaganda, ihre Provinzen and ihr Recht, 2 parts, G�ttingen, 1852-53; Raphael de Martinis, Juris pontificii de propaganda fide, Rome, 1888 sqq.; A. Pieper, Grandung and erste Einrichtung der Propaganda-Kongregation, Munich, 1901; P. M. Baumgarten Der Pabst, die Regierung and die Veruualtung der heiligen Kirche in Rom, pp. 353-388, Munich, 1904.

PROPERTY, ECCLESIASTICAL.

  • I. General History.
    1. Res Sacr� (� 1).
    2. Res Religios� (� 2).
    3. Changes at the Reformation (� 3).
    4. Jesuitical Theories (� 4).
    5. Territorialiam and Collegialism (� 5).
    6. Distribution and Administration (� 8).
    7. The State and Church Property (� 7).
  • II. In the United States.
    1. Attitude of the States to Church Property.
    2. Methods of Holding It.
    3. American Rule of Specific Trusts.
    4. Property and Church Divisions.
    • Secession from Denomination (� 1).
    • Schism in Local Church (� 2).
    • Particular Cases (� 3).
    • Self-governing Churches (� 4).

I. General History:

1. Res Sacr�.

Every Church requires external means of existence, the so-called temporalities, in order to maintain its institutional organism; and these it derives either from contributions or from other property at its command. Such property constitutes the patrimonium or peculium ecclesiæ. Of such things (res ecclesiastic�), those which are designated and accordingly consecrated for use in the sanctuary service are distinguished as res sacrc�, sanct�, sacro-sanct�, for the reason that according to Roman law they are withdrawn from trade (extra commercium): under canon law they do indeed stand in the light of property, but subject to the rule that they shall never be convertible in any way contrary to the sanctuary purpose to which they were once applied. Any crime committed against them bears its own stamp as such. To this category on the Protestant side belong church buildings, cemeteries, and church furniture; on the Roman Catholic side, the same as prior to the Reformation, the churches, the altars, the utensils accessory to the worship, especially to the Mass or Holy Communion; such as the chalice and paten, which are to be wrought of precious metals,-contingently of tin, but not of wood or glass; the Eucharistic cruets (ampull�); likewise the monstrance (ostensorium), for the reservation of the consecrated host, which on festival occasions is exposed for adoration; the censers (thuribula), crucifixes, images, lights, holy water basin, sprinkling brushes, banners, etc.; the sacred vestments; and bells.

When the Church was first recognized by the Roman State, it was already in possession of property. Constantine decreed (321) that the churches might inherit through testamentary provisions; and similar principles obtained in the German realms.

2. Res Religios�

The individual ecclesiastical foundations were regarded as titular possessors of this ecclesiastical estate, prior to the Reformation. In a natural sense, only man can be the possessor of rights; hence, also, of property rights. Legal construction, however, can think of an enduring purpose as property-holder: for instance, the purpose that at a specified place and by s specified succession of persons the cure of souls shall be constantly exercised through the administration of word and sacraments; or the purpose that certain persons shall live together according to the rule of a certain order to the glory of God (the medieval term for property devoted to this end is rea religios� from religio, in the sense of "monastic life," "monastery "); or the purpose of healing the sick or caring for the poor; or that masses be read, or perpetual lamps be maintained, etc. The nature and course of the purpose in question are always defined. The legally effective arrangement by virtue of which this kind of ideal property-holder is qualified to stand as a so-called legal personality is called foundation or endowment; and in fact the like personalities themselves are then designated as foundations or endowments: church foundations, cloister endowments, hospital foundations, etc. If in the case of medieval donations and legacies the patron saint is named instead of the institution, this is only a popular expression. Again, where the idea occasionally expressed itself in earlier times that the subject of church property in the diocese was the metropolitan church, there is simply a product of the conditions whereby in the small Eastern episcopal provinces that church was the only parish church with full prerogatives.

3. Changes at the Reformation.

This is not the place to take up in detail the obscure fancies that Christ, or the poor, are "owners of the Church's property"; however, the question is pertinent as to how the Reformation idea is related to the foregoing pre-Reformation views. The answer appears in the contemporary visitation minutes and church regulations, which latter nearly always contain a section with respect to church property. They both assume that the possessors of church property prior to the Reformation, namely the local parochial foundations, continue in possession, after the Reformation in so far as effective, of all the property rights to them belonging before the Reformation. They both strive to safeguard for them the prerogatives which belong to them under ormation. this construction, against the manifold injuries wherewith they were threatened on account of confusing Reformatory misconceptions. It is obvious that a good many aspects of church property before the Reformation ceased with the Reformation: above all, the fraternity foundations that were frequently attached to town churches, mass endowments, vicarages, endowments of perpetual lamps, etc., because their very object was lost. The property conditions in question might have been diverted to the State exchequer as bona vacantia; but in consequence of Luther's tract on "Spiritual Possessions" (Ordnung eines gemeinen Kastens, Rathschlag, wie die geistlichen G�ter zu handeln sind, 1523) they were nevertheless, in so far as not simply applied to the actually needy pastoral estate, reserved frequently for distinctly new foundations, in order to serve as additional means for church purposes, education, care of the poor, etc., the so-called poorboxes (Gotteskaaten), and the like. The property of the nunneries, after their purpose had lapsed, was indeed absorbed by the State; and yet by favor of statutory enactments it not infrequently became appropriated to the use of the Church and education. Thus also the Evangelical Church continued to hold fast the pre-Reformation conception with respect to the qualified owners of church property. It is incorrect to represent this Church as holding the idea that the congregation is to be regarded as the authoritative owner: what the statements which are adduced to this effect from the Reformation period really say, is merely that the church property shall accrue to the benefit of the congregation (cf. O. Mejer, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, G�ttingen, 1869, p. 421, note; K. Ricker, Rechtliche Stellung der evangelischen Kirche, Leipsic, 1893, pp. 196 sqq.).

4. Jesuitical Theories.

In opposition to the theory thus far considered, there now developed on the Roman Catholic side what had been formerly expressed only in the way of isolated views; namely, the opinion that the visible ecumenical Church, as represented by the pope, is the owner of the church property, and has made over their portions to the several ecclesiastical institutions only as usufruct: that it can accordingly withdraw the same in case the institution at issue should perish or degenerate. An opinion of this nature, which reflected the Jesuitical philosophy of the papal system, and has been also chiefly advocated by that persuasion, excluded not only the possibility that the property of extinct ecclesiastical endowments accrues to the State, but even attached a claim to property becoming subject to Protestant tenure. Equally to be rejected as contrary to judicial principles is the similarly erected theory of daminium successivum on the part of the Church ecumenical with respect to the property of the individual organization.

5. Territorialism and Collegialism.

Territorialism (q.v.) claimed for the State the supreme power (summa potestas) on earth; and naturally, also the power of administration over the property of its subjects; that is, "eminent domain" (dominium eminens). The older territorialism, by adopting the formula that the incumbent of the State Church government is owner of the church property, effects the transition to what at bottom is likewise consistrialism and ently the present territorial theory, which represents the State Church in this very light (cf. Mejer, ut sup., p. 422, note 7; C. Meurer, Begrif and Eigenth�mer der heiligen Sachen, i. 331 sqq., D�sseldorf, 1885; Rieker, ut sup., pp. 324 sqq.). In like manner the exponents of the second system which is based upon natural right (collegialism) acknowledge jus eminens on the part of the State, nor in this respect do they deviate in their practical net results from those of territorialism. But in other respects they naturally lay more stress on the rights of the collegium; and they further consider, with implicit bearings of necessity involved therein, the congregation as disposer of the church property rights.

6. Distribution and Administration.

At first all ecclesiastical revenues, including those accruing from contributions, were turned into a diocesan fund, out of which, in Italy, the bishop, the clergy, the church fabric, and the poor each received one fourth. In Spain they made only three portions: for bishop, clergy, church fabric, some other way of caring for the poor being devised. In Frankish lands, however, the unity of administration (though not that of property, which had ceased on account of the growth of country churches), continued intact until into the eighth century, but some particular incomes were divided. Later, as this collective system lapsed, the benefices grew up (see BENEFICE); likewise the bishop's particular income (mensa) and the church-fabric funds (see FABRICA ECCLESI�) and endowments; while out of the quarta pauperism there arose the parochial charitable funds, or the poor were cared for by the aid of cloisters and other foundations. It was only in exceptional instances that church property affecting general ecclesiastical objects was administered under episcopal supervision; but the bishop's jurisdiction over church property resolved itself into a comprehensive right of visitation. In the main the matter continued to rest on this basis in later times.

When the State does not proceed on the principles of territorialism, it can empower itself with no other prerogatives with respect to the property of ecclesiastical foundations, than such as it holds in relation to the property of legal persons in general. In the case of all private property, the State exercises the right of corrective measures to confine the operation and use of such property within the sphere of public welfare. Likewise, the State is obliged and empowered to see to it that property intended for uses of public importance be not withdrawn from its rightful purpose. Both these theories apply to church property. They first come to fight when church foundations were prohibited, or restricted by the State, which opposed the acquisition of property by Mortmain (q.v.).

E. SEHLING.

II. In the United States:

1. Attitude of the States to Church Property.

The status of property within the United States that is devoted to the purposes of religion is based upon the unique rejation of Church and State originating in the colonial period and developing through the period of, national life. By the terms of the federal constitution ecclesiastical affairs in the several commonwealths are regarded as domestic relations, and as such are excluded from the jurisdiction of Congress and reserved to the several state governments. A number of endowments of both real and personal property had been created prior to the revolution and had received legal form by charters secured either directly from the British crown or from the provincial legislatures. After the revolution the validity of such endowments was recognized by the state courts. The policy of the states, however, toward the creation of new religious endowments was timid. There was a general fear of doing anything toward the re-creation of ecclesiastical establishments, and the state legislatures hesitated to invest religious bodies with any considerable capacity to hold property. The early statutes on this subject placed a very low limit upon the amount of property which might he held by any one religious organization. The public policy respecting the accumulation of property by religious bodies gradually became more liberal, and their legal facilities were more adequately defined. The manner in which property may now be devoted to the purposes of religion, the title by which such property is held, and the powers of religious societies or their trustees over it, depend in each state upon the statutory enactments and also upon the nature of the conveyance and the character and legal form of the church. organization seeking to hold it. There is a general harmony in the policies of the several states in the matter of the taxation of church property. All of the states at the present time exempt property devoted exclusively to the purposes of religion from taxation, but not from special taxes levied in the form of assessments for local improvements. This exemption is not extended to property that is held by a religious body for investment and revenue and not actually used for purposes of religion. By statute in some jurisdictions the amount of land which may be held by religious corporations is still limited. Where a statute provides a limitation solely as to the quantity of land, these bodies are not limited as to the value of the property which they may hold. It depends upon the terms of the statute whether this limitation extends to unineorporated as well as to incorporated societies. Such a limitation applies only to single societies and not to religious denominations. It is the general rule applicable to all religious bodies that a conveyance of property in trust for the use of a certain church to certain trustees and their successors, invests their society with the legal title, and not with any beneficial interest; and the trustees have no power to transfer the title of the property from the body for whose use they hold it. The legal title must remain in them while they remain in office; and when they resign or are displaced, it will either remain in them or be in abeyance until their successors are chosen. In either case it is their duty to hold the property until some one is invested with authority to receive it.

2. Methods of Holding It:

While the provisions for the holding of the property of religious societies or churches differ greatly in matters of detail, there are throughout the United States only five general methods in use: (1) where the churches themselves become corporations upon the execution and filing of articles of association or by securing charters in accordance with law as in Indiana and Pennsylvania; (2) where the churches are required to elect trustees, such trustees being constituted the corporation as in Maryland, Montana, and New Jersey; (3) where, as in Virginia and West Virginia, trustees are appointed by the courts for the churches in order to secure their property rights; (4) where, as in the Roman Catholic Church, the property is held by the bishop or archbishop of the diocese. An official thus holding church property may be regarded as a corporation sole, although in some of the states he would not be so regarded. Delaware has legislation prohibiting this method of holding church property. In certain states, however, as in Oregon, special legislation has been secured permitting this method. (5) Church property in the United States is still sometimes held by unincorporated churches. If they have no trustees it is doubtful whether lands can be granted by deed to them, but it would appear that they may receive both real and personal property by will. Every effort is made by the courts to protect the property rights of such churches.

3. American Rule of Specific Trusts:

While all property devoted to the purposes of religion is, broadly speaking, trust property, to some property there are attached specific trusts. Property which by deed or by will of the donor, or by other instrument, is held for the express purpose of teaching some specific form of doctrine, or for any other religious object, can not be diverted from such purpose or object, so long as there are any persons willing to carry out the objects of the trust, or who, having a standing in court, are prepared to insist upon the execution of the same. For instance, a trust created to support the teaching of the Presbyterian system, of doctrine, or for the maintenance of a home for the orphans of deceased Baptist ministers, can not be diverted to any other purposes. If, in the case of a given specific trust, the trustees fail, the courts, if applied to, will provide new trustees, and will carry into effect the intent of the donor or testator so far as the same can be ascertained.

4. Property and Church Divisions:

1. Secession from Denomination.

The rules regulating ecclesiastical property rights in cases of schism have been developed by the civil courts, both state and federal, In a series of notable cases, and may be summarized as follows: if a church acquires property when it is connected with a denomination. as a subordinate branch of such denomination, it loses title to the property so acquired by severing its connection with the denomination. This rule is not to be interpreted, however, as meaning that no congregation can change any material part of its principles or practises with out forfeiting its property. Individual members who, disapproving of the use of the property for the denominational purposes for which it was acquired, voluntarily leave the society and enter into another, must be regarded as abandoning their rights and privileges in respect to such property. But a majority of a congregation excluded from the church building by a minority and holding its meetings in another place does not thereby secede where it forms no new congregation and maintains the same officers and is recognized as the original church by the council of the denomination. Nor do the members of a faction withdraw from the church by supporting only their own organization (holding separate services) at separate times under another pastor and attempting to discharge the original pastor. The mere fact that the members withdrawing from the control of the supreme body of the denomination preserve identical theological belief and religious observances with those of the body from which they withdraw does not prevent them from losing title to the property.

2. Schism in Local Church.

In case of a schism in a church which is in connection with and a constituent part of an ecclesiastical organization and which has a head invested by its constitution or recognized usage with supervisory and supreme control over the constituent parts to determine all questions producing schisms and division between the members and to recognize and decide what faction is in the right, the civil courts have laid down the following rule: The title to the property is in that part of the congregation which is acting in harmony with its own law, and with the ecclesiastical laws, usages, customs, and principles which were accepted among them before the dispute began. In such cases it is the duty of the civil court to decide in favor of that faction, whether a majority or a minority, which adheres to the doctrines maintained by the congregation. The only exception to this rule is the case of a usurpation of power in the governing body so revolutionary in its character as to result either in the creation of a new and essentially different organization or in such a radical change of the articles of faith as to constitute an essentially different religion.

3. Particular Cases.

Where there has come to be a voluntary division in the denomination where the controlling ecclesiastical authority of the denomination allows each congregation to decide for itself to which branch of the division it will adhere, this question is to be determined according to the vote of the majority, and the minority can not therefore retain control of the property on the ground that such action of the majority constitutes a diversion. The particular church may also refuse to adhere to either branch and will not thereby lose its title to property which has been specifically conveyed to it. The rule as to chapels and other subordinate organizations founded in connection with a congregation or parish is that they will not be allowed to secede from the church by which they were established and carry with them the property acquired in part or in whole by the contributions of the parent church or its members, or that which persons not connected with either organization may have given for its support as an adjunct, to the parent church. In cases where property is purchased by a congregation or society to be held for its benefit free from the interference and control of the denomination at large, the ownership of the property is in the congregation or society and will remain with the majority in case a minority secedes and develops a separate organization. The fact that persons not members of the church or society contributed to the fund which was used by it in the payment of land sought to be impressed with a trust for charitable uses does not make them owners of the land itself, nor authorize them to impose restrictions on the right of alienation, the church not being a mere owner under a donor for charitable uses, though the grantor as to the balance of the price was a donor. When a church which has withdrawn from its denomination returns to its ecclesiastical connection it is not thereby reinstated in its former property rights.

4. Self Governing Churches.

Many American churches are strictly congregational in their polity, each being governed solely within itself either by a majority of its members or by such other local organization as it may have instituted for the purpose of ecclesiastical government, its property being held either by way of purchase or donation with no specific trust attached. In such cases where there is a schism which leads to a separation into distinct and conflicting bodies the rights of such bodies to the use of such property must be determined by the ordinary principles which form voluntary associations. If the major ity rules, then the numerical majority of members must control the right to the use of the property If, however, the power and control are vested in officers of the congregation, then those who adhere to the acknowledged organization by which the body is governed are entitled to the use of the property. The minority in choosing to separate into a distinct body and refusing to recognize the authority of the governing body can claim no rights in the property from the fact of their membership in the church or congregation. As there was no trust imposed upon the property when purchased or given, the court will not imply one for the purpose of expelling from its use those who by regular order or succession constitute the church merely because they have changed in some respects their religious views.

GEORGE JAMES BAYLES.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. H�bler, Eigenth�mer des Kirchenguten, Leipsic, 1888; J. S. Mill, State interference with Church Property, in Dissertations and Discussions, 4 vols., London, 1859-75; W. Strong, Relation of Civil Law to Church Property, New York, 1875; R. P Day, Fixtures as applied to Eccles. Benefices, Canterbury, 1899; C. Meurer, Bayerisches Verm�gensrecht, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1892-1900; A. Posehl; Biachofagut and Mensa epiacopalia, Bonn, 1909; Archiv fiir katholischen Kirchenrecht, xxxiv, 50 sqq., lxi. 255 sqq.; KL, vii. 891-715.

PROPHECY AND THE PROPHETIC OFFICE.

 

  • I. Ethnic Prophecy.
    1. General Conceptions (� 1).
    2. Biblical Attitude toward Soothsaying (� 2).
  • II. In the Old Testament.
    • 1. Historical Development of Prophecy.
      1. Prophetic Basis of Old-Testament Religion (� 1).
      2. Samuel to Elisha (� 2).
      3. Amos to Malachi (� 3).
    • 2. Characteristics.
      1. Objective View (� 1).
      2. Subjective Conditions (� 2).
      3. Objectivity of the Message (� 3).
      4. Delivery of the Message (� 4).
      5. Form of the Message (� 5).
      6. Contents (� 6).
      7. Relations of Prediction to the Present (� 7).
      8. Fulfilment (� 8).
  • III. In the New Testament.

 

1. Ethnic Prophecy:

1. General Conceptions.

Among many peoples the idea that God's spirit speaks directly to man was commonly held. Some early sages attribute to man's soul the faculty of premonition (Plato, Ph�do, xx.; Cicero, De divitatione, i.; Plutarch, De oraculorum defectu, xl.). It was also believed that sometimes a divine power comes over a man and speaks through him. From the ecstatic state (see ECSTASY) in which this occurs, the seer bears the name mantis from mainesthai, "to rave." This, however, differs entirely from Hebrew prophecy; it were better to discover divine inspiration in poets, artists, and philosophers, but this gift is more ethical than religious. In man's intellectual life, phenomena were observed that were independent of his conscious thought, especially in the frequently realized premonitions. In some cases, as with the daimonion of Socrates, these were connected with the conscience and had a certain ethical value. Persons at the point of death were also supposed to possess this faculty. Especial stress was laid on dreams or trances, survivals of which may be found in modern times, as also on communications from the spirits of the departed. These spirits were evoked among various peoples-Babylonians, Egyptians (cf. Isa. xix. 3), Canaanites (Deut. xviii. 11-12), Persians, Thracians, Greeks (Odyssey, xi. 29 sqq,), Romans, and others. Cicero distinguishes between artificial and natural divination, but the latter is rare and it is known that prophetic dreams and the ecstatic state were induced by artificial means (G. Ebera, Aegypten and die B�cher Mosis, i. 321-322, Leipsic, 1868). External nature was also a source of inspiration. The noblest form was that of the sighing of the wind or the murmuring of the stream, conceived as the voice of God, as in Dodona. However, communications from this source necessarily lacked the precision and clearness of the divine word of the prophet. In Delphi, the Pythia's inspiration seems to have come from subterranean vapors; her obscure words were interpreted by priests who bore the name of proph�tai. With the Babylonians, the starry heavens were thought to have a determining influence on man's destiny (cf. Cicero, De divinatione, ii. 58, 60, 69). The casting of lots (see LOT, HEBREW USE OF) to determine doubtful questions was also prevalent, and this, as well as dreams, was sometimes used by God to reveal his will; the Urim and Thummim (q.v.) may have been a kind of lot.

2. Biblical Attitude toward Sooth Saying.

With the exceptions just mentioned, the Bible opposes all, these heathen means of reading the future; magic and soothsaying were punished by death (Lev. xx. 27). By Magic (q.v.) is understood an attempt on man's part to utilize demonic powers (but see COMPARATIVE RELIGION, V. 1, b, � 5 ). There were magicians who called up the spirits of the dead (I Sam. xxviii.), also those who drew their conclusions from the movement of the clouds (cf. Isa. viii. 19; Jer. xxvii. 9). It is, however, principally by its contents that Old-Testament prophecy differs from heathen soothsaying, since with the latter, the main object is to gain information regarding the future. Without denying the ethical and religious quality of some of the Delphic oracles, it is still to be noted that these do not surpass the natural powers of human consciousness, while they fail to give any insight into the counsels of the Almighty. While analogies for the Messianic prophecies may be found in the ideal pictures of the future from heathen sages, the absolute confidence in the ultimate realization of their ideals is lacking. The religion of ancient Egypt, and more especially that of Zoroaster (see ZOROASTER, ZOROASTRIANISM), with its Conflict between good and evil, resulting in the ultimate triumph of the former, approach Hebrew prophecy much more closely; but the conceptions are more abstract than those of the Bible, which sees in daily life the beginning of the realization of God's promises. According to Renan, prophecy was a special endowment of the Semitic mind, but, although this is true to a certain extent, there is no real analogy to Hebrew prophecy among the other Semitic peoplea. The Koran possesses but little originality and lacks the high ethical worth characteristic of the true prophets. The Babylonian penitential psalms (Schrader, KAT, 3d ed., pp. 384-385), sometimes adduced as a prototype of the Suffering servant of Yahweh, show a king who bewails his sufferings and asserts his innocence, but there is no trace of a plan of God which is served by this suffering, or indeed of any prophetic thought.

II. In the Old Testament:

The Old Testament records the visions of men who were not Israelites, such as Eliphaz (Job iv. 12 sqq.) and Balsam (Num.xxii-xxiv.), and also of the prophets of Baal and Ashera. In Israel, however, prophecy attained an incomparable significance, for here clairvoyance was ennobled by being used in the service of God; the mantic frenzy lost its pathological character and the prophet became the proclaimer of the purest religious truth and of the profoundest mysteries of God's kingdom. Prophetism in the service of Yahweh was the medium through which the national religion of Israel was called to life, and it guarded the purity of this religion against popular corruption and prepared the way for its development into the supreme religion of mankind.

1. Historical Development of Prophecy:

1. Prophetic Basis of Old-Testament Religion.

It is significant for the entire conception of God in the Old Testament that, from the beginning, the Israel ites derived their knowledge of him from personal revelations, appearances, and monitions. Genesis teaches that the patriarchs were honored with such revelations. Friends of God like Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, received prophetic direction at critical periods of their life. More especially the beginnings of the religion of the covenant are the work of a man of high prophetic gifts, a mediator between God and his people. The authority of Moses (q.v.) rested on his reputation as the servant of Yahweh as the seer and spokesman of his God. Miriam and others possessed the gift of prophecy (Ex. xv. 20; Num. xi. 25 sqq.). From this time prophecy never wholly died out (Deut. xviii. 9 qq.); in the time of the judges, Deborah and others appeared (Judges iv. 4, vi. 8, cf. ii. 1; I Sam. ii. 27). Samuel (q.v.) marks an epoch; he is called the seer, not in the lower sense of soothsayer, but as a tried and trusted organ of Yahweh. He may be regarded as the first of the prophets, both because of his superior endowments and because the prophetic communities seem to have owed their origin to him; at least, they first appear in his time. As their name ("sons of the prophets") indicates, they were disciples who gathered about a master; as communities they seem to have remained in their respective settlements, while such masters as Samuel, Elijah, or Elisha wandered from place to place. These settlements appear to have been in the quiet country outside the city limits; a few lightly constructed huts, .in a place offering a supply of water and vegetable growth, sufficed for the simple needs of these people. The sitting of the disciples before the master (II Kings, iv. 38) indicates a preaching or teaching activity on the master's part. Ecstatic phenomena (see ECSTASY) are not to be regarded as habitual with them, but represented a stage in the development of prophecy which might be compared with the revival meetings of modern Christianity. Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were certainly in intimate relation with the "sons of the prophets," a fact which proves the high worth of the latter. Sacred music was cultivated in the communities () and served to induce the ecstatic state; it could also awaken the higher prophetic sense (II Kings, iii. 15). On the other hand, these schools may have contributed to the degradation of prophecy by making it more professional.

2. Samuel to Elisha.

Individual prophets continually appear in the time of the kings as spokesmen of the King of kings. In David's time, the prophets were in perfect accord with the sovereign; Samuel had anointed him and Nathan and Gad aided him with their counsel (cf. II Chron. xxix. 25). To a prophet, the education of Solomon was entrusted. In his reign the prophet Ahia of Shiloh predicted the destruction of the Davidic kingdom and anointed Jeroboam king over the ten tribes. The authority of the prophets is also shown in the case of Rehoboam, who refrained from a campaign against the revolting tribes because the prophet Shemaiah declared their revolt an act of God (I Kings xii. 21 sqq.). The worldly character of most of the rulers of the Ephraimite kingdom evoked the heroic qualities of the prophets of Yahweh. When under Ahab and Jezebel the plot was laid to substitute for Yahweh's worship that of Baal, the prophetic caste opposed the design and suffered bloody persecution, and finally Elijah (q.v.) frustrated the entire plan. This prophet towers above all the others of his time; his hairy mantle seems to have become the prophetic garb (Zech. xiii. 4, A. V. margin; cf. Matt. iii. 4, xi. 8). It appears also, that at that period the prophets bore a sign or scar on their foreheads (I Kings xx. 38); according to a much later source, on the chest (Zech. xiii. 6, A. V. "hands"); this indicates self-inflicted wounds (I Kings xviii. 28). The most trusted disciple and successor of Elijah was Elisha (q.v.). It appears (II Kings iv. 23) that he gathered a community about him on new moons and sabbaths, doubtless for teaching and edification. This formed a center of worship independent of the sanctuary at Bethel (II Kings iv. 42). As a consequence of Elijah's reforming activity, Elisha led a more quiet life, but he completed his predecessor's work.

3. Amos to Malachi.

The political successes of the kingdom of Israel under Jeroboam II. served to estrange the people from God, and under this prince arose the prophets of misfortune, Amos and Hosea (qq.v.), who laid bare the moral perversity of the time and prophesied the destruction of the kingdom. Amos and Hosea differ from Elijah and Elisha in being exclusively bearers of the divine word, which they committed to writing, as became the custom from their time (see HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE II.). In the kingdom of Judah, the attitude of the prophets toward the monarchy was essentially different from that in Israel. Although they found unrighteousnessin civil and political life, they found also a better ground upon which to build for the future. The house of David, with its fundamental promises and the choice of Zion as God's dwelling-place, gave hope and confidence, even in times of apostasy, that God's plans were being realized. There were also God-fearing rulers, willing to receive prophetic counsel, who sought to restore the pure and ancient religion of Yahweh. Thus II Chron. xv. 1 sqq. relates of Asa that he was influenced in this direction by the prophet Azariah, the son of Oded; Asa's successor, Jehoshaphat, sought the approval of God's word for his undertakings (I Kings xxii. 5). Early in the succeeding period, the writing down of prophecies in Judah must have begun. With the appearance of Isaiah and Micah (qq.v.), Judean prophecy reached its highest point; the former shows the action of the divine word in the whole history of the people, while both draw pictures of the future Messianic kingdom such as had never before been attained. There was a rich development of prophecy toward the period of the downfall of the kingdom of Judah; Nahum, Zephaniah, and Habakkuk (qq.v.) wrote during the passing of the empire from the Assyrians to the Babylonians. A prophetess, Huldah, enjoyed the highest consideration in the eighteenth year of Josiah (II Kings xxii. 14). Jeremiah (q.v.) was called by God to give prophetic testimony during the last struggle of the monarchy; while the somewhat younger Ezekiel (q.v.) was also greatly favored with visions by God; he was in perfect agreement with Jeremiah in the latter's judgments on kings and peoples. Besides these leading prophets, there was in Judah and Israel a prophetic gild, whose members Isaiah, Micah, and Jeremiah condemn on account of their conformity to popular clamor and their readiness to see divine inspiration in the dictates of sentimental patriotism, and also because of their indifference to the necessity of chastisement for moral perversity (cf. Isa. xxviii. 7; Mic. iii. 5 sqq.; Jer. xxiii. 9-40; Ezek. xii. 24). Among the Babylonian exiles there were optimistic dreamers who claimed to be prophets but were sternly condemned by Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 8 sqq.). The visions of Daniel occupy an exceptional position, and because of the obscurity touching their origin were not included among the prophetic books of the canon. A notable prophet at the end of the captivity is the one usually designated as DeuteroIsaiah (see ISAIAH, II.). He realized that with the fall of Babylon and the victories of Cyrus the prophecies regarding Israel's liberation were beginning to be fulfilled, and he proclaimed the consummation of God's reign on earth. To the prophets Haggai and Zechariah (qq.v.) it is due that, in spite of all obstacles, the building of the Temlile was energetically begun in 520. To the time of Ezra and Nehemiah belongs the last canonical prophet, Malachi (q.v.), whose diction is less lyric and more didactic. Great difference is observable in the attitude of the earlier and the later prophets regarding ritual observances; the former freely denounce the corrupt and unspiritual worship to which their contemporaries were devoted; the latter, on the other hand, living at a time when the ritual had been purified and idealized, were more inclined to denounce any neglect to participate in it. Later Judaism looked upon Malachi as the last of the prophets. Even in the heroic age of the Maccabees, it was felt that prophecy had forsaken the land and that the only hope for its renewal lay in the future. Still, there were always those who either claimed or were supposed to possess this gift, as is shown in the pseudepigraphic apocalypses (see PSEUDEPIGRAPHA OF THE OLD TESTAMENT) and in what is related of the Essenes (q.v.).

2. Characteristics:

1. Objective View.

According to Old-Testament ideas, the distinguishing quality of prophetic discourse consists in the fact that it results from the action of a supernatural power which gives to the prophet of Israel the contents of his discourse; the words he utters are not his own, but those of God. Since the prophet is not free to follow his own inclination, but feels himself bound and led by an overmastering power, this is frequently called the "hand of God" (Isa. viii. 11; Jer. xv. 17; Ezek. i. 3; II Kings iii. 15), which comes over him, falls upon him, snatches him away from his accustomed range of thought and view, and brings him into connection with God. The power is often called the spirit of Yahweh, just as the prophet is said to be the, man of the spirit (Hos. ix. 7, A. V. margin). This spirit of the Lord is not to be confused with the universal divine spirit of life, dwelling in every human being, giving life and breath to even the brutes; it should rather be compared with that divine spirit which enabled members of the community, such as the judges or the artificer Bezaleel, to accomplish wonderful acts in the service of God (Ex. xxxi. 3, xxxv. 31). It is, therefore, necessary to distinguish various grades and also various gifts in this communication of the divine spirit. With the prophets, the spirit vouchsafed to them remains distinct from their natural consciousness and reveals itself in clear and definite announcements. The expressions used to designate its coming upon a man are "to come upon" (Num. xxiv. 2; II Chron. xv. 1), or, more forcibly, "fall upon" (Ezek. xi. 5). It is also said that this spirit clothes itself with a man as with a garment, and so makes him its corporeal envelope (Judges vi. 34). It is also said that the spirit "descends upon one," "rests upon him" (Num. xi. 25, 26; II Kings ii. 15; Isa. xi. 2Isa. lxi. 1). Even where the spirit abides permanently, this relation had its beginning in a divine act which, as a rule, is neither coincident in time or fact with the bestowal of the universal spirit of life. The gift of prophecy is not hereditary, the privilege of a special gild or school. While members of the old prophetic societies prepared themselves to receive the spirit, it blew whither it listed. On the other hand, the spirit of prophecy came upon Amos, who was neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet (Amos vii. 14-15), and at once constituted him a prophet of divine quality. Occasionally also, the spirit spoke through men who were not chosen for continuous teaching and preaching, such as David (II Sam. xxiii. 2); indeed, it sometimes seized upon persons whose mind was otherwise far removed from God, as when the Lord made the heathen seer Balaam his organ, and when the high priest Caiaphas spoke a word of the Lord (John xi. 51). The moment for revelation was always chosen by God, contrary to the practise in the heathen oracles and also to the use of the Urim and Thummim (q.v.), where the initiative came from the questioner. When counsel is sought, God often remains silent, but this does not exclude the fact that divine prophetic words are sometimes elicited later from the tried prophet (II Sam. vii. 2 sqq.).

2. Subjective Conditions.

The prophet may also prepare himself to receive the divine word (Hab. ii. 1), even sensual means like music are not excluded; but whether the Lord will allow himself to be persuaded to speak, depends exclusively upon his grace. The receptive side of prophecy is sometimes designated as seeing and at others as hearing. The oldest name of the prophet was, according to I Sam. ix. 9, ro'eh, "seer." In this expression lies the conception that the prophet whose eye God has unveiled gazes on those things that God usually hides from mortal sight; they may be symbolically represented to the eye of the seer, but even then he is not the creator of these signs and figures-this distinguishes him from the poet-but another intelligence presents them to him and their meaning is often only gradually revealed (cf., e.g., Zech. ii. 2 sqq., iv. 4-5). In the titles of some prophetic books (Amos i. 1<.scripRef id="iv.v.xxxviii.p9.6">; Isa. i. 1; Mic. i. 1; Hab. i. 1) prophetic words are said to have been "seen" by the prophet. E. K�nig (0ffenbarungsbegrif, ii. 192, cf. pp. 2 sqq., Leipsic, 1882) looks upon this as a figure of speech, a later modification of prophetic diction; he supposes that the verb hazah (in contradistinction to ra'ah) is not used in genuine prophetic passages for the reception of revelations by true prophets, but only in the case of false prophets, and that it "designates a process which takes place in man's inner consciousness" (ii. 30). But the verb hazah may be used for something objectively seen (Isa. xxx. 10; Ezek. xii. 27). The verb ra'ah signifies the relation of the eye to the object seen, while hazah indicates the continued gazing upon a picture or image, and therefore applies to prophetic vision in general. The fact must be emphasized that, after receiving the revelation, the prophets are able to give an exact account of what they have seen or heard. This distinguishes them from shamans, who make their disclosures in a state of trance. The prophets also retain their consciousness and the memory of the past during the revelation (cf., e.g., Ex. iv. vi, xxxii. 7 sqq.; Isa. vi. 5; Jer. i. 6). An ecstasy, inducing a purely passive condition which assumed the characteristics of madness, sometimes appears in the case of the disciples of the prophets, or in that of a Saul (I Sam. xix. 24); but with those prophets who are familiar with the voice of the Lord this state is replaced by a certain self-control, which was necessary to enable them to apprehend clearly the word of the Lord and make it fruitful. Balsam, the half-heathen seer, the man with the "closed eye" ("whose eyes are open," A. V.), that is, whose eyes are closed to the outer world, while to his prophetic gaze hidden and distant things are unveiled, bears the strongest likeness to the shamans; still, even he speaks with full consciousness of what he has seen. The individual characteristics of the prophets assert themselves in this particular. Judging from the emotion that still vibrates in his written words, Hosea was more powerfully affected physically than Haggai, for instance, and Ezekiel suffered more in this respect beneath the hand of the Lord than did Isaiah. In both Jewish and Christian theology much has been written on the psychical condition of the prophets. While the oldest patristic view, resting on Philo and Plato, lays stress on the ecstatic element, ecclesiastical theology since the Montanistic controversy (see MONTANUS, MONTANISM) has rather striven to exclude the idea of any abnormal psychical disturbance (cf. G. F. Oehler, Theologie des Alten Testaments, pp. 745 sqq., Stuttgart, 1891). Konig believes that the communication of God to the prophets was always,an audible one and expressly rejects the parallel adduced by Oehler and Riehm with the way God's spirit speaks to the Christian petitioner and assures him that his prayer is heard (cf. E. Riehm, Die messianischen Weissagungen, 38 sqq.,Gotha,1885, Eng. transl., Messianic Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1891; Oehler, ut sup., p. 764). He holds that if the revelation had been made to the inner consciousness of the prophets, they would have been unable to distinguish clearly the divine voice from that of their own hearts. This view, however, unduly limits the power of the divine spirit, and overlooks the fact that sensual impressions may as easily lead to self-deception-there are hallucinations both of sight and of hearing. With the Old-Testament prophets, the intrinsic majesty and sacredness of the revelation brought the conviction of its truth.

3. Objectivity of the Message.

If the word of the Lord is something seen or perceived, something which comes to the prophet from without, it can not be the product of his subjective conjectures, fears, or premonitions. While the false prophet calculates the which result is the most probable and allows himself to be influenced by patriotism and personal advantage, the true prophet proclaims things contradictory to appearances and probabilities, things that offend his people and even deeply wound his own heart; yet he proclaims them with unshakable confidence. It must therefore be assumed that he had a higher source of knowledge. The ultra-rationalistic theology saw in the prophet only a man of superior gifts of mind and heart, a close observer of life, one familiar with virtue and hence with God, and one possessing that sure glance into the future which was lacking to the ordinary man. The difficulties to be overcome when an attempt is made to explain the duplex consciousness of the prophets and their boldness in the name of God, without having recourse to the intervention of a higher factor, is greatly increased by the quality of Old-Testament prophecy. This can not be explained by mere thought or by general convictions or simple premonitions.

4. Delivery of the Message.

The second act in the genesis of the prophetic word is its enunciation. This side of prophetic activity is most often expressed by the word nabhi, "the speaker," namely, for God (cf. C. von Orelli, Atttestamentliche Weissagung, pp. 7-8, Vienna, 1882; Eng..transl., Old Testament Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1885). The effort has been made to see in nabhi, according to its fundamental meaning, a designation of a Canaanite dervish and to distinguish it from ro'eh, supposed to signify the more noble seer. But apart from the doubtful equation, nabhi=madman, these bands of dervishes represent rather a degeneration of something higher. In Amos vii. 12 sqq., hozeh, the synonym of ro'eh, has already the same meaning as nabhi, and Amos himself (ii. 11-12) in no wise despises the nebi'im. The same spiritual power that has brought God's revelation with imperative certainty to the prophet's soul urges him to proclaim it to those to whom he is sent. This divine causation, which not only forces him to see but also to repeat what he has seen, is forcibly expressed in Amos iii. 8; that is, just as involuntarily as one starts in terror on hearing the voice of the lion, so must the prophet prophesy when God's mighty word comes upon him. When he tries to keep this word to himself, it burns his heart (Jer. xx. 9). False prophets indeed allow themselves to be influenced by human considerations and by the prospect of gain (cf. Mic. iii. 5, 11; Isa. lvi. 10); with the true prophet, however, " thus saith the Lord " means that a complete divine thought has been implanted in the prophet's being.

5. Form of the Message.

The concrete form and vivid realism of the relation springs from the fact that it describes a vision beheld by the prophet or some occurrence. He does not teach general, abstract truths, but of his gaze is fixed upon the activities of the living God. This revelation first appears in an impressive form before the prophet's soul and it is only later combined with his own reflections. He may be morally disposed to expect, even to demand, a judgment upon Jerusalem, but what he prophetically beholds may be a visitation far in excess of what he believes reasonable. The form of prophetic inspiration depends upon the mental characteristics of the people and the race. A peculiarity of the Semites is a certain directness of perception; the single phenomenon is apprehended by them in immediate connection with its supreme cause. This natural gift was raised by the divine spirit to the potency of a charisma (cf. CHARISMATA) and herein lay the peculiar greatness as well as the limitations of Old-Testament prophecy; its greatness, in that it enabled the prophets to recognize the rule of God even in its external manifestations; its limitations, in that this incorporation of divine ideas is inadequate. As a rule, this revelation of God is designated as a word of Yahweh, and herein lies an important formal peculiarity. In that it is a word, the prophetic revelation is distinguished from the imperfect prototypes by which future persons and events are foreshadowed. The whole Mosaic sacrificial institution points to a future and perfect means of atonement; David, . the king after God's heart, is the type of a future and greater ruler in whom the ideal which hovered before David will be fully realized. The symbolical interpretation of the Bible, practised by both Jews and Christians from an early time, has fallen into disrepute because of the capricious way in which it was employed, but modern natural science fully recognizes in the lower primitive types a prefiguring of the later and higher ones. The prophet gives a language to these symbols and discloses their hidden sense. The high priest offered his sacrifice of atonement for centuries before anyone saw in it a prophecy of the future, as did the Second Isaiah; sentiment and premonition were freely aroused by the symbolic worship, but they first became clear and definite ideas of the future through the prophetic word.

6. Contents.

As to its contents, prophecy is in no wise confined to future events. What happens at a distance and is therefore inaccessible to the senses, or what by its very nature belongs to a sphere unattainable for sensual and intellectual organs, is revealed to the prophet by the spirit of God. So, for example, Isaiah and Ezekiel beheld the majesty of him who was seated in the heavens; Ezekiel saw, in Babylon, what took place in Jerusalem (viii. 1 sqq.) or what Nebuchadnezzar did on the confines of Canaan. To the unsuspicious Jeremiah were revealed the plots laid against him by his fellow countrymen and even by his brethren. Nevertheless, the prediction of future events occupies an important place in prophecy. That the God who speaks through the prophets is he who determines all mundane events is proven according to the Biblical view by the fact that he reveals beforehand to his servants that which is to take place (Deut. xviii. 22; Amos iii. 7; Isa. xli. 22). The attempt has been made to limit this vision into the future to general ideas regarding the course of historical development, and to refer the special predictions which could not be thence derived to uncertain premonitions belonging rather to the domain of soothsaying. In this way Schleiermacher (Der chrislliche Glaube, Berlin, 1861) distinguishes in Old-Testament prophecy on the one hand actual predictions which possess a higher or lower degree of exactitude, on the other hand, Messianic prophecies in which the prophet rises from the particular to the general and where the statements rather belong to the realm of symbolism. In agreement with him it has been the custom to recognize only those ideas springing from general, ethical, and religious convictions regarding the future as the essentially divine part of prophecy. Here, however, something which appears in history as a living unity is arbitrarily divided. The sayings of the patriarchs, those of Balsam and similar predictions, may be explained as "predictions after the event"; but too many definite and well-authenticated predictions have been preserved from strictly historic times to make it possible to do away with them, and these are by prophets representing the highest level of Israelitic prophetism, when it must long have been purified from the mantic elements said to have accompanied its beginnings. Such are Isaiah's word against the Assyrians (xxxvii. 21), Jeremiah's announcement of the impending destruction of Jerusalem, and Ezekiel's story of the catastrophe in the capital city (xxi. 8 sqq., xxi. 18 sqq.).

7. Relation of Prediction to the Present.

That it is the God who rules in nature and history who manifests himself to his people for their spiritual and material consecration is the most important phase in prophecy. The oldest parts of Genesis see in God the creator of the universe, whose will and rule are not confined to the spiritual and moral sphere, who also forms the external world according to his free will; and the prophets tell us how this divine will transformed and will transform the universe until it fully conforms to him. For this living God everything is predestined; even the details of prophecy can not be fortuitous. Neither the enrichment of human knowledge, nor the mere attainment of earthly happiness, not to speak of lower needs, can be the aim of the prophets. The people indeed willingly sought them for counsel and aid (cf. I Sam. ix. 6 sqq.; II Kings iv. 40), but the genuine prophet only answered questions and petitions a reply to which served to make a deeper impression upon men to the honor of God, The less the will of Yahweh prevailed in the present, the more the prophets referred to its realization in the future; but they always spoke of the future kingdom of God in the forms and colors at their command. The pictures they drew were historically conditioned and limited, for prophecy had first to serve the realization of the divine will in the present and this is possible only when it is made comprehensible for the hearers of the time; the kingdom, therefore, is depicted according to local and national limitations, in which form the future appeared to the prophet. Often, however, this picture was so intensified by the spirit animating it that the temporal bounds constituting its framework yielded. Thus the prophets beheld the advent of Messianic salvation in the forms of their own time and place. For the prophets of the exile, for example, it was connected with the return from captivity, while the generation which experienced this return postponed the blessed "end of days" to the future. From what has been said, it results that prophecy has a history, wherein lies both its permanent contents and its progressive growth: The news of the future kingdom of God was not communicated to the people of God at one time and as a definite doctrine-they would not indeed have been able to receive it; but that side of the Messianic future was disclosed which it was possible and beneficial for them to behold. Hence epoch-making changes in the national life, such as the founding of the Davidic kingdom on Zion or the Babylonian captivity and the destruction of the Temple were not only predicted in the prophetic word, but also served as a starting-point for a new phase of prophecy and rendered possible its essential progress. Which side of prophecy should be most prominent depended upon changes in the external aspect of affairs, but also upon the moral level of the people; to a self-righteous people, proud of their good fortune, a judgment must be announced, by means of which God wills to prepare the way for his rule. This phase of prophecy is predominant from Solomon to the exile. For a chastened and humbled people, however, the consolatory promises of the blessed fruition of God's plans were to be presented. If, therefore, the direction taken by the prophetic sayings depended upon the ethical needs of each generation, its spiritual height was often conditioned thereby. Even though the prophecies are not a product of the spirit of the age, God's spirit speaks therein first to the community of the present, and an educational progress is unfailingly recognized, so that, according to the capacity of each generation, the revelation assumes a more spiritual or a more sensual form, and, in general, a more profound mental effort is required of the later generations, since their horizon has been enlarged and enriched by many experiences. Still, this progress is not in a direct line, for after periods of the highest elevation of prophetic knowledge, there follow times when its flight is lower. The personal quality of the individual prophet also influences his prophecy, for his relation to the divine inspirations is not that of a clear mirror from which the divine pictures are reflected. The liveliness and tendency of his imagination, the conceptions with which he was already familiar through his life and calling, appear in his writings.

8. Fulfilment.

Historical fulfilment belongs necessarily to genuine prophecy. It contains not merely abstract truths of permanent authority, nor simply ideals, the esthetic or religious value of which might depend on the degree of their realization in life, but, more especially, an outlook upon the works and plans of God in the world. Indeed, the divine word itself is conceived as something living and efficient. Therefore, the prophet, when he pronounces it, accomplishes, so to speak, a divine act; he is the organ of divine activity (Jer. i. 10, xxv. 15 sqq.). Hence realization is a requisite for the full acceptation of prophecy. In Biblical phraseology there is a reference to the fact that only after the realization of the prediction does the prophecy attain its true value and authority. God acknowledges his word in this way and redeems it. when God lets a prophetic word "fall to the ground" (I Sam. iii. 19), this proves its falsity (Deut. xviii. 21-22Jonah iv. 2; Jer. xxvi. 18-19).

(C. VON ORELLI.)

 

III. In the New Testament:

The Lord himself announced that after his death prophets would arise, men who in the same way and with the same authority as the messengers of God in the Old Testament would present the truths of the approaching salvation to the people of Israel aild urge them to decide either for or against them (Matt. xxiii. 34; cf. Luke xi. 49). The work of Jesus as well as that of his predecessor John was of a prophetic nature (Matt. xiii. 57, xiv. 5, xxi. 26; Luke vii. 16, xiii. 33, xxiv. 19). The testimony to the resurrection and exaltation of Christ as presented by the first Christian community bears a thoroughly prophetic character, and the first effect of the spirit of Pentecost was the prophesying of those believers who were suddenly and miraculously filled with its power. They spoke "as the spirit gave them utterance" (Acts ii. 4) and their word was corroborated by sayings and wonders (Acts iii. 6, iv. 30, v. 12, 15, 16); the judicial and awe-inspiring quality of this prophecy is revealed in the judgment of Ananias and Sapphira (v. 1-11). Several prophets arose from it, such as Stephen (although he does not bear this name), for whoever was chosen by the spirit of Christ as an organ for the communication of the truths of salvation was endowed with the special charisma of inspired speech (II Cor. ii. 14-17). New-Testament prophecy belongs to the period of the founding of the Church when faith espe, cially needed the guidance and support of the spirit of Christ, and when the written word either did not yet exist or was not in general use.

Among those possessing the gift of prophecy, the Acts mention Agabus (xi. 28), who predicted in Antioch the great famine of 44-45 A.D. (Josephus, Ant., XX., iv. 2), and in Csesarea foretold to Paul the fate awaiting him in Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 10,11, Bamabas, Symeon Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen and Saul of the Antiochian community (Acts xiii. 1), from whom came the command to dedicate Barnabas and Saul to the work for which they were called.by the Holy Spirit. Judas and Silas, who were sent with Paul and Barnabas to Antioch to give verbal support to the epistle of the community, were also prophets, as were the four virgin daughters of Philip (Acts xxi. 9). The gift of prophecy was not, however, confined to individuals, but was wide-spread in the apostolic communities. When Paul enumerates in his epistles the gifts, offices, and powers of the church, he places the prophets in the second rank, immediately after the apostles. Prophecy, recognized as a spiritual gift, is to be preferred to the speaking with tongues, for prophecy traverses the mind of the speaker and is addressed to the mind of the hearer (I Cor. xiv.). Therefore, the apostle desired that, during worship, two or three prophets should stand up and speak, one after the other, according as the spirit moved them. To test the truth and the divine origin of such communications, the Church had the gift of the "discerning of spirits" (,scripRef>I Cor. xii. 10).

The Revelation of John was certainly intended to close the era of prophecy until the Lord's second coming. For after the death of the apostles, prophecy slowly gave place to the use of the New-Testament Scriptures, which became from that time, and are to-day, the norm and source of divine truth. The Montanist movement of the second century (see MONTANUS, MONTANISM) naturally produced in the Church a distrust of new prophets, and this appears with Luther at the time of the Reformation. The prophetic world (II Pet. i.19), which shines as a light in the darkness until the breaking of the new day, must suffice for the faithful.

(KARL BURGER�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: An important literature is indicated under MESSIAH, MESSIANISM especially the works of Briggs, Woods, Drummond, Kueneu, Riehm, Orelli, and Delitasch. The reader is referred also to the lists of literature under the articlqs on the individual prophets, also to the literature in and under BIBLICAL THEOLOGY,especially the works of Oehler, Schultz, Bennett, and Davidson. Consult further: A. Knobel, Der Prophetismus der Hebr�er, 2 parts Breslau, 1837; F. B. Koster, Die Propheten des A. und N. T. nach ihrem Wesen und Wirken, Leipsic, 1838; G. M. Redslob, Der Beyrif des Nabi bei den Hebr�ern, Leipsic, 1839; A. Lee, Inquiry into the Nature, Progress, and End of Prophecy, London, 1849; J. Davison, Discourses on Prophecy: its Structure, Use, and Inspiration, new ed., Oxford, 1856; E. W. Hengstenberg, Chriatologie des A. T., iii. 158 eqq., Berlin, 1857; C. Kohler, Der Prophetismus der Hebraer and die Mantik der Grischen, Darmstadt, 1860; G. F. Oehler, Ueber das Verh�ltnis der alttest. Prophetie zur heidnischen Mantik, T�bingen, 1861; P. Fairbairn, Prophecy, . . . its Distinctive Nature, Special Function, and Proper Interpretation, Edinburgh, new ed., 1864 reissue, New York, 1866; A. Tholuck, Die Propheten und ihre Weiseagung, in the Werke, Gotha, 1867; A. Dillmann Ueber die Propheten des alten Bundesnach ihrem politischen Wirksamkeit, Giessen, 1868; A. LeHir, Les Proph�tes d'Israel, Paris, 1868; A. Clissold, The Prophetic Spirit, in its Relation to Wisdom and Madness, London, 1870; E. H. Gifford, Voices of the Prophets, Edinburgh, 1874; C. Bruston, Hist. critique de la littirature proph�tique, Paris, 1881; R. A. Redford, Prophecy, its Nature and Evidence, London, 1882; S. Maybaum, Die Entwickelung des israelitischen Prophetenthums, Berlin, 1883; C. von Orelli, Old Testament Prophecy of the Consummation of God's Kingdom, Edinburgh, 1885; Smith, Prophets; E. Havet, La Modernit� des proph�tes, Paris, 1891; W. H. Simeox, Cessation of Prophecy, London, 1891; J. Darmesteter, Les Prop�tes d'Israel, , Paris, 1892; G. Meignan, Les Prop�tes d'Israel, 2 vols., Paris, 1893-1894; C. H. Comill, The Prophets of Israel, Chicago, 1895; G. G. Findlay, Books of the Prophets in their Historical Succession, 3 vols., London, 1896-97; F. X. Leitner, Die prophetische Inspiration, Freiburg, 1896; F. Giesebrecht, Die Berufabegabung der alttestamentlichen Propheten, G�ttingen, 1897; A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Doctrine of the Prophets, London, 1897; R. Smend, Alttestamentliche Religionsgeschichte, 2d ed., Tilbingen, 1899; A. Causse, Le Socialisme des proph�tes, Montauban, 1900; E. K�nig, Dos Berufungsbewusstsein der alttestamenaichen Prophelen, Barmen, 1900; idem, Prophetenideal, Judentum, Christentum, Leipsic, 1906; F. Walter, Die Propheten in ihrem sozialen Beruf and dos Wirtschaftsleben ihrer Zeit, Freiburg, 1900; L. Gautier, Vocations des prop�tes, Lausanne, 1901; R. B. Girdlestone, The Grammar of Prophecy, London, 1901; R. Kr�tzschmar, Prophet and Seher im alten Israel, T�bingen, 1901; W. H. Lockwood, The Prophets of Israel, Chicago, 1901; A. B. Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1902; W. G. Jordan, Prophetic Ideas and Ideals: short Studies in the prophetic Literature of the Hebrews, Chicago, 1902; T. MacWilliam, Speakers for God: Lectures on the Minor Prophets, London, 1902; O. Prockseh, Geschichtsbetrachtung und geschichtliche Ueberlieferung bei den vorexilischen Propheten, Leipsic, 1902; C. F. A. Lineke, Samaria und seine Propheten, T�bingen, 1903; Rose E. Selfe, The Work of the Prophets, London, 1904; L. W. Batten, The Hebrew Prophet, New York, 1905; Binet-Sangl�, Les Prophhtes juifs. �ude de psychologie morbide, Paris, 1905; L. Franckh, Die Prophetie in der Zeit vor Amos, G�tersloh, 1905; P. Kleinert, Die Profeten Israels in socialer Beziehung, Leipsic, 1905; E. A. Edghill The Evidential Value of Prophecy, London, 1906� J. R�ville, Le Proph�tisme H�breu, 'Paris, 1906; F. C. Eiselen, The Minor Prophets, New York, 1907; idem, Prophecy and Prophets in their Historical Relations, ib. 1909; G. Stoseh, Die Propheten Israels in religionsgeschschtlicher W�rdigung, pp. vii., 569, Gateraloh, 1907� P. de Buck, De Profeten van Israel, Rotterdam, 1908� W. H. Bennett, The Religion of the Post Exilic Prophets, new ed, Edinburgh, 1909; M. Jastrow, Ro'eh and Hozeh in the O. T. in JBL, xxviii. 1 (1909), 42 sqq.; G. C. Joyce, The Inspiration of Prophecy, London, 1910.

PROPHESYING:
History of Prophesying.

A means of promoting the knowledge and understanding of the Scriptures by means of discussions in common became customary among some of the Reformed churches. Although often confused with the reading and explanation of the Scriptures as practised during the Reformation, a certain kind of instruction in the Scriptures (called by the Germans Prophezei) has no connection with this. It first appeared in Zurich because of the need of winning such priests as possessed, besides sufficient knowledge of the. Scriptures, the talent to explain in a familiar way the Christian message of salvation. According to the reformation of the foundation of the Gross M�nster, every effort should be made for the appointment of those who should every day, publicly, for one hour, preach and teach the Holy Scriptures in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages. On June 19, 1525, this regulation was put in force under the leadership of Zwingli. At eight o'clock each morning, excepting Fridays and Sundays, all the clergy of the city and the other preachers (students, chaplains, etc.), came together in the choir of the Gross M�nster. After a short opening prayer, a part or the whole of a chapter of the Old Testament was read. The reading was followed by a dogmatic and practical exposition. These are the beginnings of the socalled prophesying. Megander introduced this custom in Bern, where it later developed into a school. With Peter Martyr (1556) followed the institution of the "theological lesson" for the people; prophesying was transformed into teaching. Encouraged by the example of Zurich, prophesying assumed a new and singular form in Lasco's fugitive community in London. One of their preachers, Micronius, relates, in 1554, that in the weekly prophesying, the Sunday sermons were subjected to a critical examination, so that the elders, doctors, and prophets could add thereto from the Scriptures whatever might be necessary for the understanding of the text and the edification of the congregation. This institution never attained great development as a liturgical element, since, on the one hand, the founding of theological schools took its place, and, on the other hand, the religious understanding of the congregation soon outgrew the need for its use.

Wherever religious excitement has demanded a more recondite explanation of Scripture, analogous phenomena appeared. For example, among the Jansenists of Port Royal, the study of the Scriptures was pursued in common, and from this circle Labadie transplanted the usage, in the form of a developed private worship, to Amiens (1644), Geneva (1659), and Middelburg (1666). Among his disciples in Geneva were Untereyk and Spener; the latter introduced the movement as collegia pietatas into Frankfort. From the time of Spener, prophesying, as modified by time, has endured in the Evangelical churches in the form of Bible conferences or of Bible lessons and readings, at home or in the church, and under the direction of members of the congregation or of the pastors or elders.

(EMIL EGLI�.)

PROPITIATION. See ATONEMENT.

 

PROPST (PROBST, PR�POSITUS), JAKOB: German reformer; b. at Ypres (30 m. s.s.w. of Bruges), Flanders, probably in the last decade of the fifteenth century; d. at Bremen June 30, 1562. He seems to have entered the Augustinian order at an early age, and soon became acquainted with Luther, whose pupil he was at Wittenberg in the beginning of 1519. In the same year he became prior at Antwerp, where he was active as a reformer. In 1521 he was again at Wittenberg, and on his return to Antwerp as provost found that his enemies had grown bolder. Luther's writings had been burnt and his followers imprisoned; Propst soon shared their fate. On Dec. 5, 1521, the imperial counselor, Franz van der Hulst, invited Propst to accompany him to Brussels. There every effort was made to induce him to recant, and after a long resistance he finally yielded, terrified by the threat of capital punishment (Feb. 9, 1522). The Protestants were much depressed at this event, especially Luther, although the latter pitied Propst and did not believe that he had really changed his views. Propst was now transferred to the Augustinian monastery of his native city, where he soon found sympathizers and again began a Protestant propaganda. Though he carefully avoided all polemics, his enemies grew suspicious, and he was brought back to Brussels. His execution seemed inevitable, but a fellow monk aided him to escape. After a time he found his way to Wittenberg, where he married a young woman closely connected with Luther's wife.

In May, 1524, Propst found an important sphere of activity when he was called to Bremen by his friend and fellow monk, Henry of Ziitphen (see MOLLER, HEINRICH; and ZUETPHEN, HENRY OF), and given charge of the Liebfrauenkirche there. The Reformation was now carried out in Bremen; Protestant pastors were installed in the churches, and the Roman Catholic worship was forbidden, except in the cathedral; Propst became senior pastor with the title of superintendent. In 1532 a Protestant revolutionary movement, social rather than religious, which Propst and the other pastors did not regard with favor, resulted in his withdrawal from Bremen for a short time, but on his return he was able to labor for many years in peace. In 1535 he visited Cologne with Melanchthon, and in 1540 caused a Spanish merchant, Francisco San Romano, to embrace Protestantism and to spread his new doctrines in his native land. Although heartily in sympathy with the ideas of Luther, with whom he maintained an active correspondence, Propst was not a prominent figure in the eucharistic controversy begun by Albert Rizaeus Hardenberg (q.v.), even while energetically rejecting his doctrines. He accordingly gladly resigned in 1559 in favor of Tilemann Hesshusen (q.v.) and retired from public life. Subsequent events in Bremen, culminating in the supplanting of Lutheranism by Reformed tenets, he saw without being able to prevent.

(J. F. IXEN�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. G. Janssen, Jakobus P�positus, Luthers Learling en Vriend, Amsterdam, 1862.

PROSELYTES.

 

  1. Meaning of Term (� 1).
  2. Strangers in Israel ' (� 2).
  3. Early Praeelytism (� 3).
  4. Decline of Jewish Propaganda (� 4).
  5. Palestinian Proselytes (� 5).
  6. Status of the Proselyte (� 6).
  7. Hellenistic Proselytes (� 7).
  8. Significance for Early Christianity (� 8).

1. Meaning of Term.

The proselytes were converts from heathenism to Judaism. The Greek original of the term, proselytos, is not found in classical authors, and was evidently borrowed from colloquial speech by the Septuagint as an equivalent for the Hebrew ger (A. Y., "Stranger," q.v.). In this sense proselytos occurs seventy-eight times as the translation of ger in the Septuagint, which does not use it to render any other a ord. On the other hand, the Aramaic giyyora, "stranger," is sometimes retained in the Greek versions (Ex. xii. 19; Isa. xiv. 1; Aquila, Lev. xix. 34); and elsewhere, where there is no allusion to proselytes in the technical sense of the term, paroakos, "sojourner, alien," is found (e.g., Gen. xv. 13, xxiii. 4; Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3; Deut. xiv. 21; II Sam. i. 13), as well as epelytos, "incomer, foreigner" (Job xx. 26). The Syriac version frequently paraphrases the idea of "proselyte" as "he who is converted unto me." The term "proselyte" occurs four times in the New Testament (Matt. xxiii. 15; Acts ii. 10, vi. 5, xiii. 43); but in other early Christian literature the word is seldom found.

2. Strangers in Israel.

In ancient Israel the gerim, or "strangers," were a class possessing a special status and belonging to another race which had for some reason entered the land of Israel and placed themselves under the protection of its people (see STRANGER). While there was a strongIly marked and increasing tendency to make the "stranger" share in all the religious obligations and prerogatives of Israel, and even to become fully Judaized by circumcision, this was not proselytizing in the later sense of Judaism's extension beyond its boundaries, but rather marked the desire to avoid, so far as possible, any foreign elements within the bounds of Israel. A very late example of such seekers for protection is related by Josephus (Life, 23), in which the Jews made circumcision a necessary condition. In post-exilic times, however, such cases were rare; the weak Jewish community, under foreign domination, was not strong enough either to subject the numerous foreign colonists or to absorb them. Under the Maccabees, indeed, Idumeans, Itureans, and many Greco-Syrian cities were forcibly Judaized by circumcision. Nevertheless a number of Greek settlements remained in the land, and the Herodians and Romans also introduced many foreign elements into the country. It was of these aliens that the rabbis thought when they applied the laws of the Old Testament regarding the germ in so far as these were referred, not to the proselytes, but to the "strangers in Israel." The latter were sharply distinguished from the proselytes, and were placed on a par with heathen and idolaters; and when the gerim were required to observe the seven "Noachian laws" (obedience to Jewish authority, and avoidance of blasphemy, idolatry, fornication, murder, theft, and the eating of meat not killed according to legal prescription), this was done to preserve the holiness of Israel. The Jews forgot, however, that they had to deal with their rulers, not with their supplicants, and the whole idea remained mere theory, though it seems to have influenced the rules for the association of Jewish and gentile Christians recorded in Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 25.

3. Early Proslytism.

Entirely different from the gerim of ancient times, with their peculiar legal and social isolation, were the proselytes of later Judaism, that is to say, the following which it gained as a religious community outside its own people and its own land. The earliest proofs of this are in Neh. x. 28 and Isa. Ivi. 6. While at first the post-exilic community was exclusive, the tendency toward propaganda became evident in the period of the Maccabees, as when an embassy was sent to Rome in 139 s.c., only to be expelled by the pr�tor Hispalus because of attempts to win converts. The chances for and against such a propaganda were about equal; everything oriental exercised a potent spell at that period; the later philosophy was attracted by monotheism; and ethics and asceticism, as well as superstition, found satisfaction in all that was strange and exotic. Judaism, enjoying many imperial privileges, had also political advantages to offer. On the other hand, a strong panHellenic party nourished an aversion to everything barbarian, and the Jews were in evil repute as traders and usurers, as magicians, and procurers. Their imageless worship was regarded as atheistic, and the wildest reports were circulated regarding them. The anti-Semitic movement was systematically fostered by the gymnastic societies of the larger Greek cities. Judaism was also something strange and foreign in the world of that time, and its exclusiveness seemed misanthropy (Tacitus, Hist, v. 5). Nevertheless, the unshakeable consciousness of being the true religion that animated Judaism (cf. Rom. ii. 17 sqq.) overcame all obstacles. Its enormous success is attested by Josephus and classical authors, and was especially great among women. The reigning house of Adiabene was converted to Judaism; Helena was often in Jerusalem, as were her sons Izates and Monoba,aus, who also built themselves a tomb there. The Bible translators Aquila of Sinope and Theodotion of Ephesus were also believed to be proselytes. Legend even made a proselyte of the prophet Obadiah as well as of Israel's greatest enemies, and represented them as ancestors of famous families of proselytes. It was said that Shemaiah and Abtalion, the predecessors of Hillel and Shammai, were descended from such a family of Assyrian proselytes. Agrippa II, at the time of the marriage of each of his sisters, Drusilla and Berenice, required the circumcision of their husbands, Aziz of Emesa and Polemon of Cilicia.

4. Decline of Jewish Propaganda.

The time of Rabbi Akiba marks in a twofold sense the end of the Jewish propaganda. Judaism, thrown back upon itself, then began its process of petrification into the Talmud (q.v.), and with the rejection of Greek civilization it renounced all spread among the Greeks. On the other hand, Hadrian's edict against circumcision was suspended under Antoninus Plus only in the case of Jewish children, otherwise remaining in force as a part of Roman law, and so rendering any propaganda, impossible. Conversion to Judaism or any attempt at proselytizing was punished by confiscation and exile, if not by death. There is not much significance in the fact that, at the time of the Christian persecutions, some individuals went over to the synagogue. History and legend of later times have but little to say in regard to conversions, though there are allusions to a monk of Sinai who was circumcised and took the name Abraham. The ecclesiastical and civil laws often treat of the enforced circumcision of Christian slaves in Jewish houses. It was only outside the Roman Empire, however, that the Jewish propaganda still had considerable success, as in the conversion of the Arab tribes in the region of Medina and especially that of the Himyaritic princes and of the Chazar Prince Bulan in the Crimea.

5. Palestinian Proselytes.

From the account given by Josephus of the conversion of Izatea of Adiabene (Ant., XX., ii. 3-4), it is evident that Jewish proselytizers followed two distinct methods, one type requiring complete adhesion with circumcision as the sign of the covenant, and the other being satisfied with a leaning toward Judaism and the observance of certain of its usages. In like manner there were two classes of proselytes: complete converts and quasi-converts, or circumcised and uncircumcised. This distinction may be paralleled with that found in Palestino-rabbinical Judaism as contrasted with Hellenistic Judaism. The former recognized as proselytes (or, more exactly, as "proselytes of righteousness") only those who had been fully received into the religious community of Israel by means of circumcision. On this view was based the judgment of Paul when, in distinguishing between Jew and gentile, be regarded everyone who was circumcised as a Jew (Gal. v. 3); and this was also the opinion of Domitian when he ordered that the tax levied on Jews should also be collected from proselytes. The first requirement of Rabbi Trypho, in Justin, Trypho, viii., was circumcision; and the necessity of the rite is insisted upon in Talmudic anecdotes. The words of Christ in Matt. xxiii. 15, likewise refer to such circumcised proselytes, who were not originally very numerous. While Hillel made their reception easy, the sterner school of Shammai required a testing of their motives. Only after preparatory instruction imparted by three scribes did the threefold ceremony of reception take place: circumcision, immersion, and sacrifice. The instruction was continued until the immersion, which occurred when the wound was healed. The three teachers were witnesses at the ceremony, and only with this bath of purification was the rite of admission completed. It is, therefore, mentioned more often than circumcision itself, especially by the Hellenistic Jews, who renounced circumcision but not the immersion that washed away the impurity of heathenism. The relation of this rite to the Christian sacrament of baptism has given rise to much discussion, but the present tendency to derive Christian baptism from the immersion of proselytes is incorrect, especially as the existence of sacramental ideas is not certainly proved in connection either with immersion or circumcision (see BAPTISM, III., 1, � 1).

6. Status of the Proselytes.

It was in agreement with a legalistic, not with a sacramental, conception that, in the doctrine of the Rabbis, circumcision was looked upon as breaking all earlier ties and changing the very personality of the convert, as was usually typified by the assumption of a new name. A marriage was considered dissolved if the other party was not converted; and by the abrogation of bloodrelationship the laws in regard to incest no longer applied. Children born before conversion did not inherit; the community inherited in their place. The harsh isolation of the proselytes was keenly felt by the heathen (Tacitus, Hist., V., 5; Juvenal, Satir�, xiv. 96 sqq.). While all old ties were severed for the proselyte and he was entirely absorbed in the Jewish community, he was not regarded as an equal; he could not say: "our fathers," but "God of the fathers of Israel" or "your fathers." This rule was later abolished, and it was forbidden to remind the proselyte of his origin, since it was shown that the Scriptures spoke of the proselytes in the same way as of Israel. They are alluded to in the thirteenth petition of the daily prayer. Many proselytes seem to have displayed the convert's zeal, and were fanatical toward those of another faith, especially the Christians (Justin, Trypho, cxx.). For this reason, many rabbis were particularly fond of the proselytes; others, however, did not favor them, but called them a leprosy, a hindrance to the coming of the Messiah, especially as numerous conversions were due to ulterior motives.

7. Helenistic Proselytes.

The Hellenistic proselytes should be clearly distinguished from these circumcised proselytes, and they constitute a more important phenomenon, both historically and numerically. Everywhere in the empire groups of the "God-fearing" gathered about the synagogues. They attended the services and assumed some of the obligations, but did not wish to become Jews. This form of proselytism presupposes that weakening of national and legalistic Judaism which obtained in the dispersion, where it appeared as the universal religion of enlightenment, or as a philosophy based on a primeval revelation with sublime ethics and a sure hope of eternal life. Sacrificial rites were abandoned and the prohibitions of meats, etc., were taken in an allegorical sense, only a few being retained in an ascetic and superstitious spirit. This propaganda was served not only by the Greek version of the Old Testament, but also by numerous pseudepigraphic writings such as the Sibylline Books (q.v.) or pseudo-Phocylides. This kind of proselytism must have enjoyed a success not easily overestimated, and it lasted beyond the time of Hadrian. It admitted, moreover, of innumerable gradations. The most zealous were like Jews, only without circumcision; their children were probably circumcised (Juvenal, Satir�:, xiv. 96 sqq.). Many visited the synagogue regularly, others observed only certain customs, such as the lighting of the Sabbath lamp. The Hypsistarii, or "worshipers of the highest God," formed societies of their own after the pattern of the synagogues. These differences show the adaptability of Judaism; at the same time no concessions were made in monotheistic faith or in moral requirements, but solely in liturgical matters. Only the Palestinian rabbis, however, were really consistent; the others allowed themselves to be guided by opportunist considerations. For them the important thing was to gain personal influence, which they won in direct proportion as they required less of their adepts and themselves stood higher above them.

8. Significance for Early Christianity.

While Palestinian proselytism generally made itself felt as a hindrance to the extension of Christianity, and, as a Jewish propaganda in the Gentile communities of Paul, vainly strove to bring the Gospel into subjection to the Law and to circumcision, Hellenistic proselytism, with its widening and weakening of Judaism, did essential preparatory work for the new faith. The "God-fearers," accustomed to monotheistic ideas, morally trained, and familiar with the promises of the Old Testament, offered fertile soil for the propagation of Christianity, which proffered all that was valuable in Judaism, and, in addition, offered fulfilment in place of promise, and inspiring preaching in place of dry doctrine. It had also done away with all that was narrowly Jewish and barbarian, and gave the same rights to the Greeks as to the Jews. The former Jewish proselytes formed the nucleus of the new communities, which soon spread independently among the heathen and left their original Judaism further and further behind. This rivalry in propaganda was the chief reason for the bitter hatred with which early Christianity was pursued by the Jews, and this enmity was, unfortunately, reciprocated by the Christians. In spite of its political privileges, Judaism was overcome and soon abandoned the unequal struggle. Hellenistic Judaism was absorbed by Christianity, and Rabbinical Judaism withdrew within itself, while Christianity evolved a world-embracing missionary activity.

E. VON DOBSCH�TZ.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For the meaning and use of the word "Proselyte" consult the concordances of Mandelkern, Hatch and Redpath, and Bruder, and the lexicons; W. C. Allen, in The Expositor, 1894, vols. 264-272; and E. Nestle, in ZNTW, 1904, part 3. Consult: Scharer, Geschichte, iii. 102-135, Eng. transl., II., ii. 291-327 (gives a very full list of the earlier literature); Lubkert, in TSK, 1835, pp 681-700; F Huidekoper, Judaism at Rome, New York, 1876; M. M. Kalisch, Bible Studies, part 2, London, 1878; A. Weill, Le Prostlytisme ches les juifs selon la bible et Ies talmud, Strasburg, 1880; H. Graets, Die j�dischen Proselyten im R�merreiche, Breslau, 1884; C, Siegfried, JPT, 1890, pp. 435-453; C. Foumd, St. Peter and the First Years of Christianity, London, 1892: (good chapter on the Jews in Rome and their influence); J. Strauss, in Expository Times, iv (1893), 305 sqq.; A. B. Davidson, in The Expositor, 1894, pp. 491 sqq.; E. C. A. Riehm, Handw�terbuch des biblischen Altertums,ed. F. Baethgen, pp 1258-61, Bielefeld, 1894; FriedIdnder, REJ, xxx (1895), 161-181; A. Bertholet, Die Stellung der lsraeliten and der Juden zu den Fremden, Freiburg, 1896; E. Meyer, Entstehung des Judentums, pp. 227-234, Halle, 1896; M. Friedl�nder, Das Judentum in der vorchrsatlichen j�dischen Welt, Vienna, 1897; L. Friedl�nder, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms, iii. 609 sqq., Leipsic, 1901; Eng. transl., Roman Life and Manners, London, 1910; W. Bousset, Religion des Judentums, pp. 77-86, 2d ed., Berlin, 1906; the tract Gerim in the Talmud; Nowack, Arch�ologie, i. 336-341; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxiii., cols. 758-764; DB, iv.133-137; EB, iii. 3901-3906; JE, x. 220-224; DCB, ii. 444-445.

PROSPER OF AQUITAINE: Champion of the theology of Augustine; b. in Aquitaine probably about 390; d. after 455. Of his life little is known. His full name seems to have been Prosper Tyro, as is stated both by the Brussels manuscript of his chronicle and by Bede (De arte metrica, xxii.). He was apparently the author of the Poema conjugis ad uxorem, which seems to have been written about 415, and his works show that lie received the customary rhetorical education. Theologically he was a disciple of Augustine, though the two never met, and his entire theological activity consisted in the adaptation and defense of Augustinian ideas.

The first relatively certain date in the life of Prosper is that he was in southern Gaul in 428. He seems to have lived in the closest association with the monastic circles of Marseilles, of which his phraseology clearly shows that he regarded himself a member. This was possible even if Prosper's wife were still living, provided he voluntarily subjected himself to continence, as did Paulinus of Nola or Salvianus. Marseilles, however, was the fountain head of the theological tendency later designated as Semi-Pelagianism. Prosper felt it his duty to oppose this movement and accordingly requested the aid of Augustine, who responded with the De pr�destinatione sanctorum and De dono perseverantice. During the ensuing period of somewhat profitless controversy Prosper wrote his poem, De ingratis, devoted to a refutation of Pelagianism and to an account of Semi-Pelagian doctrines, so presented as to emphasize their relationship to Pelagianism itself. Although of little poetic value, it can not be denied that the De ingratis gives a warm and lively expression of its author's convictions.

After Augustine's death, Prosper wrote in defense of his teacher's doctrines on predestination his Pro Avgustino responsionas ad capitula objeotionum Gallorum calumniantium, in which he merely accepts or rejects the deductions drawn from Augustine's writings without attempting to solve the difficulties involved, his formula being, "A thing must not be condemned because it can not be understood." Prosper was now considered the leading representative of Augustinian doctrine, and two Genoese monks, Camillus and Theodorus, appealed to him for an explanation of certain obscurities in Augustine's De prcedestinatione sandorum and De dono perseverantim, his answer being his Responsiones ad excerpta Genuensium. About the same time he was forced to defend himself against certain opinions attributed to him, in a captious and prejudiced fashion, by a certain Vincentius who is probably to be identified with Vincent of Lerins (q.v.). This attack Prosper easily met, but despite all his energy he was unable to ensure the victory of Augustine's doctrines in Marseilles. He and Hilarius accordingly went to Rome, at latest by the spring of 432, to secure aid from Celestine 1. (see SEMI-PELAGIANISM), and on his return he wrote, in 433 or 434, a reply to the critics of Johannes Cassianus (q.v.) on the teachings of Augustine, his refutation being entitled De gratin Dei et libero arbitrio. As a bit of polemics the work is not unskilful, although it does not solve its problem, not only because Prosper failed to recognize the relative justice of his opponent's position, but also because he contented himself with a mere logical demonstration of discrepancies between Pelagianism and SemiPelagianism. To this same period belongs the worthless Epitaphium Nestoriance et Pelagiance h�reseon, occasioned by the condemnation of Nestorius and Celestius at the Synod of Ephesus in 431.

Shortly after his attack on Cassianus Prosper left Gaul for Rome. This fact is clear from a study of his chronicle, the first part of which (to the death cf Valens in 378) is excerpted from Eusebius and Jerome, with a few additions from Augustine's H&ae;r.; the second part, however, is by Prosper himself. The first section of this latter portion extends to 433, and a third of the notices refers to Gaul, where it was composed. The second and third sections (to 445 and 455 respectively), on the other hand, were written altogether from the standpoint of a Roman, and evidently at Rome.

That Prosper ever remained devoted to Augustine is shown by his book of epigrams, clothing Augustine's ideas in poetic form, and probably written after the Council of Chalcedon. For this collection of 106 poems Prosper had already made preparation in his Liber sententiarum, an anthology based partly directly and partly indirectly on Augustine and probably compiled after the condemnation of Nestorius.

A number of writings are incorrectly ascribed to Prosper: the De vocatione pentium, composed by a less cumbrous Augustinian than Prosper; the Carmen de providentia, written about 417; the De promissionibus et pradicationibus of an African adherent of Augustine; and the De vita contemplativa of Julianus Pomerius (q.v.). The Confessio, on the other hand, assigned to Prosper on manuscript authority was probably written by him.

(A. HAUCK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY The first ed. of the opera appeared at Lyons, 1539, and was reprinted several times; new ed. by Le Brun and Mangeant, Paris, 1711, reproduced in MPL, li. The " Chronicle," ed. T. Mommsen, is in MGH, Auct. ant., ix (1892), 298 sqq., and in the same, Chron. min., i (1892). Consult: the bibliography on the "Chronicle" in Potthast, Wegweiser, p. 942; Gennadius, De vir.ill., lxxxv.; L. Valentin, S. Prosper d'Aquitaine, Toulouse, 1900; DCB, iv. 492-497; Histoire litt�raire de la France, ii. 369 sqq.; Tillemont, M�moires, xvi. 1 sqq.; J. C. F. Walch, Historie der Ketzereien, v. 57 sqq., Leipsic, 1770; G. Kaufmann, in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, xiii (1873), 418-424; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, i. 365-368, 440-443, Leipsic, 1889; H. Hertzberg, Die Historien . . . des Isidorus von Sevilla, pp. 49-52, G�ttingen, 1874; Holder-Egger, in NA, i (1876), 15-90, 327-334; Mommsen, in MGH, Auct. ant., ix. 266-271; F. W�rter, Beitr�ge zur Dogmengeschichte des Semipelagianismus, pp. 80 sqq., Paderborn, 1898; O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, p. 450, Freiburg, 1901, Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1908; Wattenbach, DGQ, i. 88 sqq., 1904; and the literature under PELAGIUS, PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIES; SEMI-PELAGIANISM.

 

PROTEVANGELIUM. See APOCRYPHA, B, L, 1.

PROTERIUS. See MONOPHYSITES, � 3.

 

PROTESTANT EPISCOPALIANS

I. History. Missionary Work (� 5). Organisations, Educational, Benevolent, and Others (� 4).
In Colonial Days (� 1) II. Polity and Organization Statistics (� 5).
Independent Organization (� 2). Episcopal Polity (� 1). Brotherhood of St. Andrew (� 6).
Growth and Critical Questions (� 3). Legislation and Administration (� 2). Cowley Fathers (� 7).
Modern Development (� 4). Discipline (� 3).  

I History:

1. In Colonial Days.

The history of this Church, which is the lineal descendant and successor in America of the Church of England, may be said to be coeval with the voyages of Englishmen in this direction. Even when, on or about June 24, 1579, Sir Francis Drake made only a temporary landing on the coast of what is now California, his chaplain, the Rev. Francis Fletcher, held regular services out of the Book of Common Prayer, and in a manner claimed the new territory for the Church of England. In the early patents or chapters granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, and others who landed on the Atlantic coast, toward the lose of the sixteenth century, particular stress was laid upon the obligation to convert the heathen aborigines, and it was stipulated that the Christian faith as taught by the colonists should be in agreement with that of the same church. Records exist of baptisms performed about this time in various places, from the southernmost to the northernmost settlements, even as far as the Kennebec, in Maine, and of other public services held with more or less frequency, all of them antedating by a number of years the arrival of the Mayflower colony at Plymouth (1620). The first church-building of which there is any reliable account was erected at Jamestown, Va., under the auspices of the Rev. Robert Hunt, who had formed part of the colony that landed here in 1607. The same claim of priority is made in behalf of one erected, it is said, in the year 1607 in Maine, by those attending the services of the Rev. Richard Seymour (thought by some to have been the great-grandson of the Duke of Somerset). From this time on, the record of Church life and work is but a meager one until the close of the century, although all along the Atlantic coast there are not a few instances of a growing desire for greater religious privileges, and an equally growing sense of responsibility in the matter of Christianizing the Indians and Negroes. Many individual Churchmen in England, including the archbishops of Canterbury and the bishops of London (to whose jurisdiction the colonies were formally attached), showed more or less interest in this missionary enterprise from time to time; but it was not until the organization in 1701 of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts that the Church began its more aggressive career in America (see MISSIONS, B., II, 4, � 4). It was, however, greatly hampered in its work until nearly the close of the eighteenth century by the utter lack of bishops. The episcopate forming so essential a part of its integrity, the want of it could not be met by any other means, although occasionally some temporary expedients were suggested, especially with reference to the due supply of ministers from among the residents. The only recourse for ordination and confirmation was to the mother-land.

2. Independent Organization.

For various reasons, partly political and partly ecclesiastical, and not altogether appertaining to England, the consecration of bishops for America was delayed year after year, until in the year 1784, at Aberdean, the Rev. Samuel Seabury was consecrated bishop of Connecticut by the canonical number of prelates, all of them Scottish non-jurors. In 1787 the Rev. William White was consecrated bishop of Pennsylvania, and the Rev. Samuel Provoost bishop of New York; both in Lambeth Palace by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, assisted by the bishop of Bath and Wells and the bishop of Peterborough. In 1780 the Rev. James Madison was consecrated in the same place bishop of Virginia, and in 1792 at the General Convention, held in New York, the Rev. Thomas John Claggett was consecrated bishop of Maryland by Bishops Seabury, White, Provoost, and Madison. By this fusion of the two equally valid sources of orders, all doubts were set at rest, and the controversy as to the validity of Bishop Seabury's consecration was practically ended. In the mean time, the Church was busily engaged, through its diocesan and general conventions, in completing its independent national organization. The Prayer Book, finally ratified in the year 1789, was substantially the same as that of the Church of England, from which the chief departures were the omission of the Athanasian Creed and the substitution of essential features of the Scotch communion office. This latter change was made largely through the efforts of Bishop Seabury, who had promised his influence to this effect before his consecration. Among the missionaries belonging to this period, were John and Charles Wesley and George Whitefield, all of whom died, as they had lived, in the communion of the Church of England. The character of the church in not a few important particulars in these early days was due to Bishop Seabury and Bishop White, both of whom, while differing in many respects, were men of ability and influence, and of unswerving loyalty to their principles. In the formative stage of independent existence, the intensity of the former and the conservatism of the latter were happily combined to avoid serious errors. In connection with the political troubles arising toward the close of the eighteenth century, the Church was confronted with grave perils and difficulties. Among the, clergy, there was the strong feeling of indebtedness on every score to their fatherland which made them hesitate, naturally enough, to side with those who were ready for revolution, prepared as many of them were to recognize the injustice shown the colonies. And among the laity, this loyalty to the oaths which the clergy had assumed led to suspicion and a straining of the relations between them. In maintaining conscientiously their allegiance to their English authorities, the clergy endured in many instances not only mental anguish but severe bodily persecution and suffering. Yet notwithstanding this position of some, it is to be remembered that the Declaration of Rights in which the evils endured by the colonists were forcibly set forth was written by George Mason, a member of the Church in Virginia, and that not less than two-thirds of the signers of the Declaration of Independence as well as its author, Thomas Jefferson, were likewise members of the Church. And when the national independence was finally achieved, it was from this same Church that a large proportion was drawn of the men who were chiefly responsible for the adoption of the Constitution and the filling of the important posts in the administration of public offices. This is evident when such names are mentioned as George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, John Marshall, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, Robert Morris, Francis Hopkinson, John Randolph, Patrick Henry, and the Pinkneys.

3. Growth and Critical Questions.

The disquietude of these days and the suspicion of Toryism hid lurking in the minds of many, joined to the paucity of clergy, made the growth of the Church difficult for years. It was not until the more general appreciation of its really missidnary character, say, about 1830, that progress became wider and more evident. From that time on, this progress has continued uninterruptedly until of late its growth has increased in more rapid proportion than that of any other religious body, gaining even upon the ratio of growth in the general population of the country. It has passed safely through several crises succeeding that of the period of the war for independence. One of these was contemporaneous with the Oxford Movement in the Church of England, about the middle of the nineteenth century (see TRACTARIANISM). Under the excitement engendered by the ecclesiastical controversies involved in this movement, the parties which had for some time existed under the names of High Church and Low Church became more pronounced in their differences, and not a little acerbity of feeling was manifested. This spirit of partizanship continued to assert itself more or less for a generation, even in regard to things of a ceremonial character which, in the light of the harmony and good-will now existing, seem trivial if not utterly insignificant. Another and a momentous crisis arose out of the Civil War. Among the prominent men who participated in the scenes preceding and following this sad epoch, were many, both North and South, who were equally prominent in the church. Satisfied of their ultimate success in establishing the Confederacy, the southern dioceses set up an independent organization, and broke off all formal communication with their brethren in the North. These, however, with a charity most admirable, ignored the fact of any separation; at the General Convention held at New York, in the year 1862, the names of the seceding dioceses were regularly called and seats assigned them as before. Nor did these dioceses allow that any separation had taken place except upon purely political questions, declaring by the hands of their Committee on the state of the church that "though now found within different political boundaries, the Church remains substantially one." When the General Convention met at Philadelphia in 1865, two Southern bishops (Thomas Atkinson and Henry Champlin Lay) were present and some deputies from three Southern dioceses, one of them, the Rev. Charles Todd Quintard, being consecrated bishop of Tennessee during the session. Some anxiety as to a complete reunion was felt on account of incidents that had occurred during the war. One was the taking of arms by the Right Rev. Leonidas Polk, Bishop of Louisiana, who became a major-general in the Confederate army. His death in battle removed the first difficulty. The other was the consecration of the Rev. Richard Hooker Wilmer as bishop of Alabama without the consent of the whole Church, as required by the canons in force before the war. This matter, however, was satisfactorily adjusted, and the Church presented to a still distracted nation the first spectacle of complete reunion, the influence of which was potent in hastening the settlement of all remaining disputes, ecclesiastical, political, and social. The only case of schism with which the church had had to deal was that of the formation, chiefly by its own ministers, of what is known as the Reformed Episcopal Church (see REFORMED EPISCOPALIANS). These, with a small following of laymen, persuaded that there were in the Prayer-book what they called "Romanizing germs," in Dec., 1873, formed the organization named, under the leadership of the Right Rev. George David Cummins (q.v.), assistant bishop of Kentucky, and the Rev. Charles Edward Cheney (q.v.), of Chicago. Both of these were deposed, after they had been treated with great leniency in the hope that they would abandon their separatist attitude.

4. Modern Development.

In 1880, a joint committee of the two houses constituting the General Convention was appointed to consider whether " the changed conditions of the national life do not demand certain alterations in the Book of Common Prayer, in the direction of liturgical enrichment and increased flexibility of use." The study of this important subject occupied the attention of the church for twelve years, so that it was not until 1892 that the revised prayer-book was authorized for use. No radical change was proposed; no alteration was made in the standards of doctrine, and the prevailing principles of liturgical construction and ritual were studiously maintained. What was accomplished was the correction of the few typographical errors; the elucidation of rubrical obscurities or inaccuracies; the restoration of some canticles and versicles omitted originally from the English book, special prayers for Unity, Missions, Rogation-days, etc., an altar service for the Feast of the Transfiguration, second offices for Christmas-Day and Easter Day, proper psalms for special occasions; the revision of the lectionary; the printing of the psalms and canticles with the musical colon, and of the Articles of Religion at the end of the volume, with a title-page of their own. The discussion of the matter was almost wholly without partizan controversy, and it was felt by all that a distinct value had been added to a book already greatly venerated. The revision of the hymnal occupied even a longer period, beginning in 1859 and not concluding finally until 1895. During this time, the old division into Metrical Psalms and Hymns proper was abolished, and many omissions, additions, and changes were made. As to the matter of choirs, there has been quite a change during the past hundred years. In the earlier part of this period, they consisted only of men and women, largely of skilled quartettes, although there were not wanting instances, now and then, of surpliced choirs of men and boys. During the latter half of this period these surpliced choirs have multiplied greatly, and in many parishes there are now vested choirs of men and women. Quartettes are but seldom found. The old organ gallery has likewise almost disappeared, the organs and choirs being now almost altogether in or near the chancel, or choir proper. One subject that has greatly and constantly occupied the mind of this Church has been that of the restoration of Christian unity, a subject which, in view of the heterogeneous character of the American population and of the dangerous elements found in some parts of it, is one of vast and practical importance. Earnest heed was paid to it in the early days of the Church's independent organization, and at different periods of its subsequent history overtures upon the subject have been addressed to the General Convention. A standing commission dealing with it has been in existence for a number of years. At the General Convention held at Chicago in 1886, a committee of the House of Bishops reported a platform upon which it was hoped all Christians could eventually stand, and this, with alterations and additions which were significant and, in the case of the introductory statement, of considerable importance, was subsequently adopted and promulgated by the Lambeth Conference of 1888, consisting of the great majority of all bishops of the Anglican Communion. For the exact wording of this platform see FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINES OF CHRISTANITY, 1 4; see also LAMBETH ARTICLES; LAMBETH CONFERENCE. This statement, popularly known as the quadrilateral, remains to-day the only formulated proposition for unity put forth by any one of the many religious organizations of the land.

5. Missionary Work.

The work of the Church coming technically under this heading, began at the very outset of its history, even in colonial days, among the Indians and negroes. These have ever since occupied attention in continuous efforts to evangelize them and to afford them every religious privilege belonging to others. From their ranks have come a large number of clergymen who have been ordained to serve especially among their fellows. Before the Civil War multitudes of negroes in the South were numbered among the communicants of the Episcopal Church, and since that period the southern dioceses have been most diligent in seeking their spiritual welfare, with no small measure of success. The heterogeneous character of the country's population has led the Church to organize special missions for the benefit of its different elements, e.g., among the Italians, the Germans, the French, the Swedes, the Spanish, and the Jews, with the prayer-book in their several languages, and clergymen of their own races. Special work is also undertaken among the blind and the deaf, the inmates of various institutions, both benevolent and penal, as also among soldiers and sailors, etc. As to work in foreign and heathen lands, the Church early in the nineteenth century began to show her interest and sense of responsibility. In 1821, the Rev. Joseph R. Andrews (or Andrus) went to Africa, where he died shortly after beginning his labors. Others followed him at intervals, and subsequently a bishop was consecrated for work there. In 1829 a mission was inaugurated in Greece, which in its educational department is still in operation in the school at Athens, founded by the Rev. John Henry Hill and his wife. In 1835 missionaries went to China, and in 1859 to Japan. In both of these countries, the church has now several bishops with a number of other clergymen and lay-workers, both foreign and native, In Haiti, since 1875, Right Rev. James Theodore Holly, a colored man, has been in charge of church work there. In Mexico, since 1879, this church has been more or less in charge of native and reformed congregations that desired to be in communion with it, and that country is recognized as a past of its missionary field. In 1899 Rev. Lucien Lee Kinaolving was consecrated bishop of southern Brazil, and he has gathered around him an increasing number of clergymen and congregations. A similar provision for Cuba was made in the year 1904, although work had been carried on there for more than forty years. Bishops have also been consecrated of late for Honolulu, for the Philippine Islands, and Porto Rico, and already very promising results have followed upon their appointment.

II. Polity and Organization.

1. Episcopal Polity.

In the preface to the Ordinal, it is stated that " it is evident unto all men diligently reading Holy Scriptures and ancient Authors, that from the Apostles' time there have been these Orders of Ministers in Christ's Church- Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." Accordingly, this church is constituted, as to its ministry, after this primitive manner, and since 1859 it has been the custom to place every part of the recognized territory of the United States under the jurisdiction of some bishop. This rule equally attains as to those countries which are in any formal manner under its protection. Neither does it maintain any mission in any foreign land Mthout a similar provision. Its territorial divisions are known as either dioceses or missionary districts, the former being such as are autonomous, or independent of outside aid, having authority to elect their own bishops; the latter such as are dependent for their support mainly upon the church at large and receive their bishops from the same source. Dioceses may comprise the whole or a part of the states in which they are organized, Missionary districts may form the whole or a part of any state or territory, whether within or without the United States. Thus it may happen that even within a former independent diocese, there may be formed a new missionary district. Some steps have been taken toward the creation of provinces. A missionary bishop is eligible, subject to confirmation by the rest of the church, to a diocesan episcopate; but it has always been maintained-although there is no constitutional nor canonical provision to this effect-that no diocesan bishop should be translated from his original jurisdiction to another. Bishops-coadjutor are allowed, with the right of succession. In the general convention of 1910 provision was made for the election of suffragan bishops. Under this provision a suffragan bishop has not the right of succession, but remains eligible to election as bishop or bishop coadjutor. At that convention there was elected a suffragan bishop of New York. The detached churches in foreign lands, as e.g., in Paris, Rome, Dresden, etc., are under the supervision of an American bishop appointed by the presiding bishop.

2. Legislation and Administration.

The legislation for and the administration of ecclesiastical affairs are lodged, first in the General Convention, next in diocesan conventions, and lastly in parochial vestries or mission-committees meeting occassionally. The General Convention consists of two houses: the house of bishops, comprising all bishops of the American communion; and the house of clerical and lay deputies, comprising four of each order from each diocese duly chosen by its diocesan convention. In the latter house, representatives from missionary districts and from the convocation of foreign churches are privileged to sit and speak, without the right to vote. In the General Convention, it is necessary to have a concurrent vote before any measure can become operative. The senior bishop according to date of consecration is styled the presiding bishop, to whom is delegated during the intervals between the General Conventions the administration of important and necessary affairs of a general character. An assessor to the presiding bishop, who also acts as chairman of the house of bishops during its sessions, is chosen triennially by the members of that house. No bishop elected by a diocesan convention can be consecrated unless confirmed by a majority of all the standing committees-bodies chosen annually by the various diocesan conventions as councils of advice to the bishops, and consisting, except in three or four instances, of both clergymen and laymen-and of all the bishops, except when such elections have occurred within six months of the meeting of the General Convention. In this case, the matter is settled by a concurrent vote of both houses. Rectors are chosen by the vestries of the several parishes, usually after conference with the bishop of the diocese. Missionaries are appointed by the bishop, with or without the concurrence of a diocesan committee. The vestries are chosen annually by the members of the various congregations, under the provisions of local enactment. Delegates to the diocesan conventions are elected by the parochial vestries. In some dioceses, it is requisite that both vestrymen and delegates shall be communicants in good standing; in some it is not. Only such communicants are eligible as lay deputies to the General Convention. No one can be ordained to the ministry who has not been for the appointed time first a postulant and then a candidate, nor until, after sundry examinations, he has been recommended to the bishop by the standing committee of the diocese to which he belongs. It is further required that he should present certain testimonials as to character and fit ness from a certain number of clergymen and laymen. He can not be admitted a candidate until he is at least twenty-one years old, nor ordained a priest until he is at least twenty-four years old. A bishop must be at least thirty years of age. Provision is made for the appointment of deaconesses (see DEACONESS, IIl., 2., d, � 2), who must be at least twenty-three years of age, and be properly qualified, and recommended by clergymen and laymen. There is no cognizance of sisterhoods in the general canons, it having been deemed best to leave everything relating to them in the hands of the several bishops. Lay-readers form the subject of canonical provision, and are under the immediate supervision of the bishops and of such rectors as ask for their appointment. No church-building can be consecrated until the bishop has ample assurance that there is no pecuniary debt upon it or upon the ground where it may be erected. The music of a church is under the direction of the rector. For over fifty years, the subject of cathedrals has been before the church as a practical matter. Bishop William Ingraham Kip of California was perhaps the first prelate to give it expression in 1855, a time when there was no little prejudice, even opposition, to encounter. In 1861 Henry John Whitehouse, bishop of Illinois, put it into more formal shape. To-day, there are about forty dioceses where cathedral organizations exist. In some, however, they are scarcely more than nominal establishments, and the cathedrals themselves little else than parish churches. But the idea is being gradually developed and utilized, while in the almost completed cathedral at Albany, and in the growing one at New York, the structures well deserve the name in every respect. At Washington there is also the nucleus of one worthy of the Church and the nation.

3. Discipline.

In the matter of discipline, there are canonical provisions both general and diocesan. The duties of clergymen and laymen alike are in many instances plainly set forth, and violations of the law, both as to doctrine and manner of life, are the subject of well-matured enactments. In the General Convention of 1904, provision was made for courts of review for the trial of bishops and other clergymen. The principal subject under this heading that has occupied the attention of the church has been that of Marriage and Divorce (qq.v.). It has been felt for years that the low and injurious views upon this subject demanded stricter legislation, and the main purpose of those concerned in this has been to make it unlawful for any person divorced on any ground, even that of adultery, to marry again during the lifetime of either husband or wife. A canon to this effect was passed by a large majority of the house of bishops at the General Convention of 1904, but lost by a small majority in the other house. The matter was brought before the General Convention in 1910, and discussion was deferred till 1913. While the English table of affinity has not been formally adopted, there are many clergymen who will not marry persons within its prohibitory lines.

4. Organizations, Educational, Benevolent, and Others.

In early colonial days, this Church felt the need of educational institutions that should be under its auspices and direction. As early as 1691 a charter was obtained for Willlam and Mary College in Virginia, in which provision was made for the education of suitable men for the ministry, and also for the due propagation of Christianity. The first buildings were designed by Sir Christopher Wren. A number of parish-schools were also established. King's College (now Columbia University) was subsequently founded, the president of which must always be a member of this church, and the prayers used in public worship must always be taken from the Book of Common Prayer. Among the other colleges more or less directly related to the church are Trinity College, Hartford (which succeeded to Washington College, chartered in 1823), Kenyon College, Hobart College, the University of the South, St. Stephen's College, Annandale, and Lehigh University. In connection with a number of the leading denominational colleges, church-balls have been erected, and other means are in use to keep in touch with undergraduates belonging to the church. The number of parochial schools always has been small. As to boarding-scbools, there are not a few scattered in as many as thirty different dioceses, the oldest for girls, St. Mary's Hall, Burlington, N. J., founded in the year 1837. The pioneer successful school for boys is St. Paul's School, near Concord, N. H., founded in 1856 by George Cheyne Shattuck, M.D., of which the Rev. Henry Augustus Coit was the famous head-master for nearly forty years. Of theological seminaries there are no less than sixteen, in various parts of the country. Of them, the oldest (1817) and by far the largest and most important is the General Theological Seminary, in New York, with superb buildings and a liberal endowment. Each has its own excellencies, and all are supplied with able faculties, and number among their graduates many of the most eminent of the clergy. In all but one, the tuition is free; and in most of them the charge for the use of rooms is either nothing or merely nominal. There are also several training-schools for deaconesses, as in New York and Philadelphia, where thorough instruction, both theoretical and practical, is given to those who may wish to devote themselves to church work at home or abroad. Among the many other organizations of this church are the Brotherhood of St. Andrew (1883) and the Daughters of the King (1885). These are identical in their plans and operations, one for men, and the other for women; the common object being to interest more directly the younger people in the affairs and life of the church. The members are bound alike by the two rules of prayer and service. Junior departments have in view the training of girls and boys for more active membership when they shall have become adults. The Girls' Friendly Society has a large membership, and is intended to afford, under the guidance and fellowship of lady-associates, opportunities for healthy recreation and safe social enjoyment to girls and young women who are engaged in business or in domestic service. The number of hospitals, day-nurseries, orphan asylums, homes for cripples, consumptives, and aged and infirm people, houses of mercy for the fallen and incorrigible, and for other needy and afflicted persons, is constantly increasing and their capacity for usefulness constantly enlarging, as liberal donations and endowments are being made from time to time. In this practical application of Christianity, almost every diocese and missionary jurisdiction shares. Many of these institutions are either exclusively or partly under the care of sisterhoods, of which there are now working under the auspices of this church something like twenty-some of them being branches of English communities, others founded in America. Beside these, there are several communities of deaconesses. Among the clergy, there are also several religious orders, the chief of which are the Society of St. John the Evangelist, with its American headquarters at Boston, and the Order of the Holy Cross with its new and spacious monastic buildings at West Park, N. Y. Their chief work is that of preaching, holding missions, retreats, etc., although the first-named order is also engaged in parochial work. For social purposes chiefly, but not exclusively, there have been organized of late years what are known as church-clubs, with large numbers of members, confined mainly to the laity. These exist now in over thirty dioceses. There is annually a congress of delegates from these various associations. In addition to all these organizations, there are many others throughout the country, whose main object is the more direct and local dealing with and forwarding the church's work in different directions, such as mislions, Sunday-schools, temperance reform, social reform, Christian unity, etc., so that ample opportunity is afforded all the members of the church to engage in some branch of religious anti philanthropic industry. The support of the parochial, diocesan, missionary, educational, and benevolent work of the church is mainly derived from the voluntary offerings of its members. For some purposes there are assessments, laid mostly by diocesan authorities. Pew rents still obtain in some of the older and larger parishes, but over eighty per cent of the total number are now conducted upon what is known as the free church system, no seats being rented or formally appropriated. This system has grown marvelously in the past sixty years.

5. Statistics.

At the end of the year 1910, there were in the United States and dependencies 67 dioceses and 26 missionary districts; in foreign lands there were 11 missionary districts or dioceses. Of clergymen, there were in 1909 103 bishops and 5,516 priests and deacons, in all 5,619. There were 8,017 parishes and mission-stations; 50,153 Sunday-school teachers and 455,495 pupils. The total number of communicants, including the missionary districts, was 929,117, which would give a total membership of over four millions. The whole amount of various contributions reported for the year 1909 was$18,358,821.28.

LEIGHTON COLEMAN�.

6. Brotherhood of St. Andrew.

The Brotherhood of St. Andrew is an organization of laymen operating in the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, in the Church of England, and in their branches wherever found. Its object is " the spread of Christ's king6. Brother- dom among men, especially young hood of St. men." It is composed of men and boys of all ages and conditions, who recognize that as baptized churchmen they are pledged to do the will of God, in trying to help other men to know our Lord through his Church. The brotherhood began as a parochial gild in St. James' Church, Chicago, on St. Andrew's Day, 1883, when twelve young men, with the approval of their rector, W. H. Vibbert, and under the leadership of Mr. James L. Houghteling, who is the founder of the brotherhood, agreed to follow the example set by St. Andrew in bringing St. Peter into a personal acquaintance with the Messiah, as recorded in John i. 40-42. They adopted two rules: (1) "To pray daily for the spread of Christ's kingdom among young men"; (2) "To make an earn est effort each week to bring at least one young man within the hearing of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, as set forth in the services of the Church and in young men's Bible classes." Their efforts were successful beyond expectation, and similar gilds were formed in several dioceses. In 1886 thirty-five of these gilds united in a general organization known as the Brotherhood of St. Andrew in the Protestan Episcopal Church in the United States. There are now in this country about 1,000 active senior branches, or chapters, with a total membership of about 12,000, and 500 junior chapters with a total membership of about 6,000. The junior department consists of small bands of Christian boys who are trained not only to live straight but to help other boys to live straight. They join entirely for what they can give and not for what they can get, and there are no amusements or attractions of any kind. The minimum age for membership is twelve, but most of the boys average sixteen and are usually boys who have been confirmed. The object of this department is the spread of Christ's kingdom among boys. In addition to this it acts as a training ground for membership in the senior order. It is the only society of the kind in the world, abandoning as it does almost all the usual methods by which boys are reached and influenced, everything except definite and real religious work for other boys being barred out. While the membership of the brotherhood consists entirely of laymen, the brotherhood works only by the approval of the clergy, no chapter being allowed to exist without the written consent of the rector or minister in charge. The chapters are independent in all particular and local affairs, but are dependent upon and responsible to one another as regards the interests and obligations common to all. Any baptized man is eligible for membership, but membership can be had only through a local chapter.

A convention is held each year, at which every chapter in good standing is entitled to be represented. The convention appoints a national council which is charged with the executive direction of the brotherhood. This council maintains an office in the Broad Exchange Building, Boston, Mass., as headquarters for the brotherhood, through which the different chapters are brought into communication with one another. It publishes the international brotherhood monthly magazine, St. Andrew's Cross, and other literature about brotherhood work and methods.

HUBERT CARLETON.

7. Cowley Fathers.

The Society of Mission Priests of St. John the Evangelist (sometimes called the Evangelist Fathers or the Cowley Fathers) is a religious community of clergymen in the Anglican Communion founded at Cowley, a southern suburb of Oxford, England, in 1865. The first members were Richard Meux Benson (vicar of Cowley, the parish within which the community was organized), Simeon Wilberforce O'Neill, and Charles Chapman Grafton, an American clergyman (who afterward became bishop of Fond du Lac in Wisconsin). The institution is worthy of commendation as being the first successful attempt since the Reformation to organize a religious community of men in the Church of England. The dedicated life of women in sisterhoods had been revived some years earlier. Other brotherhoods have been formed since. From the first the community at Cowley had the informal sanction of the bishop of Oxford (Samuel Wilberforce), to whom as clergymen its members were necessarily responsible for ministerial licenses. Bishop Wilberforce's successor continued the same friendly relations with the community, and when the statutes and rule were formally established, he gave them his official sanction and became visitor of the society. It is the declared purpose of the society that its members should be subject in all canonical matters to the bishop of the diocese in which they may be resident or working, while for personal and community purposes they are as free as other clergy men to adopt obligations not inconsistent with their ministerial duties. The object of the society is thus stated in its statutes: "The Society of the Mission Priests of St. John the Evangelist has been formed for the cultivation of a life dedicated to God according to the principles of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, and will occupy itself irr works both missionary and educational, both at home and abroad, for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ, as God in His good Providence may seem to call."

Lay brothers are associated with the priests in dedication to the religious life, but they have no share in the government of the society. No one is allowed to take the life vows until he is thirty years of age, nor until he has passed through a lengthened term of probation. The superior general is elected every three years at a greater chapter of the society. All other officers are appointed by him, including the superiors of provinces, as in America, India, and South Africa.

The society has branch houses in Boston, U. S. A., Bombay and Poona, Capetown and Kaffraria. Beside their direct missionary work, the external occupation of the Fathers is largely in conducting retreats (seasons of devotional retirement) for men or women, clergymen or lay people, in preaching missions, where they are invited thus to aid the parish clergy, and in guiding religious communities of women. Clergymen and laymen are received as visitors, for the purpose of testing their vocation, and for devotion or study, at the different houses of the society, and much devotional and doctrinal literature has been published by its members, who now number about forty.

ARTHUR C. A. HALL.

BIBI.IOGRAPHY: S. D. McConnell, Hist. of the American Episcopal Church, New York, 7th ed., 1897; S. Wilberforce, History of the American Church, ib. 1849; J. S. M. Anderson, Hist. of the Church in the Colonies, 3 vols., London, 1856; W. S. Perry, Historical Collections Relating to the American Colonial Church, 5 vols., Hartford, 1870-78; idem, Handbook of the General Convention of the P. E. Church, Giving its Hist. and Constitution, 1876-80, New York, 1881; idem, Hist. of the American Episcopal Church, 1687-1888, 2 vols., Boston, 1885; idem, The Episcopate in America, New York, 1895; H. G. Patterson, The American Episcopate, Philadelphia, 1878; W. White, Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church, New York, 1881; R. E. Beardsley, Hist. of the Church in Connecticut, 2 vols., Boston, 1883; W. Benham, Short Hist. of the American Church, New York, 1884; J. G. Wilson and Others, Centennial Hist of the P. E. Church in the Diocese of New York, 1785-1886, ib. 1888; L. Coleman, Hist. of the Church in America, ib. 1895; C. C. Tiffany, Hist. of the P. E. Church in the U. S., ib. 1895; M. Dix, Hist. of the Parish of Trinity Church in . . . New York, 4 vols., ib. 1898-1907; A. L. Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies, ib. 1902; Lucy C. Jarvis, Sketches of Church Life in Colonial Connecticut, New Haven, 1902; G. W. Peterkin, Hist. and Record of the P. E. Church in . . . W. Virginia, Charleston, W. Va., 1902; D. D. Addison. The Episcopalians, New York, 1904; G. Hodges, 300 Years of the Episcopal Church in America, Philadelphia, 1907; W. Updike, Hist. of the Episcopal Church in Narragansett, R, l., 3 vols., Boston, 1907; A. B. Richmond, American Episcopal Church in China, Baltimore, 1908; Papers and Speeches of the Church Congress in Boston, May, 1909, New York, 1909; M. D. Haywood, Lives of the Bishops of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C., 1910. On doctrine, law, and polity consult: A. A. Benton, The Church Cyclopcedia, Philadelphia, 1884; J. A. Andrews, Church Law, Columbus, O., 1885; W. F. Hook, Church Dictionary, London, 1887; G. Hodges, The Episcopal Church; its Doctrines, Ministry, Worship and Sacraments. New York, 1892; G. H. Humphrey, Law of the P. E. Church, ib. 1895; W. J. Miller, American Church Dictionary, ib. 1902; F. W. Westcott, Catholic Principles as Illustrated in the Doctrine, Hist. and Organization of the American Catholic Church in the U. S., Milwaukee, 1902.

PROTESTANT FRIENDS. See FREE CONGREGATIONS.

 

PROTESTANT METHODISTS. See METHODISTS, I, 5.

 

PROTESTANT UNION (GERMAN):

Aims and Origin

An association of German Protestants for the revival of Protestantism in the spirit of Evangelical freedom and in harmony with the demands of modern civilization. The statutes of the society set forth its aims as follows: the development of German Protestant churches upon a congregational basis according to the special conditions governing the various countries containing a German population, as well as preparations for a combination of the and national Churches; resistance to all hierarchic and un-Protestant tendencies within the different churches, and the preservation of the rights, the honor, and the liberty of German Protestantism; the Maintenance and furtherance of Christian respect between the various denominations and their members; and the stimulation and furtherance of Christian life, as well as of all Christian undertakings that concern the morality and welfare of the people. The establishment of the association, in 1863, was due primarily to the alienation of both masses and whole classes from the Church, although in the majority of cases this was in no sense a denial of Christianity, still less of all religious faith. The chief reason for this estrangement was to be sought in the failure of the Church to adapt itself to modern culture; the efforts made in this direction in the early part of the nineteenth century were abandoned in the twenties, because it seemed as though the historic foundations of belief were being endangered, and a religious reaction set in which was afterward strengthened by political reaction. It was, however, held to be absolutely essential that the Church should be a friendly ally of modern civilization, on condition that this civilization should submit to the educational influence of the spirit of Christ. There must be unrestrained historical criticism of the sources of revelation; the Church must cease to be an organization of theologians and must concede all possible freedom to the work of laymen. On the other hand, those estranged from the Church must overcome their indifference and clearly recognize the real power of religion, of Christianity, and of the Church; they must understand that morality is based on Christianity.

To arouse the Church to the necessity for this reform was the task proposed by the Protestant Union. Various conflicts in the matter of church government and administration, as well as in reference to theological teaching, preceded the foundation of the Union and helped to explain its existence. In 1862 Daniel Schenkel (q.v.) issued a call to all liberal Christians to form a German Protestant party, and at the Durlach conference of Aug. 3, 1863, he urged still more earnestly the institution of a German Protestant congress to prepare the way for a general representation of all the German Churches, such as could not be offered by the Eisenach Conference (q.v.) or by the Church Congress. The Durlach conference unanimously accepted this proposition and invited a number of the most prominent men of the various German Churches to a meeting which was held Sept. 30, 1863, at Frankfort. Here the Protestant Union was founded. Any reputable person belonging to a Protestant church may become a member. It was originally provided that a congress should assemble each year, or as often as might be necessary; but since political events interfered several times, it was determined in 1883 that the general assemblies should be held biennially. Later, in 1901, it was decided that they should meet at least every three years. In 1904 the union had twenty branches with about 25,000 members, of whom 20,000 belonged to the Protestant Union of the Bavarian Palatinate. Headquarters are now in Berlin.

Activity and Results

The activity of the Protestant Union has consisted principally in the stand taken in regard to certain ecclesiastical questions and in the reaffirmation and defense of the principles of the society; and its entire course has been marked by opposition to the Roman Catholic Church. In 1896 a petition was presented to the Reichstag opposing the abrogation of the law regarding the Jesuits; in 1886, at Wiesbaden an attack was made on contemporary efforts to separate the Church completely from State control, and it was held that the sanctioning of ecclesiastical laws should still remain the prerogative of the State. The right of the State to have the chief direction of the schools was also emphasized in 1869, and obligatory civil marriage was demanded in 1865, any confirmation of such marriage by the Church being condemned by the union as illegal in 1875. The principle of the union of all the Protestant Churches has always been maintained, the final aim being the organization of a German national Church which shall in no way exclude the preservation of the individuality of the provincial churches.

The sole periodical expressly designated as published under the auspices of the Protestant Union is the monthly Protestantische Flugbl�tter, founded 1866 at Elberfeld, now appearing at Sch�neberg-Berlin. A Jahrbuch was issued for four years (Elberfeld, 1869-72); and the society also published the New Testament portion of a Protestantenbibel (ed. P. W. Schmidt and F. von Holtzendorf, Leipsic, 1872), while the Palatine branch sent forth an Andachtsbuch (Neustadt, 1870). A number of minor periodicals are also maintained. Other agencies for the propagation of the interests of the association, such as traveling lecturers, have also been employed; and in 1899 a fund was established for clergy deposed for heterodoxy.

The Protestant Union has been violently assailed both by individual pastors and by conferences of clergymen. The Prussian Supreme Church Council declared against it in 1865 and again in 1871, and clergymen who represented its principles were excluded from church offices, dismissed, or threatened with dismissal; and the members of the union were excluded from the district synods of Hanover. At the same time, though many of the members of the union have been destructive in tendency, the constructive spirit has often been manifested, as in the refusal, in 1882, to sanction the establishment of a "People's Church," and in the protests against the religious indifference and hostility of German liberalism. The union has at least partially aided in the introduction of synodal and presbyterial organization in severed of the national churches of the German states and in securing equal rights for Lutherans and Reformed, and has succeeded in reviving religious interest and trust in many formerly estranged both from faith and from the Church.

(PAUL MEHLHORN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are Der allgemeine deutsche Protestantenverein in seinen Statuten, . . Ansprachen, . . . Thesen und Resolutionen seiner Hauptversammlungen, Berlin, 1889; and the Verhandlungen of the "Protestantentage" issued separately either at Elberfeld, Berlin, or Leipsic. Consult further: D. Schenkel, Der deutsche Protestantenverein and seine Bedeutung, 2d ed.. Wiesbaden, 1871; D. Schmidt, Der Proteatantenverein in zehn Briefen fur und wider, Gtiteisloh, 1873 (adverse); J. E. Websky, Das positive Chriatentum des Proteatantenvereins, Berlin, 1882; W. H�nig, Die Arbeit lea deutachen Proteakantenvereins, ib. 1888; idem. Der deutsche Proteatantenverein, Bremen, 1904.

PROTESTANTISM.

I. Name. Church and Sacraments (� 5). Legalism and Otherworldliness (� 3).
II. External Development and Present Status. IV. The Lutheran Church. Theocracy and Church Freedom (� 4).
Territorial Conquests (� 1). Luther and Melanchthon (� 1). Lord's Supper and Liturgy (� 5).
Concept of Toleration (� 2). The Church a School (� 2). VI. Internal Development of Protestantism since the Enlightenment.
Later Protestantism (� 3). Melanchthon's System (� 3). Pietism and the Enlightenment (� 1).
Numbers and Distribution (� 4). Lutheranism and Scholarship (� 4). The Passing of Orthodoxy (� 2).
III. The Fundamental Principles of Protestantism as Conceived by Luther. Church and State (� 5). Kant and Schleiermacher (� 3).
Norms of Faith (� 1). Lutheran Orthodoxy (� 6). The Nineteenth Century (� 4).
Private Judgment (� 2). V. The Reformed Church. Relation to the State (� 5).
Justification by Faith (� 3). Character and Foundation (� 1). VII. The Church of England.
New Ethical and Legal Standards (� 4). Theory and Use of the Bible (� 2).  

In history Protestantism involves a far wider group of phenomena than the larger or smaller ecclesiastical organizations sprung from the Reformation (q.v.). At the same time, it must primarily be considered as an ecclesiastical, or at least as a religious, movement; and it can maintain its existence only as a concept and presentation of Christianity, even though the Reformation was closely connected with the general conditions of the age, the Renaissance, and the political and social conditions of Europe, especially of Germany. Protestantism took its rise in the wish to regenerate Roman Catholicism on the pattern of the primitive Church, or, as its protagonists said, " according to the Gospel." In the present article the cultural elements connected with Protestantism must be excluded; only an outline of the system as a phenomenon of Christianity can here be attempted. Its development, however, has been far from uniform; various types of religious bodies have represented it in history, and still constitute highly significant forms of its existence. Even as thus limited, the subject is one of peculiar difficulty, and almost every point which must be touched upon is still a matter of controversy.

I. Name:

The name "Protestant" originated from the "protestation" in which the leading German princes friendly to the Reformation united with fourteen cities of Germany on Apr. 25, 1529, against the decree of the Roman majority of the second Diet of Speyer (see SPEYER, DIETS OF). It was a designation quite colorless from the religious point of view, and was first used as a political epithet by the opponents of those who signed the protest. It was not necessarily applied in an opprobrious sense, however, so that the adherents of the new doctrines could interpret it as testifying to their steadfastness and courage. It has always been less common in Germany than elsewhere, though later, in the time of the Enlightenment (q.v.), the implication it carried that the type of Christianity which it designated stood for freedom and tolerance commended it to many. In the nineteenth century it became the shibboleth of the "liberal" ecclesiastical and theological schools; more recently the growth of ultramontanism as a political power has given it a wider currency; and it is very frequent for any non-Roman Catholic to term himself a Protestant, whether he professes Christianity or not.

The adherents of the Reformation at first preferred to call themselves "Evangelicals," while their opponents styled them "Lutherans," "Zwinglians," "Calvinists," etc., thereby emphasizing their sectarian and heretical character, and implying at best that they were a schismatic body separated from the true Catholic Church. The same names were emplgyed by the Protestants themselves in their factional disputes. After 1530 the expression "Adherents of the Augsburg Confession" came into use. The French name, "Huguenots," originated, according to Beza, in Tours, where, the new religionists being compelled to assemble by night, the report spread that they met in honor of a nightspecter, le roi Huguet (cf. HUGUENOTS, I., � 1).

It is significant that the early Protestants shrank from styling themselves a church, Luther asserting merely that he and his adherents belonged to the Church. The idea that the Evangelicals or the Lutherans were the Church arose in connection with the concept of the Church as a school (see below, IV., � 2), helped on by the course of events. It was customary to speak of "our churches" (congregations) and hence, after the churches of the states were consolidated and had adopted more or less generally one creed, the phrase "our Church" came into vogue, and was perverted into "we are the Church."

The German Protestants, when they found it necessary to speak of themselves as a distinct organization, used at first, and as late as the Formula of Concord, the term "Reformed Church." It was after 1580 and during the controversy over the doctrine of ubiquity (q.v.) that the "Lutheran Church" was first heard of, though circumstances did not tend to make the name popular. About 1600 the Calvinists and Philippists began to appropriate to themselves the name "Reformed," and to call those "Lutherans" who differed from them. During the Thirty Years' War this usage became general and was promoted by custom outside of Germany. In France and Holland the Protestants always called their churches "Reformed," implying that they were Calvinistic or Zwinglian rather than Lutheran; and in England other names were given non-Roman Catholic organizations, such as "Established Church," "Presbyterian Church," and the like, none of them being named after any of their leaders.

II. External Development and Present Status:

1 Territorial Conquests.

About 1600, or at the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War in 1618, the rising tide of the Reformation had reached the climax of its first impulse, even though the movement had not yet everywhere run its full course, nor had the Counter-Reformation been unproductive of results. In Germany, however, the Protestant estates were the more numerous and the more powerful; the Huguenots in France had attained an assured position by the Edict of Nantes; the northern Netherlands had renounced Roman Catholicism; in England the only question was whether the Established Church or the Puritans should prevail; and the Scandinavian North had become thoroughly Lutheran. In general the Germanic countries retained the gains of Protestantism during the Reformation period. The secure position guaranteed to the Protestants of Germany by the Peace of Westphalia (see WESTPHALIA, PEACE OF; CORPUS EVANGELICORUM) remained substantially unaltered in the eye of the law till the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, and in other respects there was no essential change, the single event which foreboded Protestant loss, the conversion of the royal house of Saxony to Roman Catholicism, resulting merely in the transference of the leadership of Protestant Germany to Prussia; in England and in Scandinavia Roman Catholicism was, and remained, excluded. In France, on the other hand, Protestantism was well-nigh exterminated by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and there were losses to the east of Germany, in Poland, Bohemia, Austria, and Hungary.

2. Concept of Toleration.

The Enlightenment (q.v.) had great influence upon the external development of Protestantism; it created the idea of tolerance and wrought constantly increasing changes in the position of the State churches. The Reformation had held to the old doctrine of a single Christian Church and but one true Christian faith, and in its way it went as far in actually constituting this Church and faith as the old Church had done. In the opinion of Luther the word of God and the sacraments were the marks of the Church and the faith; and, with Melanchthon's help, he thought he had formulated these marks in articles of faith which might serve as legal bases for deciding be tween conflicting parties, each of which claimed to represent the Church and the faith. Luther also believed that the Christian authorities should lend their aid to the Gospel, so that, with his approval, the medieval theory of the relations between the Church and the State was carried over into Protestantism. The Peace of Westphalia marked the beginning of the idea of toleration, decreeing that Roman Catholics and Protestants should no longer regard one another as heretics, and providing that in case a Protestant prince went over from the Lutheran to the Reformed confession or vice versa, his subjects should be free to follow or not. Furthermore, while in principle it excluded sects from the law, it left a certain measure of freedom to the territories in their treatment of them, thus positing a tacit allowance of toleration. In course of time Pietism and the progress of theological thought made princes question whether it was to their interest to uphold pure doctrine with too great zeal, while new theories of the relation of Church and State prepared the way for the belief that the State should exercise only a general supervision over the Church and should treat different religious bodies alike. What had lain obscurely in the background of the Peace of Westphalia was now formulated and justified on grounds of natural law, although not immediately and everywhere put fully in practise. Theological toleration was first granted among the Protestants in the Netherlands, where the Remonstrants and other sectarian congregations were tolerated as early as the seventeenth century. Frederick the Great was the first prince in Germany to give freedom to the Mennonites, Unitarians, and others. At present all German states place the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches de facto on an equal footing, and the equality of individuals before the law is guaranteed by the Empire. A Protestant Diaspora (q.v.) has grown up in Roman Catholic territories and vice versa. It may be noted that the growth of Protestantism is relatively somewhat greater than that of Roman Catholicism. To the Lutheran and Reformed established churches the United has been added since 1817 (see UNION, ECCLESIASTICAL) and a number of "Free Churches" (see LOWER SAXON CONFEDERATION; LUTHERANS, II. SEPARATE) have sprung up, so that Protestantism in Germany at the present time is highly complex. In almost all other Christian countries toleration was made a principle of the law of the land during the nineteenth century, at least with reference to Roman Catholics and Protestants, in most cases with reference to all sorts of sects, old and new. At the same time the principle of an Established Church has not been abandoned, though it has been restricted. There are still many established or rather privileged churches, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, in Europe. The United States of America and France are the only countries in which there is at present complete separation of Church and State. See the articles on the various countries; also CHURCH AND STATE; COLLEGIALISM; LIBERTY, RELIGIOUS; PARITY; etc.; for Germany, the articles on the states of the empire; BONIFATIUS-VEREIN; GOTTESKASTEN, LUTHERISCHER; GUSTAV ADOLF VEREIN; etc.

3. Later Protestantism.

A characteristic of later Protestantism is the very general tendency of groups to combine, though often by the loosest of bonds. [Gatherings like those of the Evangelical Alliance (q.v.) may be mentioned as manifestations of the tendency. Denominational lines are less closely drawn than of old, there is a disposition to set aside minor differences in the interest of Christian fellowship, and separate organizations have been united in England and America among the Congregational, Methodist, and Presbyterian Churches. Above all, there is an ever-increasing dispisition to combine for practical Christian work (see CHURCH FEDERATION).] A "German Evangelical Church Committee" was formed in 1903 as the result of the recognized need of a confederation of the national Churches and to work for their common interests. The missionary activity of the nineteenth century, both at home and abroad, and the manifold forms of benevolent and charitable work which are sometimes loosely comprehended under the term "home missions," are notable and vital characteristics of modern Protestantism (see MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN; HOME MISSIONS; INNERE MISSION); and articles on work for special classes-emigrants, Jews, seamen, workingmen, etc. [The Bible and Tract societies, societies like those for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, and many others which will be found described in their appropriate places, may be mentioned as illustrating the great development and achievements of organized Christian work among modern Protestants.] In connection with home missions the work of the Salvation Army (q.v.) is notable, both for its results and because it well illustrates certain differences between German and AngloSaxon Protestantism.

4. Numbers and Distribution.

The following table presents an estimate of the total Protestant population of the world (i.e., the aggregate number of communicants and those who may be classed as adherents) based upon the best and latest data obtainable. It attests one of the most striking facts in the history of Protestantism in the last centuryits great expansion in North America. The United States has now the largest Protestant population of any land-from 65,000,000 to 66,000,000 (out of a total population of 79,000,000) according to the estimate of H. K. Carroll (in the Christian Advocate, reproduced in Christendom Anno Domini 1901, ed. W. D. Grant, New York, 1902, i. 530-531), which is based upon the census of 1900. Great Britain probably comes next with 38,000,000 Protestants (total population 42,500,000) and Germany third with somewhat more than 35,000,000 (total population 56,000,000). [See NOTE on page 293.]

Reformed Protestantism:    
Great Britain 20,500,000  
Germany 3,000,000  
Switzerland 2,000,000  
Holland 3,000,000  
Hungary 2,500,000  
France 500,000  
United States 65,000,000  
Canada 2,000,000  
Australia and New Zealand 1,500,000  
India 1,500,000  
South Africa 1,000,000  
Elsewhere 2,000,000  
Total Reformed   104,500,000
Lutheran:    
Germany 32,000,000  
Norway and Sweden 7,500,000  
Denmark 2,500,000  
Finland and the Baltic Provinces 6,000,000  
Hungary 1.250,000  
United States 6,000,000  
Elsewhere 750,000  
Total Lutheran   56,000,000
Anglican:    
England 10,750,000  
Scotland and Ireland 750,000  
The Colonies 4,000,000  
United States 2,500,000  
  Total Anglican 24,000,000
  Protestant missions 5,500,000
Total   182,000,000
With these figures may be compared the following by recent authorities:
  G. Warneck.1 Fournier deFlaix.2 H. Wagner.3 H. Zeller.4 H. A. Krose.5
Roman Catholics 230,000,000 230,866,533 263,460,000 254,500,000 264,505,922
Eastern Church 115,000,000 98,016,000 126,200,000 114,610,000 117,875,556
Protestants 185,000.000 143,237,625 179,320,000 165,830,000 166,627,109

1 G. Warneek, Abriss der Geschichte der proteatantischen Missionen, p. 375, Berlin, 1901.

2 Fournier de Flaix in Bulletin de l'Institut international de Statistique, iv. 2 (1889), 146.

3 H. Wagner, Lehrbuch der Geographic, p 179, Hanover, 1903.

4 H. Zeller, in G. Warneck's Allgerneine Missionszeitschrift, xxx. 70. Zeller's figures for the Eastern Church are 106,480,000, Orthodox; 8,130,000 "other [Eastern] Christians."

5 H. A. Krose, in Stimmen aus Maria Lasch, l xv (1903), 16 sqq 187 sqq. For the Eastern Church Krose gives Greek Orthodox 109,147,272; schismatic Orientals, 6,554,913; Raskolniks~Russian dissenters), 2,173,371.

III. The Fundamental Principles of Protestantism as Conceived by Luther:

A theory of Protestantism which has been widely prevalent makes it consist of a formal and a material principle, the former grounded in the doctrine of the all-sufficiency of Scripture for everything in the Church, the latter in the concept of justification by faith. Attempts to expound the theory have usually suffered from lack of clearness and faulty method, the attempt having been made to construct without sifting the concrete historical material, so that only too often the result has been to confuse the two questions, how Protestantism actually presents itself in history and how the investigator would like it to be. Perhaps the most satisfactory method is to begin with a sketch of certain of the ideas of Martin Luther-admittedly the founder of Protestantism. The chief points wherein Luther appeared as a new messenger of the Gospel may be grouped under the five heads which follow.

1. Norms of Faith

Regarding the Bible as the only indubitable source of authority in religion, Luther rejected the Roman Catholic teaching regarding tradition. Concerning inspiration he stood on the same ground as the Roman Church, but he declared that the latter did not accord to the Scriptures of their full rights. In controversy as to whether he might really and justly appeal to the Scriptures, he asserted what has become the distinctively Protestant position that the Scriptures are not obscure and in need of the explanation of the Fathers, and, secondly, that they have not a twofold sense, a historical and a spiritual, but a literal sense only. Along with his unreserved readiness to follow blindly the authority of Scripture as the word of God-qualified, however, on occasion by recourse to experience-Luther recognized the ecumenical creeds, and with them the old dogmas of the Trinity and the two natures of Christ, which he found confirmed by the Scriptures. It was his method to press forward from the human nature of Christ to true knowledge of God, and this method has always been important in Protestantism. It has regulated the pericopes in the Lutheran Church, has pointed inquirers to the practical way, and has centered attention upon edification and the knowledge of God in the benefits of Christ as the essence of knowledge. Of the creeds, Luther held the Apostles' to be the most important, regarding it as a precious document of antiquity which confirmed his understanding of the Gospel, and appealing to it to prove that he taught nothing new, but only the genuine old doctrine. He consistently represented that the ecumenical creeds formed a bond, and the strongest bond, between the "kingdom of the pope" and the Evangelical churches; and in the dogmas of the Trinity and the two natures of Christ he saw in like manner a certain measure of common ground. On the other hand, while both the Roman Catholic Church and Luther maintained the inspiration of the Scriptures, their mode of treatment was too divergent to permit the German Reformer to feel any special sympathy with the ancient Church on this score.

2. Private Judgements.

When Luther fell back upon his experiences with reference to the Bible and Christ, and renounced all church teachings contrary to these experiences after, in his hour of need in the monastery, he bad failed to find comfort in what she authoritatively offered him, he followed a conviction of individual responsibility and compulsion which Protestants since his time have designated as "private judgment." In thus exalting his personal religious and moral convictions above authority and tradition he acted in the spirit of the Renaissance. At the same time, while the Renaissance relied without reserve upon the autonomy of the individual, and, in the last analysis, on purely empirical, egoistic, and unmoral individualism, Luther added from the word of God the concept of man created in the image of God, and understood Christianity as both freedom and compulsion. It has ever since been the problem of Protestantism to reconcile the freedom of the world of man, and of the Church, with God's revelation, and to assign to the conscience its proper function as guide of conduct and belief when enlightened by the Gospel, or the law of Christ. Luther well knew the limits of conscience in judging others, and he was willing to leave each one to God, even the heretics if they would only keep silence and refrain from disturbing civil affairs by agitation. For himself, he recognized that he was a debtor to the Gospel, and he asserted his independence in matters of belief only in so far as the new man in him had taken the place of the Old Adam. He never lost the consciousness of sin, and by word and act he made clear the true place of conscience in Christianity.

3. Justification by Faith.

Luther's concept of justification was derived immediately from the Bible, although he always de-


[NOTE. The tables are necessarily carried back to about the year 1900 because that is the latest date at which anything like general statistics or even estimates are obtainable. It would afford no adequate basis of comparison to take later figures such as are available from some countries when only much earlier figures are at hand for others. THE EDITORS.] fined it in the sense and words of Augustinian and scholastic tradition: justificatio- "a setting right" - "a making over of the sinful man to a righteous one." His view differed from the Roman only in that this making over comes to pass through faith alone, and not in any way through works or merit. Luther's dissent from Roman teaching developed from opposition to the doctrine of penance as it was then presented. Roman Catholicism taught that justification is attained through the means of grace of the Church, that is, first through baptism, which removes the taint of original sin, then through penance by those who, after baptism, fall into mortal sin. In the monastery Luther became convinced that he had lost the forgiveness and grace of baptism, and with burning zeal he turned to the sacrament of penance. Here the system of laying down stern conditions of absolution, which were almost invariably modified in virtue of the " power of the keys " (see KEYS, POWER OF THE), both terrified him and filled him with doubt. In reading the Pauline epistles, moreover, he came to believe that God offers his grace without conditions and without regard to merit, provided only that there be faith. He likewise came to the conclusion that justification abides, while grace is ever ready for the acceptance of faith without need of any intermediary. It was in asserting this free and unconditional offer of God's grace to faith that Luther broke with the Roman doctrine of justification, which teaches increasing degrees of grace, and that to become worthy to share in grace man must in each degree do "what in him lies."

Luther's doctrine of justification is nothing less than a new concept of God. It means that God is love. Love is, to be sure, one of the attributes of God in the Roman Catholic system, but it is there placed after God's freedom and omnjpotence, and is not the essence of his being. To Luther God, both as he is revealed in Christ and as he is still concealed from man, is unlimited, positive love. His love is so great and mighty and mysterious that the human mind can not fathom it; it is in every sense too high for reason, and is revealed in Christ, who is God in human form.

4. New Ethical and Legal Standards.

To Luther it seemed an incomprehensible misunderstanding when it was alleged that his doctrine of justification opened the way to moral laxity; in his opinion it alone gave real life and constancy to moral earnestness and joyousness. Faith did not free from the obligation of works, but only from excessive valuation of them. The certainty of pardon, he thought, assured to the guilty one that he who pardoned would help, and furnished the strongest impulse to the will to do penance, that is, to forsake sin and perform good works. Luther's opponents, on their part, could not comprehend how he was able to find the Roman Catholic form of penance too lax and yet hold to the thought of a God whose mercy was without limit. But Luther saw no incompatibility in a merciful and a holy God. He believed in a twofold destiny of men, blessedness and condemnation. God's unlimited mercy is the most effective means he can use to win men to the former; not fear, but gratitude, is the strongest motive to obedience; and it is inconceivable that the merciful, pardoning God will not supply moral power where it is needed.

Luther broke through the external character of the law by explaining it, not as the inscrutable will of God which must be accepted implicitly as a revelation, but as based in the divine nature itself. In like manner the German Reformer transformed the concept of the blessedness of heaven. To the Roman Catholic Church the blessedness of heaven is the "beatific vision," which is the comprehensible aim of a Christianity whose God is blessed by virtue of his exalted nature. For Luther, too, God is blessed according to his nature, but this nature is love, and when one has on earth experienced proof of God's unwavering and unfathomable love in the forgiveness of sins, then there is life and blessedness in the present world, a foretaste of what will be fully enjoyed only in heaven. For the Roman Catholic the ecstatic visions of mysticism are the foretaste of heaven on earth. Luther was at times influenced by mysticism, but he never longed for visions and ecstasies, and his mysticism was only a means of learning and drawing near to God. This new idea of blessedness, with his concept of God, made it possible for Luther to speak of the certitude of salvation; and he could even make confidence in it a Christian duty, since God is love. The thought of God's ever certain grace meant to him, not indifference and weakness on the part of God toward sin, but God's power over sin; and blessedness meant for him, not a morally neutral good, but good as good, and the vital element of heaven.

Luther likewise had a new idea of the content of the good, or the law. For Roman Catholicism the moral law in its final analysis is a collection of statutes commanding and forbidding definite things, a code decreed by God instead of man. For Luther, the law (which the natural man can not understand) becomes a single idea applicable to every individual and every situation. As God is love and can not help giving forth love, so he requires nothing but love from any one. Faith feels an inner compulsion to show forth love, and makes the Christian the servant of all, even while exalting him as lord of all things.

5. Church and Sacraments.

Luther regarded the Church as in principle nothing but a community of individuals. The only necessary mark of the Church is the presence of believers, who are united through Christ, the head of the body of which each believer is a member. The thought of the body of Christ means for Luther that the Church is not an organization, but an organism, which lives in and with Christ himself. Christ's spirit and word are the medium by which the Church works. In Roman Catholic teaching the presence of priests properly ordained is essential to the Church, not the attendance of worshipers; and in so far as the Roman theory is not that of a sacred order, it is expressed in legal ordinances. Luther thinks in principle only of an attitude of mind which can not be expressed in terms of law.  Luther's new ideas concerning the constitution of the Church are developed in his An den christlichen Adel. He preferred to say "Christendom" rather than "Church," and in this work he represents Christendom as ordered in estates and callings. He declares that the worldly estates belong to the body of Christ and are on an equality with spiritual persons, both in their religious quality and from the point of view of their moral actions. A rightly chosen priest is no different from a public official, and all men are alike fit for the service which Christ has appointed to Christendom, namely, to work together for the good of body and soul. Luther by no means had in mind only the nobles, to whom he addressed his appeal, but expressly mentioned shoemakers, smiths, and farmers. They must all know that they are all spiritual estates, all equally ordained priests and bishops, to the end that each in his way may be useful and serviceable to the other and help him to live and grow as a Christian in his appointed place.

Luther often declared that, while all are spiritual priests, there are also priests of the Church, that is, those whose duty it is to administer the word and the sacraments. This leads to his theories of the Church in relation to its rites and ceremonies. He never doubted that there should be special provision for all the elements of worship in Christendom; what was new with him was that he distinguished between the concepts "Church" and "organization for public worship," considering the latter, so to speak, as only a province of the former. He found no difficulty, however, in regarding the Church, in its capacity of an organization for public worship, as instituted by God and ordered by Christ, endowed by him with special gifts. Its function is to extend the kingdom of Christ, its foundation the command to baptize. He was convinced that any Christian could read the Bible and profit from it, but he believed that all, himself included, needed also the instruction of well-ordered preaching. He would not, however, have the hearing of sermons made a "commandment of the Church," aiding in salvation by compliance with a law. Hence, in ordering the Evangelical service Luther put all emphasis on the preaching of the word of God, to the end that the Bible might be understood and have its full efficiency as the true means of grace. He put the sacraments by the side of preaching, because in his own experience he had found help and comfort in the sacraments. In his doctrine of the Lord's Supper he retained more of the old doctrines than elsewhere; but he utterly rejected the concept of sacrifice, and put no other interpretation on the mystery of the Supper than that it inspired the trembling, guilty conscience to faith. His regard for church services and rites never became a snare to him. He was convinced that unjust excommunication does not exclude from the Church; he taught that if the priests of the Church will not serve, any Christian brother may officiate in their place; and he regarded parents' reading of the Bible, catechetical instruction, and prayers at home as supplementary to the similar offices of the Church, and filled with the same sort of power.

IV. The Lutheran Church:

1 Luther and Melancthon.

The historical study of Protestantism leads naturally from Luther to Melanchthon. The part of the latter in the Reformation has given rise to most divergent opinions. Extreme views, such as those which, on the one hand, regard him as a sort of destroyer of true Lutheranism, and, on the other hand, make him the real genius of the Reformation who determined its course, are not justified. Luther was no organizer, and, as a theologian, no systematizer. Melanchthon was both, though with limitations. The word of God could not be presented and made effective without trained preachers who knew how to use the Bible and were in sympathy with the spirit of the time as represented in the Renaissance. His ability to meet this need by making schools and universities, as well as all their teachings, subservient to the preaching of the Gospel was Melanchthon's peculiar gift. Luther recognized this and was not blind to his own restrictions. He justly admired Melanchthon's skill in getting at the kernel and formulating it instructively and systematically, even though the latter's work as the "preceptor of the Reformation" inevitably resulted in a narrowing of Lutheran concepts which was not without momentous consequences.

2. The Church a School.

This reduction of Luther's thoughts appears in what Melanchthon has to say of the Church in the third edition of his Loci (1543). Interest in the organization and in its officials and specific functions here comes to the front. Melanchthon compares the Church with a school, and considers his definition of it as a coetus scholasticus to be a complete refutation of the papal definition of the Church as a kingdom. The Church consists of teachers and taught, who are to be distinguished one from the other, and it must set forth the Bible as the sole truth. In case of doubt as to the meaning of the Bible, the principle to be followed is that the word of God is itself the judge, "with," it is characteristically added, "the confession of the true Church." Luther might have written all this, though to him the Church was more than a school, and the word of God more than a mere matter of teaching. The pastors, or teachers, too, seemed less important to him than to Melanchthon, and he did not lay as much weight as the latter on the harmony of all Church doctrine.

3. Melancthons system.

Melanchthon wrote his Locioriginally as a brief compendium of the great truths of the Bible for the private edification of those who were reading the scriptures; but in the two later editions he aimed to produce a text-book for the Church as a school, and to collect all the articles of faith and arrange them in proper order. This was done primarily for the use and benefit of the teachers in the school (ie., the pastors), especially as bitter experience with the fanatics had made a theological education seem a necessary requisite for the preacher's office. In all thre editions of the Loci justification by faith is the center of pure doctrine, and the chief article of the faith. The entire content of the Bible is arranged under the headings, "doctrine of the law" and "promise of grace." The law is God's exacting will, the Gospel his helping will. Since Adam's fall, and because of original sin, man's power is so weakened that he can not fulfil the most external requirements of the law, to say nothing of actually pleasing God. Accordingly, the effect of the law is to terrify and produce contrition. The Gospel then reveals God's grace (i.e., his mercy), which is founded in Christ as the mediator and propitiator, and makes justification known as a free favor for Christ's sake, consisting in the remission of sins and assuring of reconciliation or acceptance to life eternal. The Gospel, however, does not abrogate the law, and therefore it requires not only faith, but also conversion. God works through the Holy Spirit, perfecting faith and helping to fulfil the law. The Gospel leads to regeneration, or the restoration of original righteousness, which will be perfected in heaven. Precise definition is highly characteristic of Melanchthon and sometimes leads him to set rather artificial limits to various concepts. He shows an inclination to retain as many of the old institutions as possible, and tries to prove that the Protestant interpretation of the Bible is in harmony with the teaching of the Church Catholic. He presents Luther's doctrine of penance or repentance, though without the force of personal experience which animated it in Luther, and for him conversion lasts practically throughout life. Baptism is the sacrament, or sign, which marks entrance into the Christian life and the state of grace, the transition from the dispensation of law to that of the Gospel. Its efficacy endures for the whole life.

4. Lutheranism and Scholarship.

Having devised the formula of the Church as a school, Melanchthon proceeded to bring the Evangelical faith into connection with Humanism. He started with the old familiar idea of natural law (q.v.), declaring that it is not only approved by the reason, but is also found in the Bible, being in the background of revealed law. God has provided that men shall know his providence from nature and has given them understanding to distinguish between good and evil. By the fall man lost the clear knowledge of the natural law which he had originally possessed. The Gospel brought something wholly new, not indicated in the natural law, namely, redemption through Christ and justification by faith, and this now leads back to the original condition. Certitude is restored by the spiritual law imparted by revelation in the Bible. If, now, as Christian, and by supernatural means, man is again certain about God, the study of the natural knowledge of God has interest and value for him and for the Church. Faith attains to somewhat of the character of rationality by virtue of the natural law, though even this law is supernaturally conditioned as based on the creative activity of God. By means of this concept of natural law Melanchthon succeeded in finding an ideal foundation for the knowledge of the Church in the knowledge of reason no less than scholasticism had done. His theory was, however, only superficial here, for he really had in mind two realms of knowledge: a higher, that of Biblical revelation, and a lower, that of human reason; and he felt that one must first learn of the former, to understand the latter. He refrained from high speculations about God, the law, the doctrines of the Trinity, and the two natures of Christ, contenting himself with the belief that all divine secrets would be revealed in heaven. It is significant that he thought of heaven too as a school. He did not appropriate Luther's ethical conception of blessedness. That justice is in itself blessedness, that love is the essence of life everlasting he did not understand. God desires, he held, to be known and honored; and blessedness is the eternal reward of those in heaven to hold converse concerning God and the divine essence, now at last completely known. Herein is the most considerable reduction of Luther's teaching as formulated by Melanchthon.

5. Church and State.

In the interest of the new faith Melanchthon undertook the reorganization of the entire system of higher education, and rendered no slight service to the entire field of science and letters. His Loci became the theological text book of the generations which followed him, and his manuals of philosophy, which he prepared as prop�deutic, were no less noteworthy. In this undertaking, however, he needed the help of the secular authorities, and it was he who laid down the rules for the relations between the Lutheran Church and the State. He believed that the magistracy was sanctioned by reason, and also that it was, on unmistakable Biblical authority, positively ordained by God, the secular officials being called to be guardians of the entire law, i.e., the natural law and the decalogue. Revelation defines the sphere of their duties. They must open the way to the pure doctrine of the Bible and regulate the higher institutions of learning; but it is not for them to interpret the Bible or to formulate the faith. Their place in the Church is among those who hear, not those who teach. The preachers, as ministers of the word, are independent, and as authoritative for secular officials as for all other laymen, though in purely civil affairs the clergy are subject to civil authority.

6. Lutheran Ortodoxy.

Lutheran orthodoxy may be treated briefly after depicting Melanchthon's system. It lived and moved in the understanding of the Gospel to which Melanchthon gave words and form, notwithstanding the controversies of Gnesiolutherans and Philippists, and the preference shown for the former when the princes were compelled to take sides (see PHILIPPISTS). For it the Bible was the only actual authority of faith, even the creeds adopted serving merely to settle points of controversy, and the task of theology was to interpret, systematize, and defend in pedagogic fashion what the Bible contained. The classic theologian of the period, Johann Gerhard (q.v.), gave little space to the confessions in his Loci, (9 vols., Jena, 1610-22) and treated them only incidentally. It is not meant that Gerhard, or any one, was indifferent to the confessions, but he was so fully convinced that they accorded with the Bible and bound to nothing except what was in the Bible that he could give them a very secondary place. It was far more important to show that Lutheranism and .the early Church were in harmony, and that the new teachings were supported by the testimony of the Church Fathers. Practically the conressions were important chiefly on the political side. The Augsburg Confession served as a statement of the Evangelical faith which could be used juristically in dealings between Lutheran states and the Empire; and the states often felt the need of documents which could be appealed to in matters of uncertainty in their internal church policy.

The most important theological achievement of the time of orthodoxy was a highly developed doctrine of the Bible; controversy with the Roman Catholic theologians, especially the well-equiped Jesuits, drove the Protestants, who rejected the Roman appeal to tradition and the Church, to declare the Bible the sure and only word of God, to which they maintained that they coule appeal with better right than could their opponents to the pope. The divine plan for the salvation of fallen man was though of by many as somewhat more miraculous than by Melancthon; faith and comprehension of the Bible were considered a purely mechanical operation of the Holy Spirit; the theory of blessedness was still further transformed; metaphysical speculation about God involved consequences shich Melancthon had not had in mind; and new paths were entered upon in the doctrine of the sacraments. On the other hand, the intrepretation of loci went on quite in the spirit of Melancthon. Finally, there was a coherence of idea based on the concept of God's interest in the law. the dogma of satisfaction, rendered by Christ to God in place of the sinner, stood in close relation to the thought of law, even of a natural law. In it the orthodox theology showed that it had made Melancthon's interpretation of Luther its own and was still animated by it. It is no accident that this dogma has been the most lasting part of the orthodox doctrine.

The most striking thing in the piety of the period was its unruffled content. Never since has the Evangelical faith been so sure that it was right. It must be admitted that the moral impulses to faith were not felt as they were by the immediate disciples of Luther and Melancthon. There was a sort of habitual aquiescence in the inevitability of sin, and the hope of heaven was a large element of orthodox piety. Men was no special tasks before them in the world; Melancthon's teaching had brought about its logical result by putting all ideal direction of life in the hands of the clergy. The people [for the most part] learned the catechism and listened patiently to the instruction of the pulpit; they attended faithfully on the word of God and the sacraments--and with that tehy were content.

V. The Reformed Church.

1. Character and Foundation.

Not withstanding various creeds and confessions prepared for different lands, it is allowable to speak of the Reformed Churches, since the characteristic features of these formulations are not essentially different. No more will be attempted here than to note the peculiarities of the Reformed body in comparison with the Lutheran. The later was the earlier form of Protestantism; for this reason it is necessarily considered first in a historical treatment of the subject. Numerically the Reformed Church is to-day by far the stronger (see above II, � 4).

Originally the reformation was a single movement, but before long it was carried forward by very different personalities. The greatest man of the time beside Luther who renounced the ancient faith was Zwingli, though conflict ensued when the two leaders met. This fact was due in great measure to the natural limitations of each, and to Luther's inability to understand his fellow Reformer, particularly with reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, even though the real divergence of the Reformed from the Lutherans on the latter tenet was due not to Zwingli, but to Calvin. Zwingli, hoever founded no school, and the only region which can be regarded as Zwinglian, even in a limited sense, is German Switzerland, though a few survivals of his system may be traced in Reformed organization and modes of worship. The true founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin, who was, in some respects more influential even than Luther.

2. Theory and Use of the Bible.

To Calvin the Bible was in a peculiar sense the one thing and everything. This does not imply that he believed more fully in the inspiration of everyword than did Luther, or that Menlancthon was less convinced that the bible alone gives man certainty; but that Calvin took the concept of the whole bible as the very word of God more deeply thand did either Luther or Melancthon, and it had for him more practical consequences. He applied his theory of the Bible more logically than did Luther or Melancthon. Luther, like Melancthon, was concerned primarily only with what "brings Christ," so that he could disregard much of the Old Testament. For Calvin, Christ (or our salvation) is the center of the Bible. But he was in a certain sense more of an exegete than Luther or Melancthon. He saw much in the bible which they did not see, and he let much work upon his mind which Luther put off with the reflection that it did not concerh Christ, and which Melancthon, whith his pedagogic interests passed over as too dark or too subtle. Furthermore, Calvin found relations with Christwhere Luther did not find them, and he had a more abstract or legalistic intuition of Christ than had Luther. Luther looked into the heart of Christ and there found the heart of God, but fo Calvin neither Christ nor God had much heart. He found the doctrine of reprobation in the Bible, and therefore accepted it calmly and unmoved, reserving all recognition of divine mercy and long-suffering for the elect. Luther was disturbed by the twofold predestination shich he found in the Bible and pronounced it a riddle. For Calvin this riddle did not exist; he held that what God does is right because he does it; and he ignored the presence of any moral problem.

With this Calvin made the divine motive in creation and redemption not love, but glory, so that he could write (CR, xxxvi. 294): "Our salvation was and that the new teachings were supported by the testimony of the Church Fathers. Practically the conressions were important chiefly on the political side. The Augsburg Confession served as a statement of the Evangelical faith which could be used juristically in dealings between Lutheran states and the Empire; and the states often felt the need of documents which could be appealed to in matters of uncertainty in their internal church policy.

The most important theological achievement of the time of orthodoxy was a highly developed doctrine of the Bible; controversy with the Roman Catholic theologians, especially the well-equiped Jesuits, drove the Protestants, who rejected the Roman appeal to tradition and the Church, to declare the Bible the sure and only word of God, to which they maintained that they coule appeal with better right than could their opponents to the pope. The divine plan for the salvation of fallen man was though of by many as somewhat more miraculous than by Melancthon; faith and comprehension of the Bible were considered a purely mechanical operation of the Holy Spirit; the theory of blessedness was still further transformed; metaphysical speculation about God involved consequences shich Melancthon had not had in mind; and new paths were entered upon in the doctrine of the sacraments. On the other hand, the intrepretation of loci went on quite in the spirit of Melancthon. Finally, there was a coherence of idea based on the concept of God's interest in the law. the dogma of satisfaction, rendered by Christ to God in place of the sinner, stood in close relation to the thought of law, even of a natural law. In it the orthodox theology showed that it had made Melancthon's interpretation of Luther its own and was still animated by it. It is no accident that this dogma has been the most lasting part of the orthodox doctrine.

The most striking thing in the piety of the period was its unruffled content. Never since has the Evangelical faith been so sure that it was right. It must be admitted that the moral impulses to faith were not felt as they were by the immediate disciples of Luther and Melancthon. There was a sort of habitual aquiescence in the inevitability of sin, and the hope of heaven was a large element of orthodox piety. Men was no special tasks before them in the world; Melancthon's teaching had brought about its logical result by putting all ideal direction of life in the hands of the clergy. The people [for the most part] learned the catechism and listened patiently to the instruction of the pulpit; they attended faithfully on the word of God and the sacraments--and with that tehy were content.

V. The Reformed Church.

1. Character and Foundation.

Not withstanding various creeds and confessions prepared for different lands, it is allowable to speak of the Reformed Churches, since the characteristic features of these formulations are not essentially different. No more will be attempted here than to note the peculiarities of the Reformed body in comparison with the Lutheran. The later was the earlier form of Protestantism; for this reason it is necessarily considered first in a historical treatment of the subject. Numerically the Reformed Church is to-day by far the stronger (see above II, � 4).

Originally the reformation was a single movement, but before long it was carried forward by very different personalities. The greatest man of the time beside Luther who renounced the ancient faith was Zwingli, though conflict ensued when the two leaders met. This fact was due in great measure to the natural limitations of each, and to Luther's inability to understand his fellow Reformer, particularly with reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, even though the real divergence of the Reformed from the Lutherans on the latter tenet was due not to Zwingli, but to Calvin. Zwingli, hoever founded no school, and the only region which can be regarded as Zwinglian, even in a limited sense, is German Switzerland, though a few survivals of his system may be traced in Reformed organization and modes of worship. The true founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin, who was, in some respects more influential even than Luther.

2. Theory and Use of the Bible.

To Calvin the Bible was in a peculiar sense the one thing and everything. This does not imply that he believed more fully in the inspiration of everyword than did Luther, or that Menlancthon was less convinced that the bible alone gives man certainty; but that Calvin took the concept of the whole bible as the very word of God more deeply thand did either Luther or Melancthon, and it had for him more practical consequences. He applied his theory of the Bible more logically than did Luther or Melancthon. Luther, like Melancthon, was concerned primarily only with what "brings Christ," so that he could disregard much of the Old Testament. For Calvin, Christ (or our salvation) is the center of the Bible. But he was in a certain sense more of an exegete than Luther or Melancthon. He saw much in the bible which they did not see, and he let much work upon his mind which Luther put off with the reflection that it did not concerh Christ, and which Melancthon, whith his pedagogic interests passed over as too dark or too subtle. Furthermore, Calvin found relations with Christwhere Luther did not find them, and he had a more abstract or legalistic intuition of Christ than had Luther. Luther looked into the heart of Christ and there found the heart of God, but fo Calvin neither Christ nor God had much heart. He found the doctrine of reprobation in the Bible, and therefore accepted it calmly and unmoved, reserving all recognition of divine mercy and long-suffering for the elect. Luther was disturbed by the twofold predestination shich he found in the Bible and pronounced it a riddle. For Calvin this riddle did not exist; he held that what God does is right because he does it; and he ignored the presence of any moral problem.

With this Calvin made the divine motive in creation and redemption not love, but glory, so that he could write (CR, xxxvi. 294): "Our salvation was and that the new teachings were supported by the testimony of the Church Fathers. Practically the conressions were important chiefly on the political side. The Augsburg Confession served as a statement of the Evangelical faith which could be used juristically in dealings between Lutheran states and the Empire; and the states often felt the need of documents which could be appealed to in matters of uncertainty in their internal church policy.

The most important theological achievement of the time of orthodoxy was a highly developed doctrine of the Bible; controversy with the Roman Catholic theologians, especially the well-equiped Jesuits, drove the Protestants, who rejected the Roman appeal to tradition and the Church, to declare the Bible the sure and only word of God, to which they maintained that they coule appeal with better right than could their opponents to the pope. The divine plan for the salvation of fallen man was though of by many as somewhat more miraculous than by Melancthon; faith and comprehension of the Bible were considered a purely mechanical operation of the Holy Spirit; the theory of blessedness was still further transformed; metaphysical speculation about God involved consequences shich Melancthon had not had in mind; and new paths were entered upon in the doctrine of the sacraments. On the other hand, the intrepretation of loci went on quite in the spirit of Melancthon. Finally, there was a coherence of idea based on the concept of God's interest in the law. the dogma of satisfaction, rendered by Christ to God in place of the sinner, stood in close relation to the thought of law, even of a natural law. In it the orthodox theology showed that it had made Melancthon's interpretation of Luther its own and was still animated by it. It is no accident that this dogma has been the most lasting part of the orthodox doctrine.

The most striking thing in the piety of the period was its unruffled content. Never since has the Evangelical faith been so sure that it was right. It must be admitted that the moral impulses to faith were not felt as they were by the immediate disciples of Luther and Melancthon. There was a sort of habitual aquiescence in the inevitability of sin, and the hope of heaven was a large element of orthodox piety. Men was no special tasks before them in the world; Melancthon's teaching had brought about its logical result by putting all ideal direction of life in the hands of the clergy. The people [for the most part] learned the catechism and listened patiently to the instruction of the pulpit; they attended faithfully on the word of God and the sacraments--and with that tehy were content.

V. The Reformed Church.

1. Character and Foundation.

Not withstanding various creeds and confessions prepared for different lands, it is allowable to speak of the Reformed Churches, since the characteristic features of these formulations are not essentially different. No more will be attempted here than to note the peculiarities of the Reformed body in comparison with the Lutheran. The later was the earlier form of Protestantism; for this reason it is necessarily considered first in a historical treatment of the subject. Numerically the Reformed Church is to-day by far the stronger (see above II, � 4).

Originally the reformation was a single movement, but before long it was carried forward by very different personalities. The greatest man of the time beside Luther who renounced the ancient faith was Zwingli, though conflict ensued when the two leaders met. This fact was due in great measure to the natural limitations of each, and to Luther's inability to understand his fellow Reformer, particularly with reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, even though the real divergence of the Reformed from the Lutherans on the latter tenet was due not to Zwingli, but to Calvin. Zwingli, hoever founded no school, and the only region which can be regarded as Zwinglian, even in a limited sense, is German Switzerland, though a few survivals of his system may be traced in Reformed organization and modes of worship. The true founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin, who was, in some respects more influential even than Luther.

2. Theory and Use of the Bible.

To Calvin the Bible was in a peculiar sense the one thing and everything. This does not imply that he believed more fully in the inspiration of everyword than did Luther, or that Menlancthon was less convinced that the bible alone gives man certainty; but that Calvin took the concept of the whole bible as the very word of God more deeply thand did either Luther or Melancthon, and it had for him more practical consequences. He applied his theory of the Bible more logically than did Luther or Melancthon. Luther, like Melancthon, was concerned primarily only with what "brings Christ," so that he could disregard much of the Old Testament. For Calvin, Christ (or our salvation) is the center of the Bible. But he was in a certain sense more of an exegete than Luther or Melancthon. He saw much in the bible which they did not see, and he let much work upon his mind which Luther put off with the reflection that it did not concerh Christ, and which Melancthon, whith his pedagogic interests passed over as too dark or too subtle. Furthermore, Calvin found relations with Christwhere Luther did not find them, and he had a more abstract or legalistic intuition of Christ than had Luther. Luther looked into the heart of Christ and there found the heart of God, but fo Calvin neither Christ nor God had much heart. He found the doctrine of reprobation in the Bible, and therefore accepted it calmly and unmoved, reserving all recognition of divine mercy and long-suffering for the elect. Luther was disturbed by the twofold predestination shich he found in the Bible and pronounced it a riddle. For Calvin this riddle did not exist; he held that what God does is right because he does it; and he ignored the presence of any moral problem.

With this Calvin made the divine motive in creation and redemption not love, but glory, so that he could write (CR, xxxvi. 294): "Our salvation was and that the new teachings were supported by the testimony of the Church Fathers. Practically the conressions were important chiefly on the political side. The Augsburg Confession served as a statement of the Evangelical faith which could be used juristically in dealings between Lutheran states and the Empire; and the states often felt the need of documents which could be appealed to in matters of uncertainty in their internal church policy.

The most important theological achievement of the time of orthodoxy was a highly developed doctrine of the Bible; controversy with the Roman Catholic theologians, especially the well-equiped Jesuits, drove the Protestants, who rejected the Roman appeal to tradition and the Church, to declare the Bible the sure and only word of God, to which they maintained that they coule appeal with better right than could their opponents to the pope. The divine plan for the salvation of fallen man was though of by many as somewhat more miraculous than by Melancthon; faith and comprehension of the Bible were considered a purely mechanical operation of the Holy Spirit; the theory of blessedness was still further transformed; metaphysical speculation about God involved consequences shich Melancthon had not had in mind; and new paths were entered upon in the doctrine of the sacraments. On the other hand, the intrepretation of loci went on quite in the spirit of Melancthon. Finally, there was a coherence of idea based on the concept of God's interest in the law. the dogma of satisfaction, rendered by Christ to God in place of the sinner, stood in close relation to the thought of law, even of a natural law. In it the orthodox theology showed that it had made Melancthon's interpretation of Luther its own and was still animated by it. It is no accident that this dogma has been the most lasting part of the orthodox doctrine.

The most striking thing in the piety of the period was its unruffled content. Never since has the Evangelical faith been so sure that it was right. It must be admitted that the moral impulses to faith were not felt as they were by the immediate disciples of Luther and Melancthon. There was a sort of habitual aquiescence in the inevitability of sin, and the hope of heaven was a large element of orthodox piety. Men was no special tasks before them in the world; Melancthon's teaching had brought about its logical result by putting all ideal direction of life in the hands of the clergy. The people [for the most part] learned the catechism and listened patiently to the instruction of the pulpit; they attended faithfully on the word of God and the sacraments--and with that tehy were content.

V. The Reformed Church.

1. Character and Foundation.

Not withstanding various creeds and confessions prepared for different lands, it is allowable to speak of the Reformed Churches, since the characteristic features of these formulations are not essentially different. No more will be attempted here than to note the peculiarities of the Reformed body in comparison with the Lutheran. The later was the earlier form of Protestantism; for this reason it is necessarily considered first in a historical treatment of the subject. Numerically the Reformed Church is to-day by far the stronger (see above II, � 4).

Originally the reformation was a single movement, but before long it was carried forward by very different personalities. The greatest man of the time beside Luther who renounced the ancient faith was Zwingli, though conflict ensued when the two leaders met. This fact was due in great measure to the natural limitations of each, and to Luther's inability to understand his fellow Reformer, particularly with reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, even though the real divergence of the Reformed from the Lutherans on the latter tenet was due not to Zwingli, but to Calvin. Zwingli, hoever founded no school, and the only region which can be regarded as Zwinglian, even in a limited sense, is German Switzerland, though a few survivals of his system may be traced in Reformed organization and modes of worship. The true founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin, who was, in some respects more influential even than Luther.

2. Theory and Use of the Bible.

To Calvin the Bible was in a peculiar sense the one thing and everything. This does not imply that he believed more fully in the inspiration of everyword than did Luther, or that Menlancthon was less convinced that the bible alone gives man certainty; but that Calvin took the concept of the whole bible as the very word of God more deeply thand did either Luther or Melancthon, and it had for him more practical consequences. He applied his theory of the Bible more logically than did Luther or Melancthon. Luther, like Melancthon, was concerned primarily only with what "brings Christ," so that he could disregard much of the Old Testament. For Calvin, Christ (or our salvation) is the center of the Bible. But he was in a certain sense more of an exegete than Luther or Melancthon. He saw much in the bible which they did not see, and he let much work upon his mind which Luther put off with the reflection that it did not concerh Christ, and which Melancthon, whith his pedagogic interests passed over as too dark or too subtle. Furthermore, Calvin found relations with Christwhere Luther did not find them, and he had a more abstract or legalistic intuition of Christ than had Luther. Luther looked into the heart of Christ and there found the heart of God, but fo Calvin neither Christ nor God had much heart. He found the doctrine of reprobation in the Bible, and therefore accepted it calmly and unmoved, reserving all recognition of divine mercy and long-suffering for the elect. Luther was disturbed by the twofold predestination shich he found in the Bible and pronounced it a riddle. For Calvin this riddle did not exist; he held that what God does is right because he does it; and he ignored the presence of any moral problem.

With this Calvin made the divine motive in creation and redemption not love, but glory, so that he could write (CR, xxxvi. 294): "Our salvation was the care of God in such a way that, not forgetful of himself, he set his own glory in the first rank, and therefore created the world to the end that it should be the scene of his own glory." Divine omnipotence, working evil as well as good, stands first in Calvin's system, preeminent over divine justice, and supreme above every law, whether natural or revealed. This Calvinistic concept of the divine omnipotence was momentous for the Reformed Church because its originator succeeded in convincing many that it is the fundamental Biblical concept of God. Nevertheless, many of the Reformed have revolted against it. Arguments against predestination can be found in the Bible, and therefore this dogma has always been the chief source of controversy in Reformed theology.

3. Legalism and Otherworldliness.

With Calvin, as with Melanchthon, the thought of repentance went with that of promise. Repentance must precede, although it does not produce, justification. How repentance manifests itself, what God requires as sanctification, and how the moral demands worldliness. on the Christian are satisfied, Calvin determined from the Bible as a code of statutory laws. He would have a purification of the acts and forms of life after a Biblical pattern which Luther and Melanchthon never dreamed of. As a matter of fact, he succeeded in divesting Geneva of its old national customs, and everywhere in the Reformed Church appears the same tendency to conform the external matters of life to the words of the Bible in a manner quite foreign to Lutheranism. At the same time, Reformed morality has never spent itself in striving after "apostolic simplicity" and the like, and while the "weightier matters of the law" are never forgotten, there has always been a sharp line of demarcation between the Lutherans and Reformed, as seen, for instance, in the development of Puritanism.

A noteworthy trait in Calvin's personal piety is due to the large part which the future life had in his thinking. If the world is all for God's glory, the Christian has nothing else to do in the world and in his calling than to serve God. That it is well to fight against every worldly pleasure is the fundamental thought of Calvin's ethics; and the abnegation of self is held to be the height of Christian achievement. The Christian can find joy only in the hope of heaven and in the vision of God in his immediate glory. The Reformed Church, furthermore, shows a tendency to direct its thoughts to heaven in a way which works on the imagination more than is the case with Lutherans. Calvin was no mystic; but the long list of independents and sects among the Reformed shows a propensity to mysticism, ecstasy, and fanaticism. Chiliastic expectations and the like are also more at home among the Reformed than among Lutherans.

4. Theocracy and Church Freedom.

Concerning the State, Luther and Calvin agreed only in holding that it had a duty from God with respect to the Gospel. Luther believed that Church and State are independent, each in its sphere, but mutually bound to help one another. Only when the institutions of the Church (bishops, synods, etc.) prove insufficient, is the State called on to intervene outside of its peculiar field (justice, defense, oversight of civil life, trade, etc.). The Church may advise the State, but the latter should finally determine what it will do. It may be inefficient or wholly indifferent, but this does not justify open -resistance; the Christian attitude toward the government must then become one of passive endurance (so both Luther and Melanchthon). In marked contrast with this, the Reformed never scrupled to take arms against the State when it opposed them (in France, the Netherlands, England); they held that a government which sets itself against God and the Bible thereby forfeits its rights. Neither may the government decide upon its course of action in concrete cases; its duty is laid down by God in the Bible. The Old-Testament pattern was ever in Calvin's mind; the Old Testament furnished him with his basis of criminal law; and the end in view was to produce a "people of God" by governmental agencies. Unlike Melanchthon, Calvin desired to set up a theocracy, though not a hierocracy; he required obedience to God, to Christ, and to the Bible, not to himself or to the Church.

While Lutheranism, as a rule, remained subject to the jurisdiction of even unfriendly civil authority, non-German Protestantism assumed a less pliant attitude, even proceeding, as in the case of the Huguenots and Puritans, to armed resistance. This position, however, was not merely caused by surrounding conditions, but was a matter of actual principles derived from the Bible, which also furnished the theory of the internal organization of the Reformed Churches (see PRESBYTER, PRESBYTERATE, II.). The Reformed Church often assumed the character of a State Church, particularly in Zwinglian territory, where ecclesiastical administration even became part of the department of State; but in such cases the State was either so strong or so friendly that no one thought of claiming independence. Secessions have been not infrequent (cf. Scotland). The principle has always been that the Reformed congregation of God is sovereign, subject to but one lord, Christ. All members stand on an equality, and officials are appointed and controlled directly by the congregation as a necessary inference of this independent sovereignty. Church government for Calvin meant independent discipline, whereas the Lutherans made this a duty of the State (see CHURCH DISCIPLINE). In the opinion of Calvin the Church was the congregation. Its rites and ceremonies were a part of the general apparatus for the glory of God, and the pedagogic element in divine service sank into the background. It was a duty to exclude the unworthy. Desire to fulfil this duty led to a most minute and active pastoral care, and, in general, it may be said that the Reformed Church puts more stress than the Lutheran upon this part of the pastor's work. The Reformed Church has also shown great missionary and proselytizing zeal-a direct consequence of its concept of the glory of God as the chief end of man.

5. The Lords Supper and Liturgy.

The difference concerning the Lord's Supper was originally felt (by Lutherans at any rate) to be the greatest distinction between the two branches of Protestantism (see LORD'S SUPPER for full statement of both Lutheran and Reformed views and practise), although, as a matter of fact, the bitter controversy was concerned chiefly with differences in the form of the ceremony. The theory of worship differs throughout in the two Churches. Here also Calvinism claimed to follow the Biblical pattern. Calvin tried to arrange all festivals according to the New Testament, but in so doing he had to introduce many "necessary" innovations-Sunday (from the seventeenth century, first among the Puritans, =the Sabbath) as the only holy day (no more saints' days, and scarcely a trace of Christmas), no pictures or images, no candles, no altar (only a table), no vestments, no organ, no hymns (only the Psalms), no liturgy, or a most meager one. Lutheranism, on the other hand, retained all of the old and familiar service that could be interpreted as Evangelical and modeled its liturgy for Sunday and for the Eucharist on the service of the mass. The Reformed Lord's Supper, on the contrary, is held to be based simply upon the apostolic pattern.

A noteworthy fact in Reformed church history is the continued production of creeds or "confessions" (as the Reformeq prefer to call them). It shows a different attitude toward symbols from that of the Lutherans; the confessions are regarded as actual statements of the chief doctrines, and of late it has sometimes been declared in credal form that this or that tradition is no longer believed in. The great weight laid on the forms of life as well as of the service and constitution of the Church has promoted the growth of sects, since where such things are supposed to be derived from the Bible alone, there is often much room for difference of opinion as to what the Bible requires. Lastly it may be noted that in the time of orthodoxy the Reformed Church was much more productive in scholarship than the Lutheran.

VI. Internal Development of Protestantism since the Enlightenment:

In tracing the later development of Protestantism one must guard against praising or blaming it for what has belonged to the progress of civilization and thought in general. Protestantism has contributed some new ideas and has accepted others; while it has taught, it has also learned. A joy and confidence in the evolution of civilization have been manifest among Protestant peoples which have repeatedly brought them into conflict with orthodoxy (see ORTHODOXY AND HETERODOXY) and with current concepts of morality. The later history of this type of Christianity can here be given only in the barest outline, the views and systems of individual leaders, who have been no less influential than in earlier periods, being treated in the special articles on the personages in question.

1. Pietism and the Enlightenment.

The great movement of Pietism (q.v.);Was, properly speaking, only an earnest attempt to give practical realization to the standards of the time of orthodoxy, especially in private life. The Bible was not made the sole authority of faith and life to the satisfaction of many earnest but one-sided souls. The Protestant Church was distrusted as having become in its way as much bound to its system and as authoritative as the Roman. The Reformed Church, however, for all its precision of definition, had a vein of underlying mysticism, while Lutheranism had an impulse from its founders to interpret repentance and conversion as a violent change in the individual life. The result was that form of Pietism which is, perhaps, the most important-the painful striving of individuals to make their Christian calling surer and strenuous efforts to attain personal Christianity, true inwardness, and depth. As a whole, however, Pietism exercised a conservative influence on Protestantism, and afforded orthodoxy the new strength to arise to a veritable renaissance after the decline of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century.

The Enlightenment (q.v.) gave Protestantism a distinctly new character. It signified for Protestantism as such the letting loose of its secular interests, and in spirit was more akin to the Renaissance than to the Reformation. Clericalism and orthodoxy it regarded as its foes because of their claim to possess an authoritative, divine truth which the human mind might not criticize. The rapid growth of the commerce of England and Holland in the seventeenth century and the wealth which followed brought to these non-Roman Catholic lands questions of all sorts-social, political, philosophical, and religious. Bacon's attempt to found a new practical science was in part a reaction against Melanchthon's method. The time had come for Protestantism to have a deductive philosophy, at least of the world, and it is hardly an accident that, with the exception of the Jew, Spinoza, all great philosophers since Descartes have sprung from Protestantism, and that most of them have had a certain sympathy with it.

2. The Passing of Orthodoxy.

As a system Protestantism is intellectual and spiritual rather than liturgical and legalistic. Protestant theology of the seventeenth century addressed itself to the common people. One might say that it aimed to make every Christian a theologian. The specific endeavor was to make the Bible plain and widely known, since only thus, it was believed, could piety be rightly grounded and real. Before the end of the century, however, theologians were rudely disturbed in this work by the demand to judge the results of reason simply by the weight of the evidence for them. When this was applied to orthodox notions of natural knowledge of God and his law, a yawning chasm opened, for theology regarded natural knowledge as a remnant of an earlier knowledge which was supernatural in its origin as was all truth, which is revealed in full in the Bible; and in the background lurked the conviction that the unaided mind is impotent. The doctrines of the Enlightenment set up a new kind of mind, confident in itself, and feeling no need of instruction from religion. There was a revival of the spirit of the Renaissance, which had been repressed by the Reformation, although sympathy with the Reformation was not lacking. Luther had appealed to his experience as a witness to truth (see above, III., � 2), but his time was not able to understand and explain fully the functions of experience in relation to religion. The Enlightenment took up this problem. The controversy in principle concerned the place of supranaturalism in the search for truth. All sorts of compromises were tried by both sides. The enlightened were ready to defend revelation after they had proved that its content agreed with the investigations of reason, and the orthodox reversed the process. Finally, a new point of view was won in a changed apprehension of what is credible.

The contest was fought out chiefly in the fields of the natural sciences and history. The faith of the Church, inevitably from its dependence on the Bible, was closely bound up with the ancient notions of the world and the Ptolemaic system. In spite of orthodox opposition, the new Copernican system steadily won more and more the adherence of thinking minds, and the new science even invaded the domain of religion with the so-called physico-theological argument for the existence of God. Herein it vindicated the power of the reason to attain real and sure belief in God. Had the new science issued only in skepticism or materialism, it must have disintegrated Protestantism. But when it brought the proof that reason is capable of independent and convincing achievement in the religious sphere, it opened the way to a general revision of the concept of God with the help of reason. Incidentally it cut at the root of the belief in miracles, and tended to make such things as the belief in a devil, in witches, and in magieal powers obsolete in Protestant piety.

In the field of history actual experience first shook faith in a special and positive revelation. The wrangling of denominations and sects and the misery of the religious wars indeed justified a doubt whether the true criterion of truth had been found. This was the background of the first deistic essays, which sprang expressly from religious interest. Then came deeper and wider study of past history, an expansion of geographical and ethnographical knowledge, and the first real acquaintance with heathen religions. It had to be admitted that antiquity offers many examples of a noble religiosity, and when it was asserted that all religions have an identical kernel, orthodoxy, because of its theory of a primitive revelation, at least could not deny that this was probable. The way was opened wide to the acceptance, in the name of Christianity itself, of general moral reason as the supreme guide in religious things. Then the very citadel of orthodoxy was attacked. Locke declared the Bible the palladium of rational Christianity, and so simplified its moral teaching that the natural law seemed no longer a hinting at the latter but its real content. The conviction became established that orthodoxy had fallen far short of understanding the Bible.

About the middle of the eighteenth century Protestantism looked back upon its orthodox period as sunken in deep error, and considered pure Christianity the champion of a natural religion, rational in its metaphysics and its morality. The idea of striving after perfection, immanent in the human spirit, and to be educated and molded by Church and State, was now its guiding-star in morals. The solution of its problems, both moral and religious, was sought not so much by laying down statutory requirements as by seeking underlying principles. Differences of individual opinion came to be tolerated, not because of an indifference to truth, but because it was recognized that the way of the Gospel is. to convince.

3. Kant and Schleiermacher.

Kant and Schleiermacher, the two greatest thinkers of Protestantism, refined its theological methods and raised it to a new level. Kant's distinction between pure and practical reason accomplished no more than to open up to theology new and fruitful paths of investigation. But his fundamental conception of reason as a law-giving potency was the culmination of the basal idea of the Enlightenment that the spirit is superior to all external nature, and it has permanent and far reaching religious value in so far as it has reference to no inborn empirically known function of reason, but to one which is to be understood and asserted only in the conviction that the spirit is of supernatural determination. Kant did not contribute much to the understanding of religion, but all the more to that of morality by his doctrine of the autonomy of the moral law. Schleiermacher made the daring attempt to free religion from intellectualism and moralism. His thought that the essence of religion is the absolute feeling of dependence is a profound one; it means that the pious man knows not that he lives, but that God lives in him; he lives not in his own power, but in a power received; he "is lived." Important also in Schleiermacher is the revival of a religious valuation of Christ. His system is loaded down, however, with esthetic and pantheistic notions, and more of the same sort has been brought into Protestantism by the school of Hegel. The most important idea of the latter, that of the consistent development of history, is now being tested.

4. The Nineteenth Century.

The first half of the nineteenth century witnessed a revival of orthodoxy, which was followed by a new pietism that repeated all the excesses of the older in its recoil from the Enlightenment. The eager and fruitful interest in world history which characterized the century had its influence on church history and Biblical history, and made these departments the foremost in theological study. It seems to some that Albrecht Ritschl (q.v.) has rendered a distinct service to Protestantism by his powerful combination of the historical and the religious aspects of the person of Christ, but the time has not yet come for a system of dogmatics on the basis of investigable history. Neither is it possible at present to say what will be the ultimate significance for Protestantism of the latest school, that of comparative religion. It betokens a real gain in its interest in what was once thought alien and remote, while in its antagonism to all supranaturalism it betrays sympathies with the Enlightenment. The social and political changes inaugurated by the French Revolution, and the rapid and unprecedented development of industry and commerce, have brought moral problems which at first inspire more alarm than courage. Under the burden of the day's work and duties it is easy to forget that the mills of God grind slowly. The century has made the different denominations better acquainted with one another. During the last generation North America has come vigorously to the front in the field of scientific theological work. That the old conceptions of the Bible have their stronghold there at present is not strange. It must be admitted that in both the Lutheran and the Reformed Church the old types everywhere live on in spite of many readjustments.

5. Relation to the State.

The rationalizing of the lex naturæ gave a new character to the jus naturæ as well as to natural religion and morality. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the State became continually more and more secularized under the influence of the new school of jurists (Grotius, Hobbes, Pufendorf, Thomasius, Pfaff, etc.), who found its basis in the consent of the governed rather than in divine right, and made its aim the welfare of the citizens, at the same time limiting welfare to the things of this world. Under this concept of the State every citizen has freedom, including the privilege of thinking as he pleases so long as he does not disturb public order. Religion becomes a private matter of the individual, and the State renounces all attempts to support and govern or control the Church, except in so far as the functions of the latter have points of contact with the interests and aims of the State. Of course, the old order was-not done away with in radical manner all at once, and governments adopted the new idea in different measure. In general, however, the spirit of the time seemed to threaten the complete disorganization of the Church, especially in Germany, where the existing order rested on the very different conceptions of Melanchthon (see above, IV., � 5). On Reformed territory the danger was less, since the Protestant Churches there were generally independently organized from the beginning (see above, V., � 4). Anglicanism and Scandinavian Lutheranism had also a conserving force in the retention of the episcopate. After the founding of the Union (q.v.) in Prussia there was a reaction, due, in part, to the Reformation jubilee in 1817, which directed attention to the historical origin of Protestantism and the concrete ideas and aims of the Reformers. At present, however, the complete separation of Church and State has begun everywhere in Germany. The fear that as a result the masses would turn away from the Church has, happily, not been realized. The Protestant people still cherish their old church customs, with the possible exception of the Lord's Supper, and the interest shown by the laity in the scientific work of theology is full of promise.

(F. KATTENBUSCH.)

VII. The Church of England:

The Church of England claims to be distinguished from the Protestant Churches, Lutheran and Calvinist, of the European continent (as well as from those bodies which have at a later date separated from her communion), in that at the time of the Reformation in the sixteenth century she retained, along with the ancient creeds, the traditional order of the ministry, with its authoritative commission handed down in successive episcopal ordinations from the apostles. To these two leading elements of Catholic order may be added the retention of the old forms of liturgical worship, translated into English, simplified, and purged of superstitious accretions. With regard to worship, Bishop Jewel in his Apology for the Church of England (VI., xvi. 1, London, 1685 and often) says, "We are come as near as we possibly could to the church of the apostles, and of the old Catholic bishops and Fathers; and have directed according to their customs and ordinances not only our doctrine, but also the sacraments and the form of common prayer." In accordance with these principles the Preface of the first English Prayer Book (1549), retained in the present book under the title "Concerning the service of the Church," refers to "the ancient fathers" for the original of divine service, and declares that what is now set forth is " much agreeable to the mind and purpose of the old fathers." The continuous identity of the English Church before and after the Reformation is distinctly asserted in the same preface, when it is said, "The service in this Church of England these many years hath been read in Latin." With regard to doctrine, the convocation of 1571 in the canon (Concaonatores) which trequired subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles laid down that "Preachers above all things be careful that they never teach aught to be religiously held and believed by the people except that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament, and which the Catholic Fathers and ancient bishops have collected from that very doctrine." In the same spirit a canon (xxx.) of 1604 explains, "So far was it from the purpose of the Church of England to forsake or reject the Churches of Italy, France, Spain, Germany, or any such like Church [those that is, which still remained in obedience to the Roman see] in all things which they held or practised, that, as `The Apology of the Church of England ' confesseth, it doth with reverence retain those ceremonies which do neither endamage the Church of God, nor offend the minds of sober men, and only departed from them in those particular points wherein they were fallen, both from themselves in their ancient integrity, and from the Apostolic Churches which were their first founders." With regard to the ministry, in Europe generally the Reformers separated from the several national churches, and, without bishops (to whom the right of transmitting the ministry was restricted), thought themselves forced to choose between a lesser and a greater evil, the loss of the apostolic succession (see APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION; and SUCCESSION, APOSTOLIC), and the forfeiture of pure doctrine. Later the necessity of episcopal ordination came to be generally denied, and by some the necessity of any inherited ministry.

In England, on the other hand, there was no breach of continuity, no new church was set up. The English bishops, clergy, and laity as a body acquiesced in the changes that were made. It was not until 1570 that Pope Pius V. issued his bull deposing Queen Elizabeth, absolving her subjects from their allegiance, and commanding his adherents to withdraw from the English Church. As an evidence of continuity it may be called to mind that one bishop (Kitchen of Llandaff) held his office through all those troubled times-under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth-never imagining that he had been a bishop in more than one church. The Preface to the Ordinal (1549; strengthened in 1662)-maintained in all branches of the Anglican communion-lays down the principle that the orders of bishops, priests, and deacons inherited "from the apostles' time" are to be "continued" in the Church of England, and accordingly that no one without episcopal consecration or or dination, either Anglican or other, is to be allowed to execute the functions of bishop, priest, or deacon. The title "Protestant" the Church of England never accepted, though several of her divines have so described her position and theirs, mean ing by the term "Reformed and anti-papal," but not using it in contradistinction to "Catholic." Thus Bishop Cosin (in his History of Popish Transubstantiation, i. 7, London, 1675) speaks of the English Church as "Protestant and reformed accord ing to the ancient Catholic Church "; and Bishop Sanderson (in the Preface to his Sermons, � xxj-, London, 1689) speaks of "the true belief and right understanding of the great article concerning the Scripture's sufficiency being the most proper characteristical note of the right English Protestant, as he standeth in the middle between and distinguished from the papists on the one hand, and (sometimes styled) puritan on the other." The same position with regard to Catholic doctrine, worship, and ministry is claimed by the daughter or sister churches of the Church of England, in Ireland, Scotland, the United States of America, and the British colonies. Accordingly the bishops of the whole Anglican communion, assembled at the second Lambeth Conference in 1878, in their Official Letter declared:

"The principles on which the Church of England has reformed itself are well known. We proclaim the sufficiency and supremacy of the Holy Scriptures as the ultimate rule of faith, and commend to our people the diligent study of the same. We confess our faith in the words of the ancient Catholic Creeds. We retain the Apostolic order of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. We assert the just liberties of particular or national churches. We provide our people, in their own tongue, with a Book of Common Prayer and Offices for the administration of the Sacraments, in accord ance with the best and most ancient types of Christian faith and worship."

ARTHUR C. A. HALL.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The relationship between Protestantism and the Reformation is such that the literature under REFORMATION and related articles may not be passed over. On the history of Protestantism consult: C. G. Neudeeker, Geachichte des evangelischen Protestantismus in Deutschland, 2 vols., Lepisic, 1844; J. L. Balme, Protestantism and Catholicity compared in their Effects on the Civilization of Europe, London, 1849; C. Hundeshagen, Der deutsche Protestantismus, 4 vols., 2d ed., Marburg, 1865-66; J. H. Maronier, Gesehiedenis van het Protestantisme, 1648-1789, 2 parts, Leyden, 1897; J. A. Wylie, Hist. of Protestantism, 3 vols., London, 1899; Report of the Imperial Protestant Federation for 1899-1900, London, 1900; J. Kunze and C. Stange, Quellenschriften zur Geschichte des Protestantismus, Leipsic, 1903 sqq.; G. Frank, Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie, vol. 4. Die Theologie des 19. Jahrhunderls, Leipsic, 1905; F. H. Gale, The Story of Protestantism, London, 1906; J: Meyhoffer, Le Martyrologe protestant des Paya-Bas (15,25-87). �tude critique, Brussels, 1907; D. Alcock, The Romance of Protestantism, London, 1908; K. Sell, Katholizsamusa und Protestantismus in Gesehichte, Religion, Politik, Kultur, Leipsic, 1908; E. Katser, Luther and Kant. Ein Beitrag zur inneren Entwicklungsgeschichte des deutschen Protestantismus, Giessen, 1910; J. Santo, Le Protestantiame. Sea chefs, ses erreurs, ses m�faits, Paris, 1910; Schaff, Christian Church, vi. 43 sqq.

On the theory and principles consult: R. W. Dale, Protestantism: its ultimate Principles, London 1874; J. Hoffmann, Streiflichter auf den heutigen Protestantismus, W�rzburg, 1881; C. W. P. M�ller, Die Prinzipien des Protestantismus, Strasburg, 1883; F. X. Weninger, Katholicismus, Protestantismus, and Unglaube, Mainz, 1885; D. H. Olmstead, The Protestant Faith; or, Salvation by Belief: an Essay upon the Errors of the Protestant Church, New York, 1885; J. B. Roehm, Zur Characteristik der proteatantischen Polemik der Gegenwart, Hildesheim, 1889; R. W. Dale, Protestantism, its Ultimate Duly, London, 1894; W. Hoenig, Der katholische and der protestantische Kirchenbegrif, Berlin, 1894; E. P. Usher, Protestandism; a Study, London, 1896; J. B. Roehm, Der Protestantismus unserer Tage, Munich, 1897; J. P. Lilley, The Principles of Protestantism, Edinburgh 1898; A. H. Gray,Aspect of Protestantism, London, 1899; R. McEdgar, The Genius of Protestantism, Edinburgh, 1900; J. M. Gibson, Protestant Principles, London, 1901; J. B. Nichols, Evangelical Belief, new ed., London, 1903; J. R�ville, Le Protestantisme liUral, Paris, 1903; N. Smyth, Passing Protestantism and Coming Catholicism, New York, 1908; W. Bousset, Faith of a Modern Protestant, New York, 1909.

PROTEVANGELIUM. See APOCRYPHA, B, I., 1.

 

PROTHONOTARY APOSTOLIC (PROTONOTARIUS APOSTOLICUS): A member of a Roman Catholic college of twelve (formerly seven) prelates whose duty it is to register papal acts, proceedings of canonization, and similar records of exceptional importance. Clement I. is said to have appointed a notary for each of the seven districts of the city of Rome to record the acts of martyrs. They belonged to the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church and were appointed by the pope himself. In course of time additional notaries were required both inside and outside of Rome, whereupon the earlier "regional notaries" received the title of prothonotaries apostolic in token of their rights of precedence. Besides these acting prothonotaries there were also supernumerary and titular prothonotaries. The latter class, however, who claimed equal rights with the actual prothonotaries, were officially limited by Benedict XIV., Pius VIL, and Pius IX. The pope last named, moreover, ruled that for the attestation of documents which are to be regarded as genuine in all Christendom there is no need of a titular prothonotary, but that the regular notaries apostolic suffice, these being appointed for each diocese on nomination by the bishop.

E. SEHLING.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. M. Baumgarten, Der Papst, die Regierung and die Vermaltung der heiligen Kirche in Rom, pp. 287-288, Munich, 1904.

 

PROTOPOPE. See PROTOPRESBYTER.

 

PROTOPRESBYTER, ARCHPRESBYTER: Titles used in the early Church to designate the head of the college of presbyters who represented the bishop in case of absence or vacancy of the see (Bingham, Origines II., xix. 18). According to the Justinian Code (I., iii. 42, � 10), there were sometimes several protopresbyters at one and the same church, who seem to have exercised a general supervision over worship. In the East, at the end of the twelfth century and later, the name protopapas ("protopope") occurs with similar meaning, and as approximating the functions of the Chorepiscopus (q.v.), although in at least one instance a protopapas (of Corfu, 1367) had an almost episcopal position with nine archpresbyters under him (Nicholas Bulgaris, Katechesis hiera, Venice, 1681, preface). At present "protopresbyter" or "protopope" is an honorary title in the Greek Church. In the Russian Church it designates a minor supervisory office (cf. ARCHDEACON and ARCHPRIEST).

(PHILIPP MEYER.)

PROVERBS, BOOK OF.

  1. Place in the Canon; Name (� 1).
  2. The Poetic Form (� 2).
  3. The Introduction, i. 1-ix. 18 (� 3).
  4. The Central Portion, x. 1-xxii. 16 (� 4).
  5. The Date of this Part (� 5).
  6. The Third Section, xxii. 17-xxix (� 6).
  7. The Closing Section, xxx.-xxxi (� 7).
  8. Conclusion (� 8).

1. Place in the Canon: Name.

The Book of the Proverbs of Solomon, which is known to have consisted of 915 verses in the Masoretic text as early as the time of Jerome, belongs in the Hebrew canon to the three poetic books (Psalms, Job, and Proverbs) which were distinguished by a special system of punctuation from the rest of the writings. It was reckoned to the Hagiographa (see CANON OF SCRIPTURE, I., 1, � 3, c. 4, �� 1-2), though its position there is not uniform; sometimes the poetical books are preceded by Chronicles (because the latter books begin with Adam); indeed the order of the three poetical books as a separate collection is subject to variations in the manuscripts. The inclusion of the book in the canon was not entirely a matter of course, and was debated at Jamnia, a ground of opposition being found in the contradiction discovered in xxvi. 4-5, and in the character of the passage vii. 7-20. The Hebrew title of the book is the first word, Mishle, from mashal, a word often used in the Old Testament with various significations, such as proverb, parable, riddle, satirical poem, and the like (I Sam. x. 12; Ezek. xvii. 25, xviii. 2-3; Isa. xiv. 4). The common element in all these meanings is evidently that of comparison, a conclusion which is borne out by the signification of the Assyrian mashalu. P. Haupt (SBOT, Proverbs, p. 32) goes to the Assyrian mishlu, "half," and derives the term from the fact that the proverb is in two balanced propositions. This is opposed by the other fact that in the Hebrew the singular form is used for a proverb, while the theory requires the plural (or dual). Further, the distich formation is not the only one employed in this form of composition; there are proverbs with only one member, and those with three or more (cf. I Sam. x. 12).

2. The Poetic Form.

This introduces the subject of the form of the book. The fact that Proverbs is among the poetical books shows that the ancients regarded it as poetical in form. Some Hebrew manuscripts as well as important codices of the Septuagint preserve it in lines as poetry, though this is not the usual form of the Masoretic text; the characteristics of Hebrew poetry (see HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, III.) are abundantly evident. Thus there are present the parallelism of members and the easily recognizable rhythm. The measure is prevailingly trimeter, combined in distiches, tristiches, or even in longer combinations, while other variations are not uncommon. The collection x. 1-xxii. 16 is composed entirely of distiches in trimeter, of which x. 2 is an excellent example, presenting two propositions or epigrams usually in antithetical relation. Sometimes the distich is composed of 3 + 4 feet, an example of which is found in xiv. 28; or of 4 + 3 feet, as in xii. 1. There are also distiches in tetrameter, cf. xxv. 2-3 or xxvi. 1. But these longer arrangements are lacking in the section x. 1-xxii. 16, also in xxviii.-xxix. It is to be noticed, moreover, that while there are collections of proverbs which are related in subject-matter (x. 2-5, xiii. 2-3, xviii. 6--8), each proverb is in itself a complete whole. It is also, true that the longer measures preserve the distich character, the members being sometimes in the form of antithesis, sometimes in that of identity or of synonymous parallelism. Examples of the first have been given above; an example of synonymous parallelism is xvi. 6, while a third variety, called synthetical parallelism, is partly illustrated in xv. 20. But parallelism is not an absolutely invariable form; in thought there is sometimes a progress, as is illustrated by xvi. 3. This last form is not confined to the distich, but appears also in the tristich, though there is always the possibility that the latter is not the original form, cf. the original Hebrew of xix. 7.

3. The Introduction, i. i-ix 18

The book opens with a long introduction beginning with the words: "The Proverbs of Solomon the son of David, king of Israel," and continuing with a statement of the purpose of the collection: "To know wisdom and instruction," etc., i. 1-6. The basis of this tradition of Solomonic authorship is easily discovered in I Kings iv. 32, in 3. The In- which the statement is made that Solomon "spake three thousand proverbs." On the other hand, it is perfectly clear that the statement of the introduction can not apply to the whole book, since in the later parts other authors are named. Still it must be maintained that the writer of the introduction meant to attribute the principal part of the present book to Solomon. The next section of the book is i. 7-ix. 18, which is a connected composition in longer or shorter collections of verses, in which the reader is addressed as " my son," and the speaker is characterized as teacher or instructor, who admonishes in the name of wisdom (i. 20). In this the form of parallelism is often preserved, some times in a long series of verses (chaps. ii.-iii.), and sometimes Wisdom herself is represented as the speaker (i. 20, viii.). The contents reach their climax in the exhortation to receive and cherish wisdom, though exactly what this wisdom is is not expressly stated. What is clear, however, is that the wise is to look for salvation or success, the fool for the contrary; that wisdom is of God and that the. fear of him leads to wisdom. Indeed, not only is wisdom of God, it was before the worlds and was present with him in creation (viii.), and is his throne companion. The reader is warned against grave sins and given rules for guidance in practical affairs; by following these is the blessing of God attained, and an ethical content is injected. The morality is therefore not on a high level. Both prophetic preaching and priestly exposition of the law are missing; what is present is everyday morality, wisdom for common life, but upon a religious basis, without deep probing of religious and ethical problems, and containing an element of speculation. The author thinks of wisdom as an emanation from a personified divine wisdom which was preexistent along with God. He paints like a poet-philosopher. The absence of direct data makes it difficult to assign the date of this part of the book. One must suspect a reliance upon Greek philosophy, and this points to the middle or end of the period of the Babylonian exile, without indicating a more exact date. Through Asia Minor a connection can be made with Greece and Greek ideas at that time, though the period of Alexander seems more likely. One must notice the universalistic rather than Israelitic turn in such passages as viii. 4, in confirmation of this dependence upon Greek thought. But it has been shown that even in preexilic times it is possible that Greek culture penetrated into Palestine, especially through the medium of the Greek merchant.

4. The Central Portion, x.1 - xxii. 16.

The second chief part of the book, x. 1-xxii. 16, is the most comprehensive and characteristic, the center about which the rest has gathered. Wisdom as a personification, while not entirely abstract, is much less prominent here than in the first part. The connection of the proverbs one with another is external in the main -each proverb has an inherent right to exist apart from its context. No extended discussions are found, though such short treatments are to be seen as xvi. 10-15, or that in xvi. 1 aqq., developing the theme: Man proposes but God diqposes. The contents are again that of lay morality, practical wisdom in daily life; righteousness receives its sure reward and lays hold on life, godlessness leads to destruction. Amid occasional touches of quiet humor (cf. xi. 22, xv. 17) is found a serious emphasis upon morality; such virtues are emphasized as contentment, friendliness, patience, sympathy, and especially of humility as opposed to pride. Stress is laid upon a benevolent attitude (x. 12, xiv. 31), and upon trust in God (xx. 22) who sees all (xv. 3, 11, xvi. 33). Beneath all this there is a philosophy of life based on genuine religious feeling (xiv. 34). Indeed, this part as compared with the first part of the book involves in the background a personality or a period of richer ethical and religious experience. Here speculation is at a minimum, and the section seems to have come out of the time of Israelitic prophecy. To be sure the collection is not one which originates in the prophetic circle; the contents are gnomic, they come from the laity, out of the bosom of the common people, they smack of the citizen's and tradesman's life; they do not bear the hall mark of the clergy whether of prophetic or priestly type. They show that the laity had, so to speak, its own morality and its preacher, expressed and speaking in short sentences the wisdom of life. Nevertheless, what is here found shows the direct influence both of prophetic ideals and prophetic preaching. Without reaching the depth and earnestness of prophetic discourse, the impression made here is that the prophets had been heard where this part originated. Once more, the treatment of the kingdom shows that the speaker drew his remarks not from some thing heard but from immediate experience; he and his contemporaries knew well what court life was (xvi. 15, xviii. 16, xix. 12). And the kingdom can have been no other than that of preexilic Israel, as the treatment does not suit conditions during the Persian or Seleucidean period. To be sure, there is the possibility of considering the residence at the Ptolemean court; but internal grounds negative this possibility. The pictures are those of Palestinian life, and the entire atmosphere and attitude toward the kingdom bespeak a native, not a foreign, court.

5. The Date of this Part.

The one item which seems to speak for a late date-in that case, not earlier than the Ptolemies is the conception of the king as judge and not as warrior. This feature would indeed suit the Ptolemaic times, when Jewish national wars were not waged, and the function of the king toward the Jews was almost solely that of a judge. Then it would have to be assumed that the author made frequent journeys to the court, as was possible through the close connection of the two lands in that period. But this consideration is not decisive, for in earlier times the king had the functions of judge (cf. Solomon's practise and II Kings iv. 13); and in the daily life of the citizen, concerned with the traffic and business in which the proverbs deal, the matters of war would easily drop out of sight (cf. the practical maxims of xi. 15, xx. 16). The credit of the merchant's business appears here, already a matter of habit firmly established. Against the earlier dating proposed above there seems no conclusive objection. The absence of proverbs deal ing with idolatry or polygamy does not prejudice the case. In all probability, monogamy was the rule before the exile; and so far as idolatry is concerned, worship of Yahweh was certainly the rule. In a collection of proverbs which has in mind essentially the life of the citizen and which is formulating rules for guidance of that life, thus dealing with civil and personal well-being, warnings against polytheism would hardly be expected. The author left that province to the prophet and the priest. The matter of religious individualism can not weigh in the argument to prove the book postexilic. To be sure, individualism received a great impetus through Jeremiah and developed largely after the exile. But before that time certain relations could not be treated otherwise than as personal and individual. The Covenant and the Decalogue are natural laws for the people, but they depend upon the personal relations of individuals. The varied relations of life-danger, sickness, lying, adultery, fidelity-are in the last analysis individual affairs. Cornill has alleged the presence of ideas which are certainly postexilic, such as emphasis upon love (x. 12), charity (xiv. 21), -creation of the wicked for the day of evil (xvi. 4). But when the possibility is suggested that this and that proverb of later times goes back to a basis in earlier conditions, the certainty of a postexilic origin vanishes. Exilic and postexilic emphasis upon these ideas involves their existence in the life of the citizen in earlier times-indeed they appear in prophetic discourse. The linguistic argument has also been used to press for a late date, the basis being the presence of "late Hebrew" and "Aramaic" words. Without reckoning words which are doubtfully deemed "late Hebrew " as occurring in Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the priestly writings, there remain forms which are erroneously counted Aramaisms, and a few words or forms which are only possibly late or Aramaic. Similarly some constructions counted as Aramaisms can be otherwise accounted for. When these cases are removed the number of undoubted Aramaisms which remain do not amount to a proof that the section is of postexilic origin.

6. The Third Section, xxii. 17 - xxix.

A third part follows in xxii. 17-xxiv. 22, usually regarded as an appendix to the part just considered; but it differs both in form and in content. In form it is a letter or exhortation to a young man whose parents still live (xxiii. 22); it is designated as "words of the wise" (xxii. 17), and the substance is set forth in a series of lines of poetry. Among exhortations to rectitude and kindness appear warnings against indulgence in wine, unchastity, and unbecoming behavior in business and society. The king is mentioned, but in the general sense of "ruler" (xxiv. 21) and not involving a Palestinian kingdom. The general situation and style make this part seem nearer in date to the first section than to the second. Another little appendix (xxiv. 23-34) begins with the words: "These also are of the wise," and the last two verses repeat vi. 10-11. A larger collection is found in xxv.-xxix., with a heading of its own (xxv. 1), and in character it closely resembles the second part of the book. The derivation of the Hebr. mashal from the verb meaning "to compare" is strengthened by the fact that in this section many individual sayings consist of comparisons drawn from the regions of nature and of human life. Practical wisdom is here also emphasized-right speech, right conduct in crises, scorn of folly, form the principal themes. Occasional sayings denote a sharp observation of passing events (xxv. 26, xxvi. 11). A curious fact appears in this part, viz., that against the rule of the book prophecy is definitely recognized (xxix. 18), though at first glance as something lacking or past, but in reality demanding the present existence of prophetical direction. It is noticeable that the king is prominent in the foreground (xxv. 2-7) as a contemporary institution (xxix. 26, xxx. 27-28, 31). While the form of the title "king of Judah" presents a certain difficulty, there is no inherent and stringent improbability in the attribution of the collection to Hezekiah, though the title may be later than that king's time. The question of how much of the material in this section, which is probably made up of matter from various periods between Solomon and Hezekiah, is traceable to Solomon and his times can only be answered by saying that while the correctness of the attribution of proverbs to Solomon is doubtless correct, to assert that this or that proverb is his is beyond possibility. The passage xxv. 2 can hardly have had a king as its author.

7. The Closing Section, xxx - xxxi.

The close of the book is composed of three small sections which follow in the way of addenda to the rest of the work. The first embraces chap. xxx., headed by the title which should read, "The words of Agur ben Yakeh of Massa" (cf. I Chron. i. 30). The following context is probably corrupt and to be corrected: " I am greatly troubled, O God, troubled and wasted away," this touching confession proceeding in verses 2 sqq. After this, come sayings in somewhat novel form, some in the shape of riddles; verses 11-14, dealing with the godless, are also in strange construction, lacking a predicate; in v. 15 is mentioned the vampire [R. V. margin], a weird, perhaps demonic, being, with her daughters; while verse 31 contains a word which seems more Arabic than Hebrew. Marked individualities appear in this little piece the four "who's" in verse 4, the four "way's" in 19, and others. A similar style is to be found only in vi. 16-19 in this book, though the exact method of naming first a certain number and then increasing that number by one is peculiar to this chapter in the canonical writings (cf. Ecclus. xxiii. 16, xxv. 7, xxvi. 5, 28). It would be interesting to discover who this Agur ben Yakeh is. The name has not an Israelitic sound, and individual words and phrases suggest an Arabic or Arabic-Aramaic or Edomitic origin for the piece. This does not answer the questions raised, for then one asks how out of such origins comes a piece which fits in so well with what a worshiper of Yahweh might have said. Somewhat similar is the little piece xxxi. 1-9, the title of which is to be read: "The words of Lemuel, king of Massa, which his mother taught him." So it seems that Massa is the name of a country, and, from the Aramaisms in the piece, Massa may have lain east or northeast of Palestine. The piece contains exhortation to rectitude and warnings against the contrary. The close of the book is an acrostic in praise of a virtuous woman. There is no datum, internal or external, suggesting the dwte of these last pieces. The first two must have been appended at a time when the book was otherwise practically complete; and xxx. 6 seems to look to a time when the "word of God" had received canonical assent. But then -what does the expression "word of God" mean, especially in a non-Israelitic writing?

8. Conclusion.

Thus the book in its present form is made up of several parts. The earlier dates given in the preceding discussion are the limits before which the collection could not have been begun -those limits are not determined by the date of the latest parts, though these, of course, mark the earliest date for the redaction of the entire work and bring that down to postexilic times, but just when in that period is the question. Much depends upon the degree of Greek influence exhibited. Ecelesiasticus is a book so like Proverbs, and also one the date of which is closely fixed, that comparison of the two is invited; it is, moreover, a branch from the same stem as that from which Proverbs sprang. Gasser has shown with great assurance the dependence of Ben Sirach upon the book of Proverbs, in which it appears that Ben Sirach regarded Proverbs as one of the old possessions of his people, from which he drew and which molded his thought. If this be true, the redaction even must be put considerably back in postexilic times, since to Sirach it appeared, like Psalms and like Job, to be one of the patriarchal books of which he was so diligent a student. This would carry it back at least to the third or fourth pre-Christian century. It is noticeable that while Sirach makes mention of the king only four times, in Proverbs the king appears more than thirty times. Not only that, but the relation of nearness and intimacy with the court which appears in Proverbs is wholly lacking in the representations of Sirach.

(R. KITTEL.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Questions of introduction are dealt with in the commentaries (see below), and also in the special works on Biblical introduction. An excellent little work is W. T. Davison, Wisdom Literature of the O. T., London, 1894. Consult further: R. Stier, Der Weise ein K�nig, Barmen, 1849; idem, Die Politik der Weisheit in den Worten Agurs and Lemuels, ib. 1850; P. de Lagarde, Anmerkungen zur griechischen Uebersetzungen der Proverbien, G�ttingen, 1863; J. Dyserinek, Kritische Scholien bij de Vertaling van het Boek der Spreuken, Leyden, 1883; H. Bois, La Po�sie gnomique ehez lea H�breux et les Grecs, Toulouse, 1886; T. K. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, London, 1887; idem, Founders of Old Testament Criticism, pp. 337 sqq., ib. 1893; idem, Jewish Religious Life after the Exile, New York, 1898; A. J. Baumgartner, Etude critique sur l'�tat du texte du livre des Proverbes, Leipsic, 1890; C. F. Kent, The Wise Men of Ancient Israel and their Proverbs, Boston, 1895; R. Pfeiffer, Die religi�s-sittliche Weltanschauung des Buches der Spr�che, Munich, 1897; H. P. Chaise, Proverbia-Studien zu der sogenannten salomonischen Sammlung, Berlin, 1899; M. D. Conway, Solomon and Solomonic Literature, London, 1899; O. Meusel, Die Stellung der Spr�che Salomos in der israelitischen Litteratur und Religions-Geschichte, Leipsic, 1900; M. Friedl�nder, Griechische Philosophie im A. T., Berlin, 1904; J. C. Gasser, Die Bedeutung der Spr�che Jesu Ben Sira f�r der Datierung die allhebr�ischen Spruchbuches, G�tersloh, 1904; E. Sellin, Die Spuren griechischer Philosophie im A. T., Leipsic, 1905; DB, iv. 137-143; EB, iii. 3906-3919; JE, x. 226-232.

A fine list of the early commentators is given in Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxiii., cols. 801-802. The best commentary for English readers is by C. H. Toy, New York, 1899. Others are by: G. Holden, London, 1819; C. Umbreit, Heidelberg, 1826; E. Berthesu, Leipsic, 1847, new ed., 1883; C. Bridges, New York, 1847; J. C. Vaihinger, Stuttgart, 1857; E. Elster, Zurich, 1858; F. Hitzig, ib., 1858; O. Z�ckler, Leipsic, 1866; W. Arnot, Laws from Heaven for Life on Earth, London, 1869; H. F. Muhlau, Leipsic, 1869; M. Stuart, new ed., Andover, 1870; J. W. Harris, New York, 1872; J. Miller, ib., 1872; F. Delitzsch, Edinburgh, 1877; A. Rohling, Mainz, 1879; J. Dyserink, Haarlem, 1884; H. Deutsch, Berlin, 1885-86; S. C. Malan, London, 1890; W. J. Deane, S. T. Taylor-Taswell, and W. F. Adeney, in Pulpit Commentary, New York, 1891; R. F. Horton, in Expositor's Bible, ib., 1891; G. Wildeboer, T�bingen, 1897; W. Frankenberg, G�ttingen, 1898; H. L. Strack, 2d ed., Munich, 1899.

PROVIDENCE.

Classical Theories (� 1). Patristic and Scholastic Teaching (� 5). Critical Conclusion (� 9).
Old-Testament Data (� 2). Early Protestantism (� 6). Subsidiary Problems (� 10).
The Apocrypha (� 3). Protestant Scholasticism (� 7). Supplement (� 11).
In the New Testament (� 4). Pietistic and Modern Views (� 8).  

In the wider sense of the term providence denotes the exercise of God's wisdom, omnipotence, and goodness; while in the narrower sense it signifies the guidance of the world toward the end appointed by God. The doctrine of divine providence in the Christian Church has its origin in the union of the Old and New Testament religion with the philosophical speculation of classical antiquity. These two elements must first be discussed, and then the chief stages of the development of the dogmatic teaching, this being followed by a critical and systematic investigation of the whole development in its Biblical and dogmatic form.

1. Classical Theories.

Greek popular mythology represents the world and the life of man as being under the protection and direction of the gods, thus affording the foundation on which Greek philosophy erected its systematic treatment of providence. Heraclitus gave an imaginative form to the concept of a world-directing reason, an orderly development of things proceeding from the harmony of opposites by an endless process of transmutation. Trust in this divine process was made the highest good of man. Anaxagoras introduced the idea of the cosmos, the harmonious movement of tremendous masses under the direction of reason, which was the essence of both thought and power, and an element neither mingled with grosser matter nor endowed with personality. The theological explanation of the world remained, however, limited to inorganic nature; and Diogenes of Appollonia was the first to bring organic life within the scope of teleology. Socrates reversed the tendency of the ancient philosophers, making man the central point of his teaching and valuing the world according to its utility to man, his views resting on practical monotheism. The Greek dramatic poets, especially Sophocles, also taught the absolute justice and wisdom of divine providence. Following his teacher Socrates, Plato, in his theory of ideas, developed a complete system of teleological metaphysics, making the supreme idea the idea of the good, which is identical with world-reason and with divinity. A spiritual personality was of less concern to him than a moral direction to the world-process, but at the same time he maintained the existence of providence in matters both great and small, holding that whatever fate the gods bestow on the righteous is for his good ("Republic," x. 612 E). This position, represented by Plato chiefly in figurative terms, was taken over and given a purely intellectual form by Aristotle, who formulated and established scientific monotheism, though in his scheme there is no room for the concept of providence. Stoic philosophy, on the other hand, made the thought of providence a prominent factor. While Epicurus banished the gods from the world, the Stoics accepted the divinity as the life-giving principle, the original source of power, the directive reason, the allcontrolling providence- God and the world are one, and the world-order is controlled by providence acting through necessary processes, each link in the chain of phenomena being closely bound to the other by the laws of cause and effect. In applying this principle of providence to detailed considerations, however, the Stoics too often vitiated their position by their constant attempt to find some utilitarian purpose for man's benefit in every natural phenomenon. The Neoplatonists lost the Stoic concept of providence altogether, making the deity entirely transcendent, and filling the gulf between him and man by intermediary beings which were not without influence on Christian views of providence. Classical, and especially Stoic, elements are also visible in the apocryphal literature of the Old Testament, which presents a peculiar blending of Hellenistic concepts and Jewish beliefs.

2. Old Testament Data.

The Old Testament shows a long course of development of the belief in providence. Traces of earlier and lower ideas, common to all the Semites, are found late in the period of the kings. There was, however, a determined effort to secure the uncontested recognition of monotheism in Israel, an essential element of this belief being the doctrine of providence. The preservation and continued development of the order of nature depend upon the divine will. Atmospheric phenomena are regarded as due to the immediate activity of God (Job xxxvi. 27-28, xxxvii. 2-6, 10-13, xxxviii. 25 sqq.; Ps. xxix. 3 sqq., cxlvii. 16-18), all this ultimately being for the benefit of man. He draws man from the womb and guards him through out the life to which he himself appoints the limit (Ps. xxii. 10 sqq.; Job xiv. 5). The divine protection rests especially upon his chosen people Israel (Ps. cv.; Hos. xi. 1 sqq.), keeping them from all peril and nourishing them (Ex. xiii.-xvi.; Num xi.; Ps. xci., cv.-cvii.). While in punishment he hardens the heart and sends evil thoughts (Ex. vii. 3; II Sam. xxiv. 1), he can render evil intents futile and turn them to good (Gen. 1. 20; Ps. ii.); and fertility and drought are instruments of blessing and of punishment in his hand (Deut. xxviii. 12-23). The Old-Testament belief in providence reached its acme in its concept of miracles, though since both extraordinary and ordinary events were regarded as being equally the free and deliberate acts of God, the difference between the two was held to be merely one of degree. God is the author of evil as well as of good (Isa. xlv. 7; Lam. iii. 38; cf. also Ex. iv. 21, xiv. 17; Deut. ii. 30; Josh. xi. 20; Judges ix. 23; 1 Sam. ii. 25, xvi. 14, xviii. 10, xix. 9; II Sam. xxiv.; Amos iii. 6), such evil being usually punishment for sin (Ex. xx. 5; Lev. xxvi.; Num. xi. 33; ; Ezek. xviii.; Joel i.). Since, however, the doctrine that good and evil fortune were given in accord with the character of the individual did not seem to be confirmed by actual experience, attempts at reconciliation were made. In Ps. xxxvii., xlix., and Ixxiii. the view is advanced that the seeming prosperity of the wicked is only transitory, while the blessedness of the good is ultimate and enduring. Nevertheless, this failed to solve the problem, which was worked out in the lesson of the life of Joseph (Gen. 1. 20) and in the theodicy of the Book of Job.

3. The Apocrypha.

Allusion has already been made to Stoic influence on the apocryphal writers, who even borrowed from the phraseology of the pagan school. According to the Wisdom of Solomon, the divinity governs and directs all things (Wisd. of Sol., viii. 1, xii. 18, xiv. 3, xv. 1), ordering everything well and righteously (viii. 1, xii. 15). God's mercy, however, mitigates and delays punishments (xi. 23-26, xii. 2) which are in themselves only a form of fatherly correction (xi. 10). Ecclesiasticus, on the other hand, emphasizes the freedom of the human will (Ecclus. xv. 11-17), and, while recognizing the antithesis of good and evil (xlii. 24-25), declares all the works of the Lord to be good (xxxix. 33-34). The increasing power of a belief in immortality in Judaism lent essential aid to the problem of the theodicy which Ecclesiastes had surrendered in despair (cf. II Mac. vii. 9, 11, 14, 20, 23, 29, 36-38). The passages in which Josephus ascribes divergent views to the Pharisees and Sadducees regarding divine providence and the freedom of the will (War, II., viii. 14; Ant., XVIII., i. 3, XIII., v. 9) are obscure, but probably imply that the Pharisees believed that divine providence governed all things, so that every human act, whether good or evil, involved the cooperation of God. The sect accordingly maintained the tenets both of divine providence and omnipotence and of human freedom and responsibility; while the Sadducees seem to have laid preponderating stress on the human element, as the Essenes on the divine.

4. In the New Testament.

In direct continuity with the Old Testament, as well as in consequence of personal experience and original revelation, Christ taught the Father as an omnipotent and holy will inspired by infinite goodness, as the king, judge, and moral law-giver, and as lovingly watching over all mankind. God is, indeed, "Lord of heaven and earth" (Matt. xi. 25), and protects all things, even the most minute and humble (Matt. vi. 25-30, x. 29-31; Luke xii. 6-7). Though the courses of nature are for the benefit of the good and evil alike (Matt. v. 45), yet God harkens especially to the prayers of the righteous (Matt vii. 7-11; Mark xi. 23-24; Luke xi. 9-13, xvii. 6, xviii. 1-7). There is, therefore, no reason to fear need or danger (; Luke xii. 11-12), for even though the bodies of the righteous be slain, they shall receive the kingdom of God (; Luke xii. 32). God also has power over temptation (Matt. vi. 13, xxiv. 22Matt. xix. 26; Mark x. 27, xiv. 36; Luke xviii. 27) is implied a practical theodicy which gives clear expression to the mighty optimism of faith. While the connection of evil and sin is by no means ignored (Matt. ix. 2), Christ expressly teaches that the degree of evil is not necessarily commensurate with the degree of sin, but that the danger of punishment with like penalties should serve as an impulse for the fulfilment of the divine commands (Luke xiii. 1-5).

In the apostolic and post-apostolic age the words of Jesus, sprung from his immediate consciousness of divinity, were formulated into theology. This was especially the case with Paul, whose doctrine of providence is best set forth in Rom. viii. 28-39. The reconciled child of God forms part of the closely linked chain of divine acts of grace which reaches back into the eternity of the plan of salvation depending on election, and which stretches forward to the future and eternal fellowship of Christ. The act of God, being absolutely free, can not be broken or made of none effect. Since, moreover, the unchangeable love and fatherly protection of God free the believer from the sense of guilt and from the evil in the world, a religious interpretation is given to the concept of omnipotence. Having this certainty, Paul has no occasion to discuss theoretical difficulties which do not exist for the religious soul, so that both the absolute working of God and the moral freedom and responsibility of the believer are taken for granted. Thus, on the one hand, God accepts and rejects according to his will (Rom. ix. 18), the very purpose of divinely caused unbelief being the exercise of divine mercy (Rom. xi. 32). Faith is ascribed to divine calling (Rom. viii. 29), and the preservation and perfection of the believer are likewise due to God (I Thess. v. 23; I Cor. i. 8-9), on whose will the minutest details of life are made contingent (Rom. i. 10; 1 Cor. iv. 19). On the other hand, the apostle appeals to the human will (Rom. xii. 1; I Thess. ii. 11-12; Phil. i. 27; Col. i. 9-10); and in Phil. ii. 12-13 both aspects of the problem are combined. Elsewhere also the good deeds of the faithful are regarded as God working within him, though there is no hint of synergism. In the epistles to the Galatians and the Romans the outlines of a religious philosophy of history are given. The loving counsels of God, to make the world his kingdom wherein man may share, are shown not to have been thwarted by Adam's fall (I Cor. ii. 7; Rom. viii. 29). All creation strives toward the goal set by divine grace (Rom. viii. 18-23; I Cor. xv. 24-28); and in Rom. ix.-xi. is given that magnificent concept of the world-ruling ways of God for the realization of divine salvation which has aptly been termed the Pauline theodicy. The summary of Paul's doctrine of providence is found in the words, "All things work together for good" (Rom. viii. 28). Earthly sufi'ering and earthly evil are the means whereby man is brought into fellowship with the sufferings and death of Christ, and are the path by which man becomes a partaker of the life and glory of the Savior (Rom. v. 3-4, viii. 18; II Cor. iv. 17-18Phil. i. 29, iii. 10-11, 20-21Col. iii. 1-4). Though in the post-Pauline portions of the New Testament the doctrine of providence is not brought into so close a connection with the atonement, it is based throughout on the presupposition of the fatherly goodness and love of God. The believer is urged to cast all care on God, who cares for him (I Pet. v. 7James iv. 13-15). Through faith in providence the Christian gains the right attitude toward the earthly ills that he experiences, knowing that they are but the chastenings of a father (Heb. xii. 5-11), tests of patience and faith (James i. 2-4, 12), and glorification of God if they be endured in the name of Christ and for his sake (I Pet. iv. 12-16).

5. Patristic and Scholastic Teaching.

Early patristic literature shows the influence of Greek philosophic thought, since its interest in the doctrine of providence is mainly cosmological. According to Clement, denial of providence is not merely denial of Christian doctrine, but of the very existence of God, and merits punishment rather than refutation. Both Clement, Origen, and the later Greek Fathers sought, moreover, to solve the problem of theodicy, stressing human freedom and responsibility, and at the same time exempting God from all blame for the existence of evil by declaring that evil is not positive, but is mere negation. The interest of the Greek Fathers in the theory of providence was, however, by no means exclusively theoretical; they used it as a distinct motive for a living trust in God amid all the sufferings and calamities of earthly life. Western teachers likewise represented belief in providence as a part of natural theology. Augustine especially took an epoch-making position toward the entire problem, rejecting the concepts of both chance and fate, and holding that divine providence operates in all things, no matter how minute or obscure. His theodicy shows a combination of Christian and Neoplatonic concepts, evil being merely the negation or absence of good, and the imperfect and incomplete serving to exalt the perfection of the whole. Evil may, however, also be either a punishment of the wicked, or a means of testing, strengthening, and perfecting the good. God permits the existence of evil only that he may turn it into good, so that all exercise of human freedom subserves the plan of providence, nor can the wicked in any way thwart the divine will. All these concepts are elaborated in the De civitate Dei into a masterpiece of Christian philosophy of history; and a similar point of view is represented in the De gubernatione Dei of Salvianus, in which the history of the world is interpreted as the divine judgment of the earth. In their endeavor to explain the problem of the theodicy Anselm and Abelard took the optimistic point of view that the present world was the best possible, although Hugo of St. Victor regarded this position as limiting God's omnipotence. It was Thomas Aquinas, however, who gave the doctrine of providence an extraordinary scope. Creation and conservation are identical so far as God's activity is concerned, and differ only in respect to the secondary causes which mediate the divine activity. The will of God acts normally through secondary causes; when it acts directly and without them, a miracle is worked. In the governance of God, however, reason and method must be differentiated, the first being immediate and the second mediate. Not alone in his determinism but also in his teaching of predestination Thomas harks back to Augustine, regarding both foreordination and reprobation as special forms of divine providence; while in his theodicy, in which he likewise follows Augustine, he even states that God is, in a sense, the source of evil as well as of good, since "the perfection of the universe requires that not only should there be incorruptible things, but also corruptible ones." The increasing tendency of medieval thought to break with Augustinianism was strongly resisted by Thomas Bradwardine and by Wyclif, the latter especially maintaining that all events occur of necessity. The question of providence was not discussed in the decrees or canons of the Council of Trent. The Roman Catechism, however, prepared at the direction of the Council of Trent, teaches that after the completion of creation the same divine providence which called all things into being accompanies and sustains them. The first official dogmatic statement of the Roman Catholic Church regarding providence was given by the Vatican Council, which set forth the doctrine that "God guards and governs by his providence all things that he has created," knowing "those things which shall come to pass by the free acts of creatures."

6. Early Protestantism.

The traditional Roman Catholic teaching on providence was not deliberately revised at the Reformation, and yet this period marked a decisive turning-point in the history of the development of the doctrine. The reason for this was practical, not theoretical. Belief in providence was no longer centered in an explanation of the universe, but in a realization, which must be practically experienced, of the fatherly care and guidance of God. This knowledge is of faith, not reason; and such faith was held by Luther to produce a theodicy by giving a practical solution to the problem of evil which, while not explaining every mystery, raises the Christian above the world by rendering him certain of the existence of a love that overcomes affliction, sin, and death. A similar line of argument was followed by Melanchthon and set forth by him in the Augsburg Confession. The Reformed Church gave to the dogma of predestination the importance which Lutheranism attached to justification by faith, but the very fact that this branch of Protestantism undeniably connected the doctrines of election and providence imperiled the eminently practical character of the Reformed belief in providence. In his treatise on providence Zwingli defines the doctrine as "the eternal and immutable governance and administration of all things," so that the free will of man is absorbed in the divine activity, man becoming merely.., tool in the hands of God, and faith being made renunciation of individual merit, the conclusion being that God does all, and man nothing. This determinism really ends in making God the cause of evil and wickedness, but Zwingli did not shrink from this deduction, endeavoring to solve the difficulty by saying that moral standards are applicable to men and not to God. The distinctively Christian side of his teaching appears only in his treatment of election. A very similar position was taken by Calvin, whose "Institutes" give separate treatment to the subject of providence and to eternal election, treating the latter in connection with the specific Christian teaching of salvation. In regard to the former, Calvin holds that all things are governed by divine providence, and that God "so uses the works of the wicked, and so turns their minds to execute his judgments, that he himself remains pure from all stain." His theodicy finds its best expression in his sermons on Job, delivered in 1554: " Since God loves us, we shall never be confounded; and so far are our afflictions from preventing our salvation, that they will be turned to our help, for God will take care that our salvation shall be advanced by them." The same thoughts are repeated by the French Confession (II., VIII., in Schaff, Creeds, iii., 360, 364); and the Heidelberg Catechism (Quest. 27, in Schaff, Creeds, iii., 316) likewise gives clear expression to this topic, insisting on the certainty of the believer that he is the object of the Father's care, and that no creature is separated from the divine love, God's will conditioning and ruling each and every act.

7. Protestant Scholasticism.

Orthodox Protestant scholasticism later made belief in providence a mere part of natural theology, thus depriving it of its real Christian significance. According to this teaching, belief in providence was an article of mixed faith, that is, it was accessible to man's natural reason, though it could be fully known only from the Bible. Providence was.considered to embrace three elements: foreknowledge, purpose, and execution of purpose, the latter forming the transition to providence in its relation to the world. Further distinctions were soon drawn between divine conservation, cooperation, and governance. The first of these implied continual creation; the second, postulating a difference according to the nature of the secondary causes, affirmed that "God cooperates unto effect, not unto defect"; and the third distinguished the modes of divine governance as permission (cf. Ps. lxxxi. 12; Rom. i. 24, 26, 28), hindrance (cf. II Kings xix. 35-36), direction (cf. Gen. 1. 201 Sam. xvi. 1-13Isa. x. 12 sqq.). While providence watches over even the smallest, its modes differ. Creation as a whole is the object of general, or universal, providence; all mankind, whether good or bad, are watched by special providence; but the pious and faithful are under the care of "most special providence." Providence was also divided into ordinary and extraordinary, the former being that which is almost universally accomplished by natural mediate causes, and the latter that which operates through the agency of miracles. This complicated scholasticism long remained common to both the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches.

8. Pietistic and Modern Views.

During this long period of stereotyped dogmatism the real expression of the Protestant belief in providence must be sought especially in devotional literature and hymnology, which represent communion with God through Christ as the real source of a knowledge of God's providence. During the course of the Pietistic movement, the foundation of the orphan asylum at Halle was the occasion of a dispute over the nature of divine providence. Francke considered this establishment, with the remarkable answers to prayer and the cases of individual salvation connected with it, as a monument of most particular providence. His opponents sought to reduce the whole matter to the level of pure natural happenings, contending that. the introduction of human means excluded the operation of divine providence. Rationalism gave a high place to belief in providence as an essential part of natural theology. Leasing, accordingly, in his Ueber die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts, represents God as a teacher who instructs his pupils to help themselves, not as a deity who directly governs the world. So far as theodicy was concerned, Leibnitz took the most prominent position, with his Essai de th�odic�e (Amsterdam, 1710). The actual existence of evil, he contended, does not disprove that the world was created by an all-good and an all-powerful activity. Physical evil is a necessary consequence of moral evil; it is the natural punishment of sin. Moral evil is to be traced back to the limitation and to the finiteness of what is created; this is metaphysical evil. Since, however, the conception of creation involves finiteness, a world of perfect creatures would be a contradiction; a world without evil would be unthinkable. At the same time, the world is contingent and represents a choice of many possibilities; and since God has exercised this choice, the world is proved to be the best of all possible worlds. This optimism was severely shaken by the Lisbon earthquake of 1755, which was discussed in Voltaire's Candide with a characteristic union of irony, frivolity, and keenness, the result being pessimistic skepticism. A sharp contrast to this attitude is to be found in Kant, who recognized the value of the physico-theological proof, though he no more regarded it as a complete demonstration than he did the cosmological and ontological arguments. The attitude of more recent theologians and philosophers toward providence is naturally conditioned by their general, deistic, pantheistic, or theistic points of view. Among them special mention should be made of Schleiermacher, who held the relation between God and the world to be represented in the feeling of dependence, though he denied that the interests of piety required any fact so to be conceived that its dependence on God removed it from the sphere of the operations of nature, since both the mechanism of nature and human consciousness are alike ordered by God. The results of these premises Schleiermacher developed in his treatment of miracles and in his conception of evil. Strauss represents the standpoint of Hegelian speculation, affirming that the cosmic powers and their relations testify to an immanent reason. Pantheistic tendencies, as represented by Spinoza or Hegel, were sharply opposed by Ritschl, who returned to the Reformers' standpoint, and found the basis of the belief of the religious governance of the world in the atonement.

9. Critical Conclusion.

The Christian teaching of divine providence must rest essentially on the form it takes in the Gospel; what stands there must be brought to full expression. The certainty of Christian belief must be purified of all those elements which in themselves have only a dogmatic interest, since, if they are not properly discussed, they endanger the Christian assurance of salvation. It is clear that the Bible does not bring divine providence into the sphere of theoretically scientific explanation of God and the world. The problem belongs in the forum of the subjective, practical, and teleological religious consideration of faith. The interest of early Protestant teaching on the subject lies in its practical break with the intellectualism of scholastic philosophy, and in its insistence on the personal and ethical nature of belief in providence. Though for a time there was a return to pre-Reformation concepts, there is a general tendency among modern German Protestant theologians to reject these intellectualistic tendencies and to find the most fruitful results in carrying out the lines of thought inititiated by Luther. To the quasi-scholastic distinctions of early Protestantism many objections may be alleged. Suffice it to say that the delimitations are unsatisfactory because of confusion in the categories to which they are assigned, errors in distinction of nature and character, artificiality in the classes postulated, and lack of sharpness of definition. Notwithstanding, moreover, the numerous attempts to derive the concept of providence from empirical views of the world, and to develop a socalled physico-theological proof of God's existence, it is clear that empiricism leads to polytheism or to dualism rather than to ethical monotheism. The conviction of divine providence is not built up through the teaching of retribution or thoughts of merit; but rests on the facts of moral consciousness, and on the practical recognition of the kingdom of God revealed by Jesus Christ, in which God's grace overcomes and heals man's moral and natural necessities. The atonement brings the conviction of the inexhaustible love of God for his children, the assurance that "all things work together for good to them that love God" (Rom. viii. 28). This is not a theoretical definition of a principle, but a practical solution to be applied by life itself. The Christian is convinced that all the elements of life's experiences, however contradictory they may seem, are but factors in the construction of the supernatural divine kingdom. This belief shows itself religiously in the recognition of the universal activity of divine love, in the practise of prayer, and in the certainty that it will be heard by God; and it is manifested ethically in the fulfilment of the duties arising from man's practical position in the world.

10. Susidiary Problems.

Although this type of practical conviction is not capable of theoretical proof, and does not require such demonstration, nevertheless indididual problems arise which can be solved only by constructing a Christian philosophy of nature and history, i.e., the explanation of all development in both fields as the means to God's eternal end. Such questions, therefore, as the relation of providence to Miracles and Prayer (qq.v.), to the freedom of man (see WILL, FREEDOM OF THE), and to the actuality of evil and Sin (q.v.) must be mentioned briefly. The world as depicted by natural science is a construction of man's mind. Natural laws are, therefore, merely conceptual and subjective, not objective and real; they are only necessary psychological and logical formulas to enable man to arrange his knowledge of phenomenal reality; and they can claim no such metaphysical importance as though they represented the whole of reality or all the possibilities of existence. If this fact be granted, the metaphysical possibility of miracles can not be denied. This is not, however, sufficient for the Christian, who must also be convinced that the whole mechanism of nature serves a divine end. This belief that in every individual instance the world and nature act as the agents of a divine, omnipotent, loving will is immediately connected with the assurance that such prayer as prescribes no laws to the grace of God, but only gives the human conditions for divine activity, will certainly be heard. In considering the relation of providence to the freedom of the will it is always possible, even though divine and human spheres of action are essentially incommensurable, to bring the acts of a created being within the scope of divine action, this being the point of view of faith. To the religious mind man's freedom will always be thought of as freedom in God; the Christian experiences as reality what science can neither attain, prove, nor refute. The stronger the consciousness of his freedom, the greater the conviction of his dependence on God. Even sin, though never caused by God, may, when once committed, become part of the divine plan and serve providence in the advancement of the kingdom of God. A similar method must be applied to the problem of theodicy. The riddle of the world's evil is not solved by theoretical explanations. In his difficulties the Christian is saved from unrest and despair only by the revelation of the atonement and by the conviction that evil and distress are, in God's hands, made the means of his eternal salvation. This solution is open to the humblest Christian and rests on practical experiences, even though such experiences must be differentiated from those intellectual speculations which are bound to arise. Even the religious mind must face the fact that there are questions and problems, and must seek for ways and means which may yield approximate solutions for such riddles.

P. LOBSTEIN.

11. Suplement.

While the basis of belief in providence is the love of God as revealed in his gracious purpose, modern thought is not content with so simple and unrelated a position. The scholastic, formalistic, logical splitting-up of the doctrine is indeed no longer of interest, but other problems aside from those mentioned in the last two sections preceding are demanding attention and solution. Metaphysics, speculative theism, and even scientific views of nature may be driven out with a fork, but their return is legitimate and inevitable. Two further questions profoundly affecting the doctrine of providence will then require consideration: (1) The idea of the divine immanence: the traditional doctrine of providence has been derived from the postulate of transcendence. Now, however, the notion of the immanence of God has compelled two modifications of view, which are of serious import to the subject under discussion. One concerns providence as related to creation. Creation is conceived not as the absolute origination of the existing material of the world out of nothing at a metaphysical moment, but as the eternal becoming or change of manifestation of the Absolute Ground of all. Creation and providence are therefore two ways of conceiving of the world, as related either to its causal Ground or to its purposive ends. The other modification discloses God as more inwardly and actively involved in the processes of the world, both physical and psychical, accordingly more responsible for the working-out of the ideal aim of the universe than any but the more pantheistic views have hitherto maintained (yet cf. Rom. xi. 36; I Cor. xv. 24-28). (2) The evolutionary view of the world: broadly speaking, this is the universal method of providence. This involves teleology, effectiveness of divine action and control, and ends which are correlated with and consummated in the ideals of personality. With reference to man the sphere of providence is, on the one hand, the world in process of evolution, and, on the other, the development of human historical life. Of particular significance in this latter region are the principle of social unity, the influence of great personalities, and the redemptive power of suffering and sacrifice.

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For the views of classical authors on the subject, bides the works of Zeller, Windelband, Ueberweg, Erdmamz, and Weber on the history of philosophy, consult: Xenophon, Memorabilia, I., iv., IV., 3; Cicero, De natura deorum, book 2; idem, De finibus, book 3; Seneca, De providentia; R. Schneider, Christliche Kl�nge aus den griechischen and r�mischen Klasaikern, pp. 231244, Goths, 1885; E. Spiess, Logos spermatikos, Leipsic, 1871; L. Schmidt, Die Ethik der alter Griechen, i. 63 sqq., Berlin, 1881; E. Maillet, La Cr�ation et la providence devant la science moderne, pp. 195-235, Paris, 1897.

On the idea in Hebrew, Jewish, and apostolic circles consult: the works in and under BIBLICAL THEOLOGY; H. Zschokke, Theologie der Propheten des A. T., pp. 141 sqq., Freiburg, 1877; C. G. Chavannes, La Religion dans Ie Bible, 2 vols., Paris, 1889; G. Fulliquet, La Pens�e religieuse dons le N. T., Paris, 1893; J. Bovan, �'tude sur l'�urvre de la redemption, vols. i.-ii., Paris, 1893-94; K. Marti, Geschichte der israelitischen Religion, Strasburg, 1897; E. Sellin, Beitr�ge zur israelitischen and j�dischen Religionsgeschichte, Leipsic, 1897; W. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter, Berlin, 1903; B. Stade, Biblische Theologie des A. T., T�bingen, 1905.

For the history of the development of the subject the reader is referred to the works named in and under DOCTRINE, HISTORY OF: also R. Seeberg, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, Leipsic, 1895-98; F. Loofs, Grundriss der Dogmengeschichte, 4th ed., Halle, 1907. For the Reformers note Luther's Catechisms on the first article of the Apostles' Creed and Zwingli's De providentia, 1529.

For the dogmatic treatment it is to be noted that as a rubric under systematic theology the subject necessarily finds discussion in works on dogmatics (see for titles DOGMA, DOGMATICS), which usually furnish also lists of works bearing on the topics. Consult further: S. Charnook, A Treatise of Divine Providence, General and Particular, London, 1683; G. W. Leibnitz, Essais de theodicie, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1710; J. B. Bossuet, Trait� de la connaissance de dieu ed de soi-m�me, Paris, 1722; J. Flavel, Divine Conduct; or, the Mystery of Providence, reprint, Philadelphia, 1840; O. Dewey, The Problem of Human Destiny; or, the End of Providence in the World and Man, New York, 5th ed., 1866; H. Wallace, Representative Responsibility, a Law of the Divine Procedure in Providence and Redemption, Edinburgh, 1867; M. J. Seherben, Handbuch der katholischen Dogmatik, i. 857-864, Freiburg, 1873 (Roman Catholic); R. A. Lipsius, Die g�ttliche Weltregierung, Frankfort, 1878; G. Kreibig, Die R�tsel der gattliehen Vorsehung, Berlin, 1888; J. de Maistre, Les Soir�es de St. Petersburg, ou entretiens sur le gouvernement temporel de la Providence, 2 vols., new ed., Paris, 1886; W. Schmidt, Die g�ttliche Vorsehung and das Selbstleben der Welt, Berlin, 1887; idem, Der Kampf der Weltanschauungen, ib. 1904; W. Beysehlag, Zur Verst�ndigung �ber den chridlichen Vorsehungaglauben, Halle, 1888; J. B.Heinrich, Dogmatische Theologie, v. 313-368, Mains, 1888 (Roman Catholic); C. Pesch, Pr�lectiones dogmatica, ii. 166-173, Freiburg, 1899 (Roman Catholic); O. Kim, Voraehungsglaube and Nalurwisaemchaft, Berlin, 1903; R. Otto, Naturalistische and religiose Weltanschauung, T�bingen, 1904, Eng. transl., Naturalism and Religion, New York, 1907; A. Thitius, Religion und Naturwissenschaft, T�iibingen, 1904; KL, xii. 1097-1113; W. Lerch, Bedenken gegen die g�ttliche Vorsechung, Warnsdorf, 1908.

In connection with � 11 consult especially J. Le Conte, Evolution and its Relation to Religious Thought, part iii., 2d ed., New York, 1894; A. C. Fraser, Philosophy of Theism, Giford Lectures, 2 ser., pp. 82 sqq., London, 1896; A. B. Bruce, The Providential Order of the World, New York, 1897; idem, The Moral Order of the World, ib. 1899.

PROVINCIAL (provincialis superior): The regular ecclesiastic who presides over a number of cloisters which collectively form a province. The monks constitute a peculiar hierarchy, which, while not in all points alike in the various orders, essentially conforms to the following gradation. Within any given district the cloisters of an order constitute a department, which among the Franciscans is termed custodia. Several of these compose a province, in charge of a provincial; whereas the entire order is under the general. The province may embrace one or several countries, according to circumstances. Notwithstanding the obedience commanded by the hierarchical organization of the cloister system, the superior's authority is limited through the necessity of conference with ecclesiastics of the order when important objects are under advisement. Thus the prior of the separate cloister is offset by the fathers of the same; the superior of the province by the superiors of the separate cloisters; the general of the order by the provincials. The provincials, who at the same time are superiors of some chief cloister of their province, appear in still other connections as members of the chapter general of an entire order.

E. SEHLING.

 

PROVISOR: A person appointed as administrator of part of the church property. Originally, church property was administered by the bishop. As the wealth of the Church came to be specialized, the administration of the parochial property devolved upon the parish priest under supervision of bishop and archdeacon. Very soon, however, there also grew up an influence on the side of the secular parishioners, and suitable persons from their midst were either elected by the parochians, or appointed by the church dignitaries, as administrators of the church structure. They bore various designations, among others vitrici, and provisores. As clergy were termed "fathers" of the Church (patres ecclesi�), so the provisores were termed "patronal" fathers.

The designation provisor is applied also to the auxiliary clergy, specifically to parish incumbents.

E. SEHLING.

 

PROVOST, SAMUEL: First Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York; b. in New York City Mar. 11, 1742; d. there Sept. 6, 1815. He received his education at King's College (now Columbia University), graduating in 1761, and at the University of Cambridge, England, entering St. Peter's House (now St. Peter's College); he was made deacon and priest in London, 1766; and on his return to America became one of the clergy of Trinity Church, New York, where he became noted for his patriotism and received the title of "the patriot rector" after his selection to the rectorship in 1784. His service with Trinity was not continuous, however, as in 1774 political conditions led him to retire to a small estate in what was then Dutchess county. Here he indulged his love of botany (at Cambridge he prepared a manuscript index to Baubin's Historic planetarum) as a disciple of Linn�us. In 1786 he was elected bishop of New York, and was consecrated at Lambeth Palace. He offered his resignation of the bishopric in 1801, but it was declined and he was given a bishop-coadjutor. He published nothing, but was a scholar of notable attainments, being proficient in not only the classical languages, but in French, German, and Italian, translating but not publishing Tassot's "Jerusalem Delivered." He did excellent service for his church during a period when episcopacy was not popular in this country.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. E. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, v. 240-248, New York, 1859; J. G. Wilson and others, Centennial Hist. of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of New York, 1786-1886, ib., 1888; W. S. Perry, The Episcopate in America, p. 9, ib., 1895; M. Dix, Hist. of the Parish of Trinity Church, vol. ii., ib., 1901.

PROVOST (PR�POSITUS): In general, a presiding officer, whether temporal or spiritual; as a special term it was applied to a monastic official subordinate to the prior. According to the Benedictine rule, the provost ranks immediately after the abbot; later a dean was also appointed, coordinate with the provost. In the nunneries a praposita or priorissa followed in rank the abbess. At the cathedral church, the archdeacon became cathedral provost; in the chapters of the churches, he kept the simpler designation of provost. Thenceforth provost and dean occupied the two uppermost positions in the chapters, ranking as prelates (see PRELATE). Their position varied in the different foundations according to the appertaining statutes. Inasmuch as the administration of temporalia frequently interfered with the provost's actual residence and prevented him from giving his attention to other business of the chapter, he sometimes withdrew from the chapter altogether, and was replaced by the dean as capitulary chief.

In later times provosts were largely retained as priors of cloisters, as among the Augustinians, Dominicans ("provost or prior"), and Cistercians ("provost or guardian"). As distinguished from these provosts of the regular clergy, there were temporal provosts of cloisters, whose business it was to administer the property as stewards or to serve as their protectors. The term occasionally denotes other custodians who hold membership offices in the church councils of particular congregations. The chief of the army chaplains, or military clergy, is sometimes called "field provost," "principal chaplain."

The title also passed over to the Evangelical church, and is sometimes borne by superintendents, as under the Swedish occupancy of Pomerania, and in Mecklenburg. In foundations retained from the medieval Church, the provost's office continued active, as at the cathedral foundation in Naumburg and in Berlin. Cloister provosts are not unknown to the Evangelical church, where the name denotes certain officials entrusted with supervision over the property of Evangelical sisterhood foundations.

E. SEHLING.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, II., ii. 4-5, xix. 14, III., xii.; F. J. Meyer, De dignitatibus in capitulis, 4, � xiii., G�ttingen, 1782; A. J. Binterim, Denkw�rdigkeiten, iii. 2, pp. 361-362, Mainz, 1826.

 

PRUDENTIUS, AURELIUS CLEMENS: Christian poet; b. in the province of Tarragona, Spain, 348; d. after 403. He came of a distinguished Christian family and received an excellent education, studied law, became an office-holder and rose rapidly, was twice governor of a province, and finally received high office at the court of Theodosius. When past middle life, he came to view his course of life as little worthy and withdrew from public life to devote himself to poetry in the service of religion and the Church. His earliest poems are the twelve hymns contained in the Cathemerinon (for use in the morning, at meals, and at night, from which the collection took its name). The model of Prudentius in poetry was Ambrose, though there is a distinct independent development. He employs the events of the times, and is not restricted to the forms of verse used by Ambrose. While his verse is popular, the lyrical element often recedes in consequence of the introduction of the didactic and epic admixture. A second collection, the Peristephanon, shows still greater originality and variety of verse form. This celebrates Spanish and Roman martyrs, and may have been influenced by the inscriptions of Damasus (see DAMASUS I.) which celebrated the martyrs. The epic and dramatic elements here are quite pronounced. There are extant also two didactic-polemic poems: Apotheosis, in 1,408 hexameters, exalts the deity of Christ against Patripassians, Sabellians, Jews, and Eremites; Hamartigenia, in 966 hexameters, deals with the origin of evil in a polemic against Marcion's gnostic dualism. Both of these lean on Tertullian. He also left a purely polemic work in two books (657 and 1,132 hexameters) called Contra Symmachum, in which he combats the heathen state religion. It is under the influence of Ambrose's epistle against Symmachus. All three of these lastnamed contained passages of beauty, but the Hamartigenia is the noblest. A fourth work, of slight esthetic interest, but important from a literaryhistorical point of view (915 hexameters), is the Psychomachia, the first example in the West of allegorical poetry, setting forth the conflict of Christian virtues with heathen vices. It comes out of the times of the author and portrays the life of those times, and had a great influence during the Middle Ages. Finally, there is extant a collection of forty-nine quatrains in hexameter with the title Dittocht�on, which sets forth a Biblical picture in each quatrain. It has been supposed that these explain decorations in the basilica attended by the author, twenty-four Old-Testament pictures on one side, twenty-four from the New Testament on the other, and one in the apse.

(G. KR�GER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Owing to the fact that the poems of Prudentius were great favorites in Germany and were even used as a text-book, a large number of excellent MSS. are extant (cf. the work of Stettiner below) and a prodigious number of German glosses: The number of editions is large. The noteworthy editions are: M. Heinsius, Amsterdam, 1667; F. Arevalo, 2 vols., Rome, 1788-89, reproduced with prolegomena, MPL, lix.-lx.; T. Obbar, T�bingen, 1845; and A. Dressel, Leipsic, 1860. In English may be noted the Cathemerinon, London, 1845; also a transl. of the Hymns, by G. Morison, 3 parts, Cambridge, 1889; by R. Martin Pope, London, 1905; Translations from Prudentius: a Selection, by F. St. J. Thackeray (in verse), London, 1890; Songs (Selected and Translated), by E. Giliat-Smith, London, 1898. Consult: A. Ebert, Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, i. 251-293, Leipsic, 1880 (indispensable); L. Paul, �tude sur Prudence, Strasburg, 1862; P. Gams, Kirchengeschichte Spaniens, ii. 1, pp. 337-358, Regensburg, 1864; C. Brockhaus, Aurelius Prudentius Clemens in seiner Bedeutung fur die Kirche and seine Zeit, Leipsic, 1872; P. Allard, in Revue des questions historiques, xxv (1884), 345-385, xxxvi (1884), 5-81, xxxvii (1885), 353-405; A. Rosler, Der katholische Dichter Aurelius Prudentius Clemens, Freiburg, 1886 (detailed; has eye to church and doctrinal history); P. A. J. Puech, Prudence; �tude sur la poesi� latine chr�tienne au 4. si�cle, Paris, 1888 (elaborate); M. Manitius, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie, pp. 61-99, Stuttgart, 1891; C. Weymann, in Commentationes Woelffinian�, pp. 281-287, Leipsic, 1891; G. Boissier, in RDM, xci (1889), 357390; idem, La Fin du paganisme, pp. 106-151, Paris, 1894; A. Baumgartner, Geschichte der Weltlitteratur. 152 sqq., Freiburg, 1900; T. R. Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century. 249-277, Cambridge, 1901; O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur. 396, 503, 635, 640, Freiburg, 1903; F. Maigret, Le Pohte chrktien Prudence, Paris, 1903; E. O. Winstedt, in Classical Reviewii (1903), 203-207; M. Schanz, Geschichte der romischen Litteratur. 211-235, Munich, 1904 (has full list of references); R. Stettiner, Die illustrierten Prudentius-Handschriften, Berlin, 1905 (sumptuous); DCB, iv. 500-505. Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 889, furnishes references to some excellent periodical literature.

PRUDENTIUS OF TROYES: Bishop of Troyes from shortly before 847; d. Apr. 6, 861. He was a Spaniard named Galindo, and was educated at the Frankish court-school. In 849 he wrote to Hlincmar of Reims and Pardulus of Laon championing Augustinianism in the predestination controversy of the time (see G0TTSCHALK, 1; HINCMAR OFEIMS). God predestinated the wicked not so much to sinning-Adam's fall was entirely free-as to wellmerited punishment; the elect alone are redeemed by Christ's death from the massa perditionis (MPL, cxv. 975-976). Nevertheless Prudentius seems to have signed the theses of Hinemar at Quierzy in 853, but in the same year (or in 856) he attacked them in four theses which he presented to a synod at Paris (MPL, cxv. 1365 sqq.). He remained Hincmar's bitter opponent, although he wrote no more in the controversy. His part in the Annales Bertiniani, for which he wrote the years 835-861, is his chief service to history.

(R. SCHMID.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Annales Bertiniani. of Prudentius are best in MGH, Script., i (1826), 429-454, then in MPL. cxv. 1377-1420, cxxv. 1203-1302; also ed. C. Dehaisnes, Paris, 1871, and G. Waits, Hanover, 1883 the poems are in MGH, Poet. Lat. med. �vi, i (1884), 679-680. There is a Germ. transl., new ed. by W.Wattenbach, Leipsic, 1890, and Fr. transl. in Guizot, Collection des memoires, vol. iv., Paris, 1824. Consult: J. Lebeuf, Dissertations sur l'His .... de Paris, i. 432-497, Paris, 1739; J. C. F. B�hr Geschide der rumischen Literatur im karolingischen Zeitalter, pp. 167, 453-456, Carlsruhe, 1840; J. C. Pritchard, Life and Times of Hincmar, Littlemore, 1849; J. Girgensohn, Prudentius and die bertinianischen Annalen, Riga, 1875; E. D�mmler, in NA, iv (1879), 314; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Literatur les Mittelalters, ii. 267, 365-368, Leipsic, 1880; Wattenbach, DGQ, i (1885), 196, 263, 277, i (1893), 214294, 295; idem, in NA, xvi (1891), 607-609.

PRUSSIA.

I. Introduction of Christianity. Gain and Loss (� 1). 1. Evangelical.
The Prussian People; First Missionary Efforts (� 1). Ecclesiastical Facilities (� 2). State Church Government (� 1).
Order of Teutonic Knights (� 2). Auxiliary Support (� 3). Congregational and Synodal Constitution (� 2).
II. Statistics. III. Ecclesiastical Organization. 2. Roman Catholic.

I. Introduction of Christianity:

1. The Prussian People; First Missionary Efforts.

The people which in history is called Prussian is the population that in the migration of nations settled in that part of the Baltic coast-land which in the second half of the Middle Ages was known as Prussia. Their name Pruzi, or, in its lengthened form, Prutheni (their country, Prucia or Prussia), is derived from the Lithuanian Protas, i.e., in sight, understanding: they called themselves Pruzi, the sagacious. The character of these people can hardly established to-day, since they were extinct by the end of the seventeenth century. Their language has been preserved in two translations of the Lutheran catechism, the so-called Old Prussian catechism, K�nigsberg, 1545, 1561. From these linguistic fragments it is evident that the early Prussians were neither Germans nor Slavs, but belonged with their neighbors, among whom were the Lithuanians, to that special branch of the Indo-Germanic group which is called Lettish, As to the south of them the Poles had settled and to the west the Wends, they had no contact with Germany. Their religion was nature worship, a naive polytheism, deifying sun, moon, stars, thunder, birds, and quadrupeds. The common center of sacrifice was Romove, a place near Domnau (23 m. s.e. of K�nigsberg, East Prussia); the place of worship was under trees, especially the oak. The people believed in a future life and retribution of a material kind. They dwelt in free, independent communities without national feeling. Their pursuits were agriculture and cattle-raising, trade and the chase. They practised polygamy, while women were treated as merchandise and slaves. The sick were exposed or slain, and drunkenness was a common vice. Hospitality, however, stood in high esteem. Because of their exclusion toward the south and west, Christianity could not come to the Prussians before the Christianization of the Poles and Wends. The first missionary attempt was made in 997 by Bishop Adalbert of Prague (q.v.), but without success. Bruno, Count of Querfurt, a relative of Otto III., who made a similar attempt, was suddenly captured by the heathen, with eighteen of his companions, and beheaded in 1009. In 1207 Abbot Gottfried from the monastery of Lekno in Greater Poland baptized some people, but was prevented by his early death from organizing congregations. Another monk, named Christian, probably also from a Cistercian monastery in Greater Poland, had better success, owing to the energetic assistance of Duke Conrad of Masovia and Cujavia. Christian entered the so called territory of Culm from the south, and between 1207 and 1210 preached Christianity in the neighborhood of L�au (74 m. s.e. of Danzig) and on the boundary line of Pomerania under the authority of Pope Innocent III. Between 1212 and 1215 he became "bishop" in Prussia. Two chiefs, Warpoda and Svabuno, with others were converted and received baptism in Rome. They granted pieces of land to their bishop, in the neighborhood of L�bau, and Duke Conrad of Masovia gave him the larger part of the territory of Culm, which possessions became a secure foundation of the Prussian bishopric.

2. Order of Teutonic Knights.

To protect the converted Prussians from the hatred of their countrymen, Pope Honorius III. demanded, in Poland and Pomerania, in 1217, and in Germany, in 1218, the preaching of a crusade against the Prussian heathen. Not until 1223 did the crusading armies from Silesia and Pomerania enter the territory of Culm. At the same time the Prussians fell fiercely upon Pomerania and Masovia. Christian, who had taken refuge in the fortified castle of Culm, and Conrad of Masovia were in the greatest peril and turned to the heroic Order of Teutonic Knights, promising them large grants of land for the conquest of Prussia. Hermann of Salza, the grand-master of the order, who sojourned at that time in Italy at the court of Ferdinand II. of Hohenstauffen, consented, although he was not immediately prepared to send an army; but in 1228 he sent a deputation of his knights to receive the land grant of Culm. In addition Bishop Christian also conferred upon him a tithe from his own possessions at Culm and in 1231 the gift of a third of his lands and its appurtenances. In the mean time Pope Gregory IX., in 1230, renewed the demand for a crusade against the Prussian heathen, and in 1231 Hermann Balke with an army of knights crossed the Vistula at Nassau and advanced toward Pomerania. Wherever the order gained a footing, fortresses were erected and German colonists attracted. Thus arose the towns of Thorn, Culm, Grandenz, Marienwerder (1233), Elbing (1237), and K�nigsberg (1255). In 1238 the Teutonic order in Prussia united with the Order of the Brethren of the Sword in Livonia so that it could extend its missionary and colonizing activity far into the East. Wherever a town was founded there arose a church. Here and there a church or monastery was erected in the country. During an invasion from Samland, Bishop Christian was taken captive in Pomerania (1232). After his release in 1238 through Christian merchants, he accused the order of having made no efforts at ransom and of having robbed him of his possessions and privileges. The pope sent a legate who decided in favor of the order, conceding to the bishop only one-third of the conquered land and only the spiritual functions in the territory of the order. A reason why Christian did not enjoy any longer the favor of the papal court is to be found in the fear of leaving such a large territory under the rule of one person. Pope Innocent IV. accordingly divided Prussia, in 1243, into four episcopal dioceses: Culm, Pomerania, Ermland, and Samland; and these four bishoprics together with those of the Baltic provinces were put under the authority of the archbishop of Riga. This was entirely after the desire of the Teutonic order; for an archbishop living in Riga could not hinder their plans in Prussia. Moreover, the Teutonic knights established the tradition that the bishoprics and cathedral chapters should be occupied by priests from their own order. The treaty of peace between the Prussians and the order, concluded at Christburg in 1249, throws light upon the inner history of the mission. The Prussians promised to renounce heathenism entirely and adopt Christianity; however, a long time passed before the entire country as far as the Lithuanian boundary was subjected. The order was assisted in 1254 by Ottocar II., king of Bohemia, to whom was assigned the castle of K�nigsberg; and in 1266 by Margrave Otto III. of Brandenburg, who built the fortress of Brandenburg. By 1283 the knights were masters of the country from the Vistula to the Eastern border of modern East Prussia. In 1309 the grand master removed his seat to Marienburg (27 m. s.e. of Danzig), and for about 100 years from that time the order performed a leading part in the events of eastern Europe until the envy and hatred of the Poles broke their power in the terrible battle of Tannenberg (75 m. s.w. of K�nigsberg) (1410). The territory west of the Vistula was surrendered to the sovereignty of Poland, and that eastward of the river was accepted as a fief. The seat of the order became K�nigsberg in 1466. The Teutonic order had conquered Prussia in its own interest as a support to the German nobility, became wealthy through trade but the object of hatred, built at the seats of occupation such churches as the cathedral at K�nigsberg and the Church of St. Mary at Danzig, and allowed the entrance of twenty-four monasteries for men and nine for women; but it did nothing for learning, and did not effect the Christianization of the people. The first to introduce real Christianity was the first Evangelical prince of the duchy of Prussia, Albert of Prussia (q.v.; 1525-1568); but by his time the pitiable remnant of the knights had been almost entirely absorbed by the Germanic colonization.

(PAUL TSCHACKERT).

II. Statistics:

1. Gain and Loss.

The modern kingdom of Prussia with an area of 134,588 square miles contained, according to the census of Dec., 1905, a population of 37,293,324 (1900, 34,472,509), who are distributed among 88 town districts and 489 country districts. The confessional distribution of the population is shown in the following table:

Provinces. Area, Square Miles. Evangelicals; Old Lutheran and Old Reformed. Roman Catholics Other Christians Jews. Without Confession
East Prussia. 14,266 1,720,565 278,190 17,781 13,553 87
West Prussia 9,856 764,719 844,566 16,254 16,139 68
Brandenburg 15,377 3,238,207 230,599 21,540 40,427 1,133
Berlin, District of 24 1,695,251 223,948 19,140 98,893 2,916
Pomerania 11,627 1,616,550 50,206 7,829 9,660 81
Posen 11,183 605,312 1,347,958 2,907 30,433 27
Silesia 15,563 2,120,361 2,765,394 9,839 46,845 172
Saxony 9,749 2,730,098 230,860 9,981 8,050 232
Sleswick-Holstein 7,336 1,454,526 41,227 4,834 3,270 391
Hanover 14,865 2,361,831 371,537 10,222 15,581 373
Westphalia 7,801 1,733,413 1,845,263 18,471 20,757 186
Hesse-Nassau 6,060 1,420,047 585,868 13,430 50,016 691
Rhenish Prussia 10,420 1,877,582 4,472,058 30,304 55,408 985
Hohenzollern 441 3,040 64,770 1 469 2
Prussia   23,341,502 13,352,444 182,533 409,501 7,344
    (62.59%) (35.80%) (0.49%) (1.10%) (0.02%)
1908   21,817,577 12,113,670 139,127 392,322 9,813
    63.29% 35.14% 0.40% 1.14% 0.03%
From 1817 to 1900 the percentage of Evangelical population increased steadily, so that finally Protestants and Roman Catholics were almost equally proportioned. From 1900 there is noticeable a retrogression on the Evangelical side, due among other causes to Polish immigration. From change of confession as well as additions and losses the Evangelical church in Prussia had, in 1905, a gain of 6,911 persons against a loss of 3,741. Conversions from the Roman Catholic to the Evangelical church have increased in the last ten years in proportion to the increase of population: in 1895, 3,228; in 1905, 5,939. The loss of the Evangelicals to the Roman Catholics is far smaller: in 1895, 295; in 1905, 441. The Prussian state churches were increased also by the conversion of 346 Jews. The sects, however, and especially the dissidents of the Evangelical church, caused heavy losses. In Berlin and vicinity more than 1,000 people left the Evangelical church in 1905, mostly from anti-Christian motives; in the whole of Prussia there. were 3,245 withdrawals, so that the net gain was reduced to 3,170. According to the latest statistics of 1906, 12,007 persons left the State Church as dissidents. It is to be assumed that most of them renounced Church and Christianity through the agitation of the Social Democrats.

2. Ecclesiastical Facilities.

The religious needs of the Evangelical population with reference to clergy, church buildings, and funds can not be supplied in equal proportion throughout the country. On Jan. 1, 1905, entire Prussia had 24 general superintendents, 639 superintendents (including the metropolitans), 9,620 clergymen in independent offices, 8,390 parishes, 10,456 spiritual offices, 11,795 churches, and 4,322 other buildings devoted to church service. The province of Saxony, the mother country of the Reformation, is best provided for; as it possesses on the average one clergyman for every 1,600 and one church for every 1,000 Evangelicals. The most unsatisfactory conditions exist in Berlin and in the provinces of East Prussia, West Prussia, Posen, Westphalia, and Rhenish Prussia; in Berlin on account of the densely crowded population for whom there are only few churches and proportionately few clergymen; in the provinces on account of the wide extent. of local districts, and because these are frequently merged into one parish, owing to the preponderance of Roman Catholic numbers. To illustrate the inequitable distribution in spite of the progress made, the Church of the Apostle Paul in Sch�neberg, Berlin, has seven clergymen to 140,000 in comparison with sundry rural congregations of one clergyman to 300. In the matter of dioceses, some consist of twenty to forty parishes; others of only two to ten. The Prussian Evangelical military clergy stands under the chaplain-general of the army, who is at the same time over the imperial body-guard and chaplain of the navy. Every provincial army-corps and the guard have their superior chaplains, of whom there are in Prussia thirteen, with seventy-six subordinate division and garrison chaplains. Special difficulties regarding the care of congregations in individual localities arise from the fact that the language of the Evangelical population is not everywhere German, the Slavic in its various dialects being the main exception. At the close of 1907 there were in Prussia about 197 Evangelical congregations using the Polish language, East Prussia alone having 123 Polish congregations with 136 clergymen, and 71 congregations in which 88 clergymen preached Lithuanian. The Danish language was used in 113 churches of Sleswick-Holstein. The supply of the churches with clergy has not kept pace with the increase of population. From 1895 the number of candidates for the ministerial office has decreased more than one-half. In the old Prussian state church 523 candidates were examined in 1895; in 1906 only 202: ordained in 1895, 312; in 1906, 242. In 1907 there were only 46 candidates available in East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Posen, Silesia, and Westphalia, in Saxony about 25. In consequence a great many assistant pastorates remain vacant. So far as ascertained for 1907, 38 new parishes with 98 clerical positions were organized to an increase in the Evangelical population of 300,000. The number of theological students decreased from 4,536 in 1900 to 2,228 in the winter semester of 1907-08.

3. Auxiliary Support.

In the mean time a marked improvement and legal regulation in the remuneration of the clergy and the care of the retired and of the bereft survivors has been made; such as, from 1895, the uniform regulation of a common fund for the widows and orphans of clergymen; from 1899, of an auxiliary salary fund uniformly regulating incomes to the limit of 4,800 marks; and the synodical legislation in 1907-08 for the extension of the latter and the establishment of a retired pension fund for the Evangelical clergy. These measures, it is hoped, will offset the alarming decline in clerical and church facilities. The auxiliary salary fund by the act which went into effect Apr. 1, 1908, regulates salaries up to a benefice of 6,000 marks. Below that all positions are divided into nine classes based upon their ground income and ranging by intervals of 300 marks from class I., 1,800 marks, to class IX., 5,400. Thus, a pastor receives, beside parsonage or equivalent, in class I., 1,800 marks, to which the auxiliary fund adds 600. Moreover, this classification serves also as the scale for increments due to length of service, beginning at the end of the third and proceeding by intervals of three years to the end of the twenty-fourth. The auxiliary fund contributes the excess beyond the ground in come and advances additions so that every clergyman is guaranteed from 2,800 marks after the third year of service to 6,000 after the twenty-fourth. Besides, in cases of necessity, additions can also be made, even permanently, to the ground income. By the synodical act of Dec., 1907, the pastor will receive a recompense for removal from charge to charge. The auxiliary fund is instituted by the state churches, and enjoys a legal status. It is administered by a presiding board of five members appointed by the king and an administrative committee of fifty-five members, representatives of the national synods. The parishes have to render, under receipt of the income of the prebendary estate, besides the ground income and various additions to the clerical incumbent, an insurance contribution, graduated according to the class to which they belong, ranging from 1,500 marks in class 1. to 300 marks in classes V.-IX. In the case of in ability, they may receive revocable aid from the reenforcement fund of the consistory (see below). To inaugurate the adequate disbursement of the fund the state budget for 1908-09 assigned 10,000,000 marks. The deficit is covered by the state churches which tax their members on the basis of the state levy. With reference to the retired pension fund, by the act which went into effect Apr. 1, 1908, every clerical who is disqualified by physical disability or the decline of physical or mental powers, or in any case after attaining the age of seventy, is entitled to an annual pension, which is in no case to be less than 1,800 marks nor more than 6,000. This fund, organized like the auxiliary fund, is raised, apart from the contributions for the clergy of societies in Prussia and elsewhere, by an annual state appropriation of 1,600,000 marks, and the levy of the state churches which covers the deficit. In consequence of the legislation of 1889 and 1892 there was founded a special fund for the widows and orphans of deceased clergymen. In 1895 the other state churches joined the fund and it is now organized in the same way as the other funds. Widows accordingly receive from 700 marks to 1,300 marks; orphans receive to the end of the eighteenth year 400 marks and half-orphans, 250. On the basis of extensive guaranties of the State the Evangelical church in Prussia is now supported by two kinds of taxes: (1) such as every member owes to his parish, district, and province, within the consistorial district; (2) such as benefit his state church in its widest relations, including pension, auxiliary, and widows' funds, and the support of ecclesiastical administration and general objects. Regarding the second, for instance, the state church of the older provinces raises a legally established assessment of 5 1/4 per cent of the state taxes. Beside these revenues the state church of the older provinces raises a not inconsiderable sum by a biennial collection for the most urgent necessities of needy congregations in the Evangelical state churches. Various provincial churches are heavily endowed for general and parish purposes. Besides, there is a state contribution for Evangelical clergymen and churches which in 1907-08 amounted to 2,080,037 marks. The right of appointment in the nine older provinces, for about 3,000 positions, belongs to the state church government, 2,257 of these in alternation with parish organizations, since 1874; for 2,265 positions, it belongs to patrons; for about 700, to communal corporations; for about 1,350, to congregations; and for about 90 to provincial board other than ecclesiastical. The number of positions filled'by the church government and private patrons is by far the largest, but in all cases the congregations possess the right to submit protests against candidates on the grounds of doctrine, conduct, or qualification. In the later provinces, Hanover, Hesse-Nassau, Sleswick-Holstein, the state church authorities control the majority of appointments.

III. Ecclesiastical Organization.

1. Evangelical

1. State Church Government.

The church governing boards culminate in the person of the king, following tradition from the time of the Reformation, on account of, State first, an organic connection of Church and State of an ecclesiastico-political nature, guaranteeing the peaceful relations of both; and, secondly, on practical grounds, to provide, within the monarchy, over against the presbyterial form, a stable executive and protection for the Evangelical bodies. At the head of the state church comprising the older Prussian provinces. stands the Evangelical supreme church council at Berlin. Including the secular president and spiritual vice-president it consists of thirteen ordinary members, including the chaplain general. They are appointed for life by the king, at the common proposal of the supreme council and the minister of worship. The duties of the council comprise, among others, consultation with the king in all affairs of legislation and administration reserved for supreme decision; communication with the state central boards on matters of common resort; and the privileges and duties, according to the order of June 29, 1850, of the synodal system, the supervision of worship in relation to dogma and liturgy, of the preparation of candidates for the spiritual office, of the employment, office-bearing, and discipline of clergymen, and the decision in cases arising over elections, grievances, and other legal questions.

At the head of every province there is a consistory under the direction of a secular president and with its seat at the capital of the province. In subordination to the supreme council the consistory is entrusted with the administration of the external and internal affairs of the Church in its province, and the general superintendent is one of the members. The latter keeps the church government in touch with the clergy and congregations, takes part in the synods, introduces the superintendents, conducts the general church visitations, and consecrates new churches. nder the auspices of the consistory acts the commission for the examination of candidates, offering the two tests, for the privilege of preaching and of assuming office. The provinces of the state consistories, with the single exception of the district of Frankfort, are divided into dioceses (ephorien) presided over by superintendents, who are state officials. They mediate between the consistories and the congregations and their ministers, exercise immediate personal supervision over the official conduct of clergymen and the life of the congregations, and over candidates residing within their dioceses. A principal part of the work of half of the superintendents of Prussia is the inspection of the district schools.

2. Congregational and Synodal Constitution.

According to the historical development of the individual state churches of the monarchy, the internal constitution is based upon various legal acts which are valid only for their respective territories. According to that of the Eastern provinces, which may be considered the type of all Prussian church organization, the ministers, who in doctrine, pastoral care, administration of the sacraments, and the other ministerial functions remain independent, are assisted in the congregation by a smaller and a larger representative corporation. Both are elected by the male members above the age of twenty-four who have lived at least one year in the place. All men entitled to election are eligible, in so far as they have proved their interest in the church by participation in the services and sacraments. No one is eligible for the smaller body (elders) who is less than thirty years of age. The elections are valid for six years. The number of elders shall be not more than twelve and not less than four; the number of representatives of the congregation shall be three times as many. The patron may personally claim the office of the elder or have a representative. In very small congregations the meeting of all members entitled to election takes the place of the representatives of the congregation or vestry. The minister presides over these bodies. The smaller body (" church council," or presbytery) covers a great variety of duties, religious, disciplinary, administrative, and others pertaining to instruction and charities. The larger body forms a wider outer circle, and, with the church council, exercises mainly material and fiscal functions. Wider self-administration is constituted by the representatives of a whole diocese in a district synod. In their constitution there is much variety. In the eastern provinces the district synods consist of the superintendent as the presiding officer, of the entire parish clergy, and of a double number of elected lay members, of which one-half is elected from present or former elders by the representative bodies of the congregations; the other half from respected and experienced men of the synodal district by the representation of the larger congregations, for three years. In Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia, on the other hand, the district synod consists of the clergy men and one elder of every congregation. The district synod has no parliamentary character like the congregational representatives; it is rather the board of the district communion with definite powers of decision. It assembles annually, and its duties comprise the treatment of affairs of general interest, restricted privileges of supervision, and the exercise of church discipline of second instance. The third grade of self-administration of the old Prussian state church is the provincial synod; it consists of the delegates elected from the district synods or unions of synods of small dioceses, of a deputy of the theological faculty of the province, and of the members appointed by the king (not over one sixth of the entire number). Besides the supervision of discipline in doctrine, worship, and constitution, and the execution of proposals of the state government of the church, the provincial synod has to give its assent to ecclesiastical laws the validity of which is restricted to the province. No catechisms, text books, hymnals, manuals, or regular provincial collections can be introduced without its sanction; and it supervises the funds of the district synod, directs the administration of the fund of the provincial synod, decides on the expenditure of church and home collections for the benefit of needy congregations of its district, and is permitted to deputize two or three of its members to the examination commission of the consistory (ut sup.). The presiding head, consisting of a president and from two to six associates, is privileged to take part in the important business affairs of the consistory; and must take a hand with it in proposals for the filling of state church government offices, and in decisions upon objections raised by congregations against the doctrines of their clergymen, and upon all charges of heresy. The general synod is the synodal organ of the entire state church of the nine older provinces. It consists of 150 members elected from the nine provincial synods, of a deputy of the district synod of Hohenzollern, 6 deputies of the theological faculties, all (13) general superintendents, and 30 members to be appointed by the king. The president, vice-president, and six secretaries are elected by the body at the opening of each assembly, to continue until final adjournment. It has primarily the right of assent to all acts of the legislative body of the state church government. Subject to it are the regulation of the freedom of doctrinal teaching, the obligations of clergymen by virtue of their ordination, the norms of agenda for the Church as a whole, the institution and abolition of sacred holidays, changes in the congregational and synodal order, as well as of fundamental changes in the constitution of church government, church discipline with reference to general duties, and disciplinary authority over clergymen and other officers, the requirements for applicants, and fundamental rules on appointment and on matrimony. The second synodal organ of the old Prussian state church is the presiding board of the general synod, consisting of a presiding officer, his proxy, and five associates, for whom also five substitutes are elected. As an independent college it may make proposals for the abolition of defects in ecclesiastical legislation and administration; and it may prepare also drafts of laws for the general synod. In matters which can not be postponed until the convention of the general synod, it may act with the full power of that body. It administers the fund of the general synod and cooperates with the supreme church council in receiving appeals on heresy, in reviewing the proposed acts submitted by the state church government to the general synod for adoption and the instructions of the former to the latter for the execution of its enactments, in proposals for the appointmentg of the general superintendent, in representation before the courts of justice, and in other affairs of the central administration of the Church, in which it is admitted by the council. As third synodal organ there is elected by the general synod the council of the general synod which is constituted of eighteen members, beside the presiding board of the general synod. It ends its function with the opening of the next regular general synod, and meets once a year in Berlin, to act as advisory counsel to the supreme church council. Outside of the older provinces, the order is in the main similar. The other Evangelical religious communities, the so-called sects, have no great importance in Prussia. Without propaganda and in peaceful relation to the state church are the Mennonites (13,860) and the Unity of the Brethren, distinguished for their institutions of training and missions. The Old Lutherans of Breslau do not relinquish their confessional aloofness; likewise the Dutch Reformed of Elberfeld. Insignificant are the free religious communities organized on the basis of absolute freedom, i.e., indefiniteness. But the propaganda of American and English denominations such as the Irvingites (45,654), Darbyites, Baptists (42,370), Methodists, and the Salvation Army has considerably increased, and has drawn, especially in the larger cities, from the state churches.

2. Roman Catholics

The organization of the Roman Catholic Church in the older provinces is based on the papal bull De salute animarum of July 16, 1821, sanctioned as to essential content and published in the code after royal approval, Aug. 23, of that year. The bull defined eight bishoprics: Cologne, Paderbom, Munster, Treves, Breslau, Ermland, Gnesen-Posen, and Culm. There is one ecclesiastical province in the east and one in the west, where the Roman Catholic population is the most dense: respectively, the archbishopric of Gnesen-Posen including the bishopric of Cum; and that of Cologne, including the suffragan bishoprics of Treves, Monster, and Paderborn. HesseCassel is included in the bishopric of Fulda and Wiesbaden in that of Limburg, both under the archbishopric of Freiburg which includes also Hohenzollern. The rest of Prussian territory is divided into exempt dioceses which are immediately subject to the pope, namely, Breslau, Berlin, Ermland, Hildesheim, and Osnabruck. The bishops are chosen by the chapters which have advisory privilege in the administration and are appointed, in the old provinces, partly by the king and partly by the bishop, in the new, alternately by bishop and chapter. The choice of a bishop must meet with the king's approval. The Roman Catholic parish organization was legally fixed by statute of June 20, 1875, but this covers only affairs of property; a layman receives no right to participate in the inner administration. This law demands of every parish the or ganization of a presiding board and a vestry. Over properties and public institutions and over the church-tax system the state has supervision, the same as over the Evangelical bodies. By statute that went into effect Apr. 1, 1899, the state appropriates for the revocable reinforcement of the Salaries of priests of weak churches the sum of 3,438,400 marks. In compensation the state has guarded itself by various laws against the ultramontane encroachments of the Roman Catholics; such as that (Dec. 28, 1845) prohibiting appointment to all priests ordained abroad; that (July 4, 1872) prohibiting the Jesuits; that (May 31, 1875) excluding all Roman Catholic orders from Prussian soil; and that (Feb. 13, 1887) establishing the oath of fidelity for Roman Catholic bishops to king and state. A chaplain-general was reinstated in 1888 who has charge of the Roman Catholic chaplains. See also LOS VON ROM.

(E. VON DER GOLTZ.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the introduction of Christipnity consult as sources: Codex diplomaticus Prussicus, ed. J. Voigt, vols. i.-vi., K�nigsberg, 1836-81; Scriptores rerum Pruesicarum, vols. i.-v., Leipsic, 1861-74; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, politische Abtheilung, vol. i., part 1, K�nigeberg, 1882; Neues prussische Urkundenbuch, part IL, Danzig, 1885 sqq.; and the literature given in Potthast, Wegweiser, pp. xxii-xxiii. Consult further: A. Schott, Prussia Christiana, Danzig, 1738; J. Voigt, Geschichte Preussens von den �lteasen Zeiten bis zur Reformation, 9 vols., K�nigsberg, 1827-39; M. T�ppen, Historisch-komparativa Geographie von Preussen, Gotha, 1858; K. Lohmeyer, Geschichte van Ost- und Westprsuesen, part 1, Gotha, 1880 (has almost the value of a source book); Hauck, KD; Rettberg, KD;  Friedrich, KD;  and the literature under Adalbert of Prague.

On modern Prussia as sources consult: E. Friedberg, Die geltende Verfassungsgesetze der evangel.-deutschen Landeskirchen, Freiburg, 1885-92; E. Nitze, Die Verfassunngs- und Verwaltungsgesetze der evanpel. Landeskirche in Preussen, Berlin, 1895; H. Lilge, Gesetze and Verordnungen �ber die evangel. Kirchenverfassung, 7th ed., Berlin, 1905; Crisolli and M. Schultz, Verwaltungsordnung f�r das kirchliche Verm�gen, Berlin, 1904; the works on ecclesiastical law (Kirchenrecht)  by H. F. Jacobson, Halle, 1866; P. Hinschius, Berlin, 1869-97; A. L. Richter, 8th ed., Leipsic, 1886; F. H. Vernig, Freiburg, 1893; W. Kahl, Freiburg, 1894; R. Kohler, Berlin, 1895; Gowner, Berlin, 1899; A. Franz, G�ttingen, 1899; F. Heiner, Paderborn, 1901; E. Friedberg, 5th ed., Leipsic, 1903; and P. Schoen. Berlin, 1903-06; and the Gesetzsammlung f�r die k�niglichen preussischen Staaten, an annual published by the Staateministsrium.

The freshest statistical data are to be found for the Protestants in Kirchliches Jahrbuch,  ed. J. Schneider (an annual); for the Roman Catholics in H. A. Krose, Kirchliches Handbuch (also annual); and the fullest historical statement for recent times is in F. Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte, 5 vols., Berlin, 1901. On the Protestant church consult: A. M�eke, Der Friede zwischen Staat and Kirche, 2 vols., Brandenburg, 1882-88; H. F. Uhden, Die Lage der luthersschen Kirche in Deutachland, Hanover, 1883; S. Baring-Gould, The Church in Germany, London, 1891; K. Rieker, Die rechtliche Stetlung der evangel. Kirche Deutschlands in ihrer geschichtlichen Stellung bis zur Gegenwart, Leipsic, 1893; R. Rocholl, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland, Leipsic, 1897; G. Goyau. L'Allemagne religieuse. Le Protestantisme, Paris, 1898; P. Schoen, Das Landeskirchentum in Preussen, Berlin, 1898; G. H. Sehodde, The Protestant Church in Germany, Philadelphia, 1901; T. Braun, Zur Frage der engeren Vereinigung der deutschen evangel. Landeskirchen, Berlin, 1902; J. Niedner, Grundz�ge der Verwaltungsorganization der altpreumixhen Kirche, ib. 1902; idem, Die Ausgaben des preussiischen Staates f�r die evangelische Landeskirche der �lteren Provinsen, Stuttgart, 1904; R. Seeberg, Die Kirche Deutschlands im 19. Jahrhundert, Leipsic, 1903; T. Hoffmann, Die Einf�hrung der Union in Preussen und . . . Separation der Altlutheraner, ib. 1903; H. A. Krose, Confeasionsstatistik Deutschlands, Freiburg, 1904; E. Kalb, Kirchen and Sekten der Gegenwart, Stuttgart, 1905; E. F�rster, Die Entasehung der preussiachen Landeskirche unter der Regierung K�nip Friedrich Wilhelms Ill., 2 vols., T�bingen, 1907; M. B�r, Westpreussen unter Friedrich dem Grossen, vols. i.-ii., Leipsic, 1909.

On the Roman Catholic Church consult: H. Br�ck, Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Deutschland, Mainz, 1898-1903; K. Sell, Die Entwickelung der katholischen Kirche im 19. Jahrhundert, Leipsic, 1898; Die katholischen Kirche unserer Zeit und ihrer Diener in Wort und Bild, 2 vols., Munich, 1900; J. May, Geechichte der Generalversammlungen der Katholiken Deutschlands 1848-1902, Cologne, 1903; O. Hegemann, Friedrich der Grosse und die katholische Kirche in den reichsrechtlichen Territorien Preussens, Munich, 1904; P. Goyau, Catholiciame, 1800-1848, 2 vols., Paris, 1905.

PRUSSIA, REFORMATION IN. See ALBERT OF PRUSSIA.

 

PRUYSTINCK, LOY. See Loists.

 

PRYCE, ROBERT VAUGHAN: English Congregationalist; b. at Bristol Dec. 15, 1834. He was educated at New College, London (B.A., University of London, 1859; M.A.,1861), and held pastorates at Union Street, Brighton (1862-71), Worcester (1871-77), and Stamford Hill, London (18771889). Since 1889 he has been principal and professor of theology in New College, London, and was lecturer in logic and mental and moral science in Cheshunt College, Herts, from 1887 to 1895. He was also a member of the faculty of theology in the University of London and of the senate of the Same institution. In theological position he is in general accord with his denomination.

 

PRYNNE, WILLIAM: Puritan; b. at Swanswick (10 m. e. of Bristol, Somersetshire) in 1600; d. at London Oct. 24, 1669. He was graduated at Oxford University, 1621; studied law; acquired great notoriety by his learned but dull work Histriomastix (London, 1633), against plays, masks, dancing, and the like. For the alleged seditious writing in it he was tried in the Star Chamber (Feb. 7, 1633), and condemned to the loss of his ears, perpetual imprisonment, and to pay a fine of 5,000 pounds. The instigation to this infamous sentence came from Archbishop Laud, whose animosity he had won by writing against Arminianism and the jurisdiction of the bishops. The same court condemned him (June 30, 1637). to branding, and imprisonment in remoter prisons, and another payment of 5,000 pounds, for a fresh seditious and libellous work, News from Ipswich (1639). He was released by the Long Parliament, and received in London (Nov. 28, 1640) with a great ovation. Prynne, by a strange turn of affairs, was solicitor in the trial of Laud (1644), and arranged the whole proceedings. He was a stout opponent of the army in the civil war. In 1648 he was elected to parliament from Newport, and, Dec. 4, 1648, there advocated the cause of Charles. He was expelled in 1650 from the House of Commons for his vehement opposition to Cromwell, but readmitted 1659. He promoted the Restoration, and was rewarded with the appointment of keeper of the records in the Tower (1660); and his collection of records is considered a model work. His learning was very great, and he published about 200 books and pamphlets, mostly controversial (the list of his works in the British Museum Catalogue covers twelve pages).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. A Wood, Athena Oxionienses, ed. P. Bliss, iii. 844, 4 vols., London, 1813-20; DNB, xlvi. 432-437; Encyclop�dia Britannica, sub voce; R. E. M. Peach, Annals of the Parish of Swainswick, London, 1890; W. H. Hutton, The English Church (1886-1714),  pp. 68-69, 78, 176, London, 1903.

PSALMANAZAR, GEORGE: Literary impostor; b. 1679? d. in London May 3, 1763. The above name was assumed, and he pretended to be a Formosan, though he was really a native of the south of France. He came from Flanders to London as an ostensible convert to Christianity. He was kindly received, and had astonishing success in imposing upon the learned; for he not only compiled and invented a description of the Island of Formosa (London, 1704), but actually a language for the country, into which he translated the Church Catechism, by request of Bishop Compton, whose prot�g� he was. His fraud was, however, discovered at Oxford, and for the rest of his life he supported himself by writing for booksellers. As the pretended Formosan, he played the part of a heathen; but from his thirty-second year he was in all his actions a genuine Christian, and won the highest respect of his contemporaries.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult his own Memoirs of . . , commonly known by the Name of George Psalmanazar, London, 1764; J. Boswell, Life of Samuel Johnson, ed. O. B. Hill, iii. 314, 443-449, iv. 274, 6 vols., Oxford, 1887; DNB, xlvi. 439-442.

 

 

PSALM MELODIES, FRENCH:

History

A category of French Protestant religious music composed for thesinging of the Psalms, and thus going back ultimately to Calvin, who, in his turn, was profoundly impressed by hearing the Psalms sung in German during his visit to Strasburg in 1538. With them as models he composed the first French Psalter (apparently published in 1539); and although his own contributions soon became obsolete, French psalmody, as a literary and musical phenomenon, is deeply rooted in his personality. As poetry the French Psalter goes back to Clement Marot (q.v.), who translated thirty-nine Psalms, his work being completed by Beza in 1562. As a writer of verse, Beza could make no claim to stand on the poetical level of Marot, but his work proved popular and went through in numerable editions. The following bibliographical account may suffice for the history of the French Psalter. In 1539 there appeared at Strasburg the anonymous Aulcuns pseaulmes et canliques mys en chant, containing twenty-one texts and including the first fourteen translations of Marot and five Psalms of Calvin, among the melodies being the famous Strasburg "Es sind doch selig alle die" (to Psalm cxix.) of 1525. After Calvin's return to Geneva in 1541, there appeared in Strasburg the second psalter, called the Pseudo-Roman, since its title-page alleged that it was printed at Rome with the privilege of the pope. In addition to the whole collection of 1539, it contained eighteen other Psalms and the metrical Lord's Prayer of Marot, four psalms of various writers, and a total of nine new melodies (3d ed., 1545). In 1542 there was printed at Geneva the Forme des pri�res, which became the standard Geneva Psalter, containing thirty psalms, the Lord's Prayer, and the creed by Marot, and five Psalms with the Song of Simeon and the Ten Commandments by Calvin. Of the melodies seventeen were more or less changed, and twentytwo were new. In the Geneva Psalter of 1543, Calvin's poetical versions no longer appear. The editions after 1547 were entitled Pseaulmes cinquante de David, and musical changes were introduced from time to time. After 1551 the title of the French Psalter became Pseaumes octante trois de David. The edition of 1551 included thirty-four compositions of Beza and forty-seven new melodies. After a number of editions with minor variations, the work appeared in final form at Geneva and Paris in 1562, with the title Les Pseaumes mis en rime fran�oise. This contained the whole Psalter with 150 melodies (many of them being repeated), the Decalogue, the Song of Simeon, two forms of grace, the Lord's Prayer, and the creed: By 1565 the work had run through sixty-two editions, and had been translated into German by Ambrosius Lobwasser (q.v.).

Sources, Authors, Influence.

The origin of the melodies has been investigated with great care. It is certain that the music which accompanies the translation is derived from secular sources. Sport or dance music was not directly adopted, though the tonal elements were worked over for religious purposes. In some thirty five cases secular melodies can be traced as the originals of Psalm tunes, though it must be remem bered that many of these had long been'used in both public and private Protestant devotions. The melodies fall into two groups: eighty-five of uniform type or revision, collected in 1542-54, and in some cases probably composed by Louis Bourgeois (c. 1510-72); and forty melodies added in 1562, composed by an unknown successor of Bourgeois of very inferior talents. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between the composers and the arrangers of the melodies. Among the former mention should be made of Guillaume Franc (c. 1510-1570), whom Beza, while in Lausanne, employed to compose forty melodies, which gradually were superseded by those current at Geneva; while one of the most prominent of the latter was Claude Goudimel (q.v.). A second distinguished harmonist of the French Psalter was Claude (or Claudin) Lejeune (c. 1530-1600), the greater part of whose contributions were published posthumously.

French Psalm music is generally recognized for its superior qualities wherever congregational singing is practised. Eighty-four melodies of the French Psalter are in use in the Protestant churches of Germany, a significant fact in consideration of the number of compositions originating in German Protestantism itself. The number of German tunes in troduced into the French Psalter, on the other hand, is very small compared with this list, although the Strasburg melody of Psalm cxix. and the Strasburg system of singing the Ten Commandments were permanently adopted, while a number of other German Psalm tunes were used for a longer or shorter time. French Psalm melodies were also much employed outside of France, the Psalter being translated for its melodies into Dutch, English, Danish, Polish, Hungarian, Bohemian, Rhaetian, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, etc. Many of these melodies are still retained in Bohemian, Finnish, and American hymnals and choral books. They were even adopted in varying degrees by local Roman Catholic hymnals, the Eichsfeld hymnal (Langensalza, 1871) still retaining five.

(J. SMEND.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. J. Riggenbach, Der Kirchengesang in Basel seit der Reformation, Basel, 1870; F. Bovet, Hist. du psautier huguenot, vols. i.-ii., Paris, 1878-79; S. K�mmerle, Encyklopadie der evangel. Kirchenmusik, vols. i.ii., G�tersloh, 1888-90 (consult articles "Bourgeois," "G. Franc," "Goudimel," "Lejeune," "Lobwasser," "Der Liederpsalter der reformierten Kirche"); J. Zahn, Die Melodien der deutschen evangelischen Kirchenlieder, vols. i.-vi., G�tersloh, 1889-93; P. Wolfrum, Die Entstehung and erste Entwickelung des deutschen evangeliachen Kirchenliedes in musikalischer Beziehung, pp. 79, 89-90, 96-98, 112-113, 123-139, Leipsic, 1890.

PSALMODY.

  1. Psalmody in the Bible (� 1).
  2. Post-Biblical Psalmody (� 2).
  3. Protestant Psalmody (� 3).
  4. The Psalm Tones (� 4).
  5. Origin of Christian Psalmody (� 5).
  6. History (� 6).

Psalmody literally signifies the singing of psalms, and hence of hymns in general. In the wider sense of the term it frequently denotes sacred song in distinction from worldly, or church singing as contrasted with secular. More specifically the term is applied to the Breviary (q.v.) in so far as the chanting of Psalms is the main object of that compilation, while in a more technical sense it denotes the liturgical rendering of the Psalms, or portions of them, as prescribed by the Church. Restricting psalmody for the nonce to its literal meaning of Psalm-singing, the history of the liturgical use of the Psalter will here be summarized, reference being made for the origin, authorship, date, and first purpose of the collection to the article PSALMS, BOOK OF.

1. Psalmody in the Bible.

The psalmody of the Old Testament, still overlaid by the ceremonialism of the Mosaic code, is the subject of a clear allusion in the Davidic legislation (I Chron. xxiii. 5, 30), while the dedication of the Temple gave type to the entire service (II Chron. v. 11-13). In the subsequent prophetic books the Psalms emerge at all national crises. Their jubilant refrains ring clear in the prophets (Jer. xxxiii. 11); Amos (vi. 5) recognizes the sacredness of the Davidic music already grown proverbial; and Isaiah abounds in echoes of the Psalter. The New Testament accepts fully the Psalms of the Old Covenant. The Acts institute the apostolic r�gime, with the Psalter in full view, furnishing Peter's sermon and inspiring Pentecost. Distinct evidence shows that the Psalter was the fixed devotional formulary which wrought the accord, steadfastness, and praiseful spirit on that occasion among the thousands gathered at Jerusalem from many lands. At Corinth the irregular outburst of the charismata (I. Cor. xiv.), when each one, without regard to the other, had his "psalm," received apostolic rebuke. The celebrated passages authorizing New-Testament psalmody are Eph. v. 19 and Col. iii. 16. James (v. 13) urges his scattered Jewish brethren to the use of the Psalms, and Revelation closes the New Testament with quotations from the Psalter. Between Babylon's fall and the millennium a fourfold Hallelujah is sounded (six. 1-8), followed by the declaration that " the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy." This must be taken with an earlier statement (iii. 7), where, as in Heb. iv. 7, "David" stands for the Psalms, revealing Jesus as "he that is holy, he that is true, he that hath the key of David."

2. Post-Biblical Psalmody.

During the first two centuries A.D. the Psalter retained its position of honor and sanctity. Early Christians were essentially "children of the Psalms," and the Psalms, the Sabbath, and the inflexible confession of Christ were the Biblical chief badges of Christian loyalty A marked change came, however, with the Gnostic Bardesanes (q.v.), who composed a psalter of 150 Psalms modelled on the Old-Testament collection. Aided by his son Harmonius, he set the standard of Syrian music and hymnody. A century later Ephraem Syrus (q.v.), though inferior in originality to Bardesanes, sought to copy and Christianize his hymns, and to reclaim the ground for Christianity. He at least succeeded in securing a large following of admirers, who named him "Prophet of the Syrians" and "Harp of the Spirit," read his writings as Scripture, and welcomed him as the first Christian hymnologist, although, like Bardesanes, he sacrificed the Psalter. The hymn of Clement of Alexandria, "Bridle of colts untamed," ends with the exhortation, "let us praise with Psalms (Psalomen) the God of peace." Through succeeding centuries of persecution the Psalms continued to hold their place, with but trifling exceptions, as the Church's hymnology among the people and the most earnest preachers, Athanasius, Chrysostom, Jerome, and Augustine. Except for the sequences and a few very short hymns, some of them centos of Psalms, these were the universal hymns of the Church. Many refused to sing the hymns and sequences, and the fifty ninth canon of the Synod of Laodicea (360) accord ingly enjoined that "no psalms composed by private individuals nor any uncanonieal books may be read in the church, but only. the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testaments" (NPNF, 2 ser., xiv. 158). In the West the Psalms were sung in responses in choir long after Latin had ceased to be vernacular. The eighth canon of the Council of Toledo (653; as given in Labbe, Concilia, vii. 421) ordered that "none henceforth shall be promoted to any ecclesiastical dignity who does not perfectly know the whole Psalter or the usual canticles and hymns and service of baptism" (ef. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iii. 99, Fr. transl. iii. 1, p. 291, Eng. transl. iv. 471).

3. Protestant Psamody.

With the Reformation psalmody definitely accentuated its underlying principle-the authority of the Scriptures in all that pertains to faith, worship, and life. Huss first broke ground in the metrical use of the Psalms. As early as 1524 Luther wrote Spalatin to secure poets to prepare them for church uses (St. Louis ed. of Luther, xxa, cols. 582-583), but it was only twenty-three years later that the work was completed (see PSALM MELODIES, FRENCH). So popular was the result that in some instances Roman Catholics also adopted the psalter of Calvin, although the Jesuit Adam Contzen declared that the hymns of Luther and the psalms of Beza killed more than their books did (Politicorum libri decem, Cologne, 1629). In his preface to the edition of 1545 Calvin wrote: "When we sing them (the Psalms), we are as certain that God has put the words in our mouths as if he himself sang within us to exalt his glory" (Opera, ed. J. W. Baum and others, vi. 171). The history of psalmody in England and Scotland is outlined in HYMNOLOGY, IX., � 2. In the English colonies of North America the first hymns sung were Psalms, by the Pilgrim fathers in the paraphrase of Henry Ainsworth and by the Indians in John Eliot's version, and the first book printed in British North America was the Bay Psalm Book (q.v.). The Psalms practically reigned supreme in the colonies until the outbreak of the American Revolution, when various causes opened the way for the hymns of Isaac Watts (q.v.), which were "allowed," not authorized, by the Presbyterian synod at Philadelphia in 1787. This was the first distinct breaking away from the original principle of the Reformation-the Bible only.

In 1719 Isaac Watts made a complete innovation by his Psalms of David, in which, while preserving the name and numbering of the Psalms, he so modified them as to open the way for unrestricted hymnody, his plea being that he would make David speak the language of a Christian, not of a Jew. The decay of real psalmody, combined with other causes, was the preparation for the great popularity of this hymnody. Nevertheless, such critics as James Beattie and Samuel Johnson expressed disapproval, and many others were sorely grieved, while the evangelical Anglican William Romaine, in his Essay on Psalmody (London, 1775) voiced their sentiment in no uncertain language. Never since has the great body of the Church returned to the Reformation attitude regarding psalmody. Previous to Watts, however, English Churchmen and nonconformists alike had been true to the Psalms. The Baptists met the question and furnished some distinct witnesses, such as John Gill (q.v.); and the Quaker Robert Barclay (q.v.) also commended the spiritual singing of Psalms. The great Methodist movement was only indirectly unfriendly to the Psalms. The Wesleys expressed great love for them, and Charles Wesley furnished metrical versions for most of them. Adam Clarke (q.v.) favored the singing of Psalms in the most faithful version, and George Whitefield (q.v.) likewise sympathized with a true psalmody.

The present witnesses for exclusive psalmody do not exceed half a million, scattered in seventeen denominations of Presbyterians, particularly the United Presbyterian body (see PRESBYTERIANS). Their influence, however, is beyond all proportion to their numbers on account of their educational and missionary activity. That a purely Biblical Psalmody is still not an antiquated or obsolescent principle in these churches, but has in them, as in apostolic and immediately post-apostolic times, its representative, without paraphrastic mixture or credal and liturgical sequences, is evidenced by the fact that a new and carefully prepared metrical Psalter is now (1910) in process of publication (see below). This work has been under way for a considerable period and has been the subject of several revisions and overtures in the United Presbyterian body which took the lead in the enterprise and is entrusted with the responsibility for its completion. It has been said that had they, like the Baptists, made duly prominent the distinctive characteristic in which they all agree, they would now have as large a membership. They have allowed themselves, however, rather to follow than lead in the meters and music of their Psalms, and to cling too fondly to catechisms and confessions which glorify prayer and preaching, but ignore psalmody. A "testimony," or formal official expression of opinion, on this subject could never take rank with the original confession; and the failure of the Psalm-singing churches to realize in practise the entire theology of the Psalms accounts in part for their limited success. The new metrical Psalter mentioned above as being in process of publication is the joint work of committees from nine churches (one in Canada), and covers a period of ten years of faithful preparation. It seeks to reproduce the Hebrew verity without paraphrase and with due regard at the same time to poetic structure and musical adaptation.

ROBERT BREWSTER TAGGART.

4. The Psalm Tones.

Musically speaking, psalmody occupies an intermediate position between the so-called accentus, i.e., liturgical intonation or recitative, and the socalled concentus, or elaborated singing (in the sense of the ancient theory of tones). In practise it conforms to the "Psalm Psalm tones" as fixed by the Church. Corresponding to the eight divisions of the octave in ancient music, which are preserved by the Church in her eight church tones, there are eight Psalm tones. These were augmented, in course of time, by a ninth, or "foreign," tone, which is usually treated as a separate tone since opinions differ in regard to its harmonic structure. It occurs in the antiphon Sed nos qui vivimus to Psalm cxiii (Vulgate; A. V. cxiv.--cxv.) in vespers for Sundays, and in the antiphons Martyres Domini and Angeli Domini; while in the Lutheran Church it has come to be the usual tone for the Magnificat and the Aaronic benediction (Num. vi. 24-26). By some this "pilgrim tone" is classed with the first tone, and by others with the eighth, although it strictly accords with neither, so that it is also termed the "irregular tone." Each Psalm tone is characterized, in the first place, by the tone to be followed in the intonation of the Psalm text in question. This is always the dominant of the given key to which the Psalm tone belongs, and is called the tone of intonation, leading tone, "common tone," or, as a rule, simply "dominant." Again, each Psalm tone is distinguished by the melodic c�sura, which ends the first half of the verse, and which is termed the mediante, middle, medium, or mediatio; as well as by the melodic intonation which ends the entire verse, this terminal phrase being known as the finale, "conclusion," or "cadence." The conclusion of the Psalm tone is not identical with the so-called final tone of the key, nor need it coalesce with the latter tone at all, so that it does not determine the church tone to which the Psalm tone belongs. Each Psalm tone has also a festal and a ferial form. In the latter the preliminary melodic embellishment (initium, inchoatio, intonatio) is omitted, while the mediante is simplified by resolving the ligatures and substituting syllabic chanting. The ferial form is employed on ordinary doubles, Sundays, and semidoubles at prime, terce, sext, none, and compline, as well as on simples and on ordinary week-days, and invariably in the office for the dead. The festal form is used throughout the office on all doubles of the first and second class and on greater doubles; and it is also employed, at least at matins, lauds, and vespers, on ordinary doubles, Sundays, and semi-doubles, as well as in the canticles from the New Testament, the Magnificat and Benedictus. This festal form is characterized by its initium, or "beginning," a melodic embellishment of the introductory note which forms the transition to the recitative, or intonation proper. This festal embellishment, however, is retained for every verse only in the case of the "greater Psalms," or NewTestament canticles, for in the "lesser Psalms," or Psalms of the Old Testament, it is omitted after the second verse. Each Psalm must end with the Gloria Patri, which makes it a prayer of the Christian Church. Complete ritual also demands the antiphon (q.v.), and a distinction is accordingly drawn between the "Psalm without antiphon" (or "direct Psalm"), when the Psalm has no introductory antiphon and is sung without additions and interruptions, and the "Psalm with an antiphon."

5. Origin of Christian Psamody

With the Psalter the Christian Church naturally adopted the traditional mode of psalmody. While the musical details sae obscure, this adoption doubtless involved Christian antiphonal singing as essential to psalmody, being based on the parallelism of Hebrew poetry. A distinction is drawn be tween the responsory, in which the precentor renders the entire Psalm, while the choir or congregation sings a refrain after each verse, an Amen or Hallelujah (cf. Rev. v. 14, xix. 4), some form of praise contained in the Psalm itself, or some such doxology as the Gloria Patri (cf. Apostolic Constitutions, ii. 57 [ANF, vii. 421]: "Let some other person sing the hymns of David, and let the people join at the conclusions of the verses"), and the antiphonal style, in which either the precentor and the choir (or congregation), or two choirs, or the two halves of the choir, alternate in rendering the Psalm (cf. Basil, Ep. ccvii. 3 [NPNF, 2 ser., viii. 247]: "Divided into two parts, they sing antiphonally with one another, . . afterward they again commit the prelude of the strain to one, and the rest take it up ").

To prove that the highly developed music of classic antiquity affected the evolution of antiphonal singing is more difficult, for this involved the adoption of a system of artificial music which strict Christian sensibilities abhorred and mistrusted, possibly implying the use of antiphons sung by many voices or accompanied by instrumental music. In classical music "antiphonal" denoted the consonance of the octave, and the proper antiphon was produced where men and children sang together with voices differing as to pitch. At the same time, in this style of joint choral and polyphonic song appeal could be made to the precedent of the Jewish Temple. The problem was not the introduction of antiphonal singing (in contrast with what was later understood as non-antiphonal song), but the adoption of artistic antiphonal singing in distinction from the simple psalmody of the time. The artistic amplification of liturgical singing after the prototype of the trained choirs of the Greeks is implied, moreover, in the account given by Philo (quoted by Eusebius, Hist. eccl., II., xvii. 22 [NPNF, 2 series, i. 119]) of the ritual of the Therapeutse, which is compared with that of the contemporary Christian worship. Basil the Great likewise states (Epist. ccvii. 3 [Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., viii. 247]) that he had the Psalms rendered by skilled precentors after the manner of the triumphal odes of Pindar, the congregation joining, at the closing verse, with an accompaniment of lyres.

6. History.

At all events, the liturgical rendering or chanting of the Psalms became the function of a specially trained precentor at a very early date in the Christian Church, if, indeed, this was not the case from the very first, especially as no other practise has been transmitted from the synagogue itself; and the congregation gave only the responses. As the connection of the Church with Judaism became broken, the liturgical forms and modes of Jewish psalmody must have grown strange; yet even when psalmody became transformed under the influence of classical music, its form of expression could be no common and familiar one, but was necessarily a work of art. Psalmody accordingly came to be more and more exclusively the province of duly trained and practised singers, the choir. The fifteenth canon of the Synod of Laodicea (c. 360) prescribes that "no others shall sing in the Church, save only the canonical singers, who go up into the ambo and sing from a book" [NPNF, 2 series, xiv. 132]. In the Greek Church, the Psalms are rendered by the choir in two sections, alternating verse by verse, with or without interpolation of a brief sentence of praise (embolism) as the Psalm proceeds; and in the Roman Catholic Church the proper chanting of Psalms is accounted a test of the good liturgical training of the choir. The antiphon is to be started by a solo voice, the choir then taking up the chant.

In so far as the Lutheran Church adopted Psalmody, the traditional mode was followed to the extent that the antiphon was led by the choir mater, or by boys (usually two) specially selected and trained. Then came the Psalm itself, rendered, as a rule, antiphonally verse by verse, the whole being concluded by the lesser doxology and the repetition of the antiphon in the choir. The singing was usually without organ accompaniment. Since psalmody thus became the function of the choir, it assumed the character of a performance in vocal music, rather than its proper place as an act of prayer in song on the part of the congregation. With the correct intuition that what the congregation prays in song must speak its own language by text and tune alike, either versified psalters (Theodore Beza and Clement Marot in France, see P MELODIES, FRENCH; Burkhard Waldis, Ambrosius Lobwasser, and Kornelius Becker in Germany; Petrus Dathenus in Holland; William Damon, Nahum Tate, and Nicholas Brady in England; and Giovanni Diodati in Italy) or hymns of a popular character were prepared. In most Protestant regions these hymns came to be a substitute for psalmody, which was still further supplanted by simple reading of the Psalms for purposes of edification. See also SACRED MUSIC.

H. A. K�STLIN�.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On ��1-3: Early treatises are: Germanus, De psalmodi� bono; Alcuin, De psalmorum usu; Teraldus, De varia psalmorum atque cantuum modulatione; Dionysius the Carthusian, De modo devote psallendi; J. Morinus, De psalmodi� bono (reproduced in Revue b�n�dictine, xiv. 385 sqq., 1897); J. Bona, De divina psalmodia, chap. 19, Paris, 1663. Consult further: A. H. Francke, Introductio in Psalterium, Halle, 1734; J. van Iperen, Kerkelyke historie van het Psalm-gezang der Christenen, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1777; G. McMaster, An Apology for the Book of Psalms, Philadelphia, 1818; A. Hahn, Bardesanes Gnosticus Syrorum primus hymnologus, Leipsic, 1819; F. Armknecht, Die heilige Psalmodie, G�ttingen, 1855; F. J. Wolf, Ueber die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche, Heidelberg, 1841; J. Holland, The Psalmists of Britain, 2 vols., London, 1843; G. Hood, A History of Music in New England; with biographical Sketches of Reformers and Psalmists, Boston, 1846; Otto Strauss, Der Psalter als Gesang- und Gebetbuch, Berlin, 1859; Joseph S. Cooper, ed., True Psalmody, Philadelphia, 1859; Austin Phelps, Hymns and Choirs, Andover, 1860; I. Taylor, The Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, London, 1861; F. E. C. Dietrich, De usu Psalterii in ecclesia Syriaca, Marburg, 1862; A. Hilgenfeld, Bardesanes der letzte Gnostiker, Leipsic, 1864; N. Livingston, Scottish Metrical Psalter of 1635, Glasgow, 1864; J. W. Macmeeken, History of the Scottish Metrical Psalters, Glasgow, 1872; F. Bovet, Histoire du Psautier des �glises r�form�es, Neuch�tel, 1872; J. J. Goadby, Byepaths in Baptist History, London, 1871; E. O. Douen, Clement Marot et le Psautier Huguenot, 2 vols., Paris, 1878-79; William Binnie, The Psalms: their History, Teachings and Use, London, 1870, new ed., 1886; J. S.Curwen, Studies in Worship-Music, 2 series, 3 vols., London, 1880-87; Mrs. A. M. Earle, The Sabbath in Puritan New England, New York, 1891; J. C. Haddon, Literary Materials of the First Scottish Psalter, in Scottish Review, vii (1891), 1-32; C. G. McCrie, Public Worship in Presbyterian Scotland, Edinburgh, 1892; W. H. Parker, The Psalmody of the Church, its Authors, Singers and Uses, New York, 1892; R. Bell, The Story of the Scotch Psalms, in The Scotsman, new series, xix (1898-97), 234-40; J. W. Clokey, David's Harp in Song and Story, with Introduction by W. J. Robinson, a History of the Psalms in all Ages of the Church, Pittsburg, 1898; P. Wagner, Ueber den Psalmgesang im christlichen Altertum (in "Reports" of the International Scientific Congress of Catholics, at Freiburg, 1897); idem, Ursprung and Entwickelung der liturgischen Gesangsformen, Freiburg, 1901; P. Wagner, Ueber Psalmen and Paolmengesang im christlichen Altertum, in R�mische Quartalschrift, xii (1898), 245-279; E. Soullier, Les Origines de la psalmodie, Paris, 1901; J. W. Thirtle, The Titles of the Psalms, 2d ed., London, 1905; idem, Old Testament Problems, ib. 1907; R. E. Prothero, The Psalms in Human Life, New York, 1905; C. A. Briggs, Commentary on the Psalms (introduction), ib., 1906; J. McNaugher (ed.), The Psalms in Worship, Convention Papers bearing upon the Place of the Psalms in the Worship of the Church, Pittsburg, 1907; D. F. Bonner, The Psalmody Question: An Examination of the alleged divine Appointment of the Book of Psalms as the exclusive Manual of Praise, New York, 1908; A. R. Whitham, Christian Use of the Psalter, London, 1908; T. Young, The Metrical Psalms and Paraphrases, ib., 1909. On �� 4-6, consult, besides the rather abundant literature cited under SACRED MUSIC: G. G. Nivers, Dissertation sur le chant gr�gorien, chap. xiii., Paris, 1683; K. Calv�r, De musica ac sigillatim de ecclesiastica eoque spectantibus organis, chap. iii., Leipsic, 1702; F. Armknecht, Die heilige Psalmodie, oder der psalmodierende K�nig David, G�ttingen, 1855; L. Sch�berlein, Schatz des liturgischen Chor- und Gemeindegesangs, ib. 1865; J. W. Lyra, Die liturgischen Altarweisen des lutherischen Hauptgottesdienstes, ib. 1873; idem, Andreas Ornithoparchus . . . und dessen Lehre von den Kirchenaccenten, pp. 19 sqq., 31 sqq., G�tersloh, 1877; idem, Dr. M. Luthers Deutsche Messe and Ordnung des Gottesdienstes in ihren liturgischen und musikalischen Bestandteilen, ib. 1904; R. Succo, Zehn Psalmen nach den Melodien der Psalmt�ne, ib. 1895; F. Hommel, Antiphonen and Psalmt�ne, ib. 1898; E. Clop des Sonrini�res, Le Chant dans l'ordre straphique, Solesmes, 1900; A. J. Duclos, Introduction � l'execution du chant gr�gorien d'apr�s les principles de Solesmes, Rome, 1904; C. Ginisty, �chos gr�goriens des deux centenaires, Paris, 1904; R. Molitor, Der gregorianische Choral als Liturgie und Kunst, Frankfort, 1904; C. Vivell, Der gregorianische Gesang, Graz, 1904; G. Houdard, La Cantil�ne romaine, Paris, 1905.

PSALMS, BOOK OF.

I. Introduction. The Process of Collection (� 2). Indications of Davidic Authorship (� 4).
Names (� 1). The Date (� 3). Explanations of Title "of David" (� 5).
Classification (� 2). IV. The Ego of the Psalms. Recognition of Late Psalms (� 6).
II. Purpose. Varied Explanations (� 1). Comparison with Psalms of Solomon (� 7).
Relation to Worship (� 1). Solution Independent of Age and Purpose (� 2). VI. Theology.
Original and Adapted Purpose (� 2). V. Authorship and Date. Doctrine of God and of Righteousness (� 1).
Varied Voices of the Psalms (� 3). The Titles (� 1). Ideas of Sin and Eschatology (� 2).
III. History of the Collection. Modern Phase of the Problem (� 2).  
Indications of Early Smaller Collections (� 1). Are there Pre-exilic Psalms? (� 3).  

I. Introduction:

1. Names.

In the present arrangement of the Hebrew Bible the book of Psalms stands at the head of the third division, the Hagiographa or Kethubhim. But this order is not invariable, since sometimes that division is headed by Chronicles or by Ruth. According to the Hebrew, the title is Tehillim, from the word meaning "to praise," thus designating the psalms as songs of praise. But this designation expresses not so much the content as the external employment. At the end of Ps. lxxii. occurs the term Tephillim, "prayers," and this better fits the contents as expressing a larger portion of the subject-matter of the book. This term is, however, not altogether appropriate, since it does not include psalms of didactic purpose within its proper meaning. The Greek calls the collection the "book of psalms," "psalms," or Psalterion�the latter term the name of a stringed instrument used by metonymy for the songs which the instrument accompanied. A word used by the collector of the book in the sense of the Greek psalmos and the English "psalm" is the Hebrew mizmor, used in the titles of fifty-seven psalms. The word comes from a verb which has the double meaning, "to trim vines" and "to sing or play," with perhaps an original sense, "to pluck." The Septuagint translates it by psalmos, Aquila by melodema, Symmachus by odk, and Jerome by canticum; within the Old Testament the word is used only of religious poems.

2. Classification.

The Hebrew Psalter consists of 150 psalms divided into five books, each of which ends with a doxology except the fifth, in which the last psalm is a doxology in itself. The Septuagint has 151 psalms, the last one being a composite from I Sam. xvi. 1-14 and xvii.; the Hebrew psalms ix. and x. it counts as one psalm, also cxiv. and cxv., while it divides into two both Ps. cxvi. and cxlvii. The consequence is a disagreement in the numbering of the Hebrew and the Greek psalms. Classification of the psalms is difficult because not a few of them partake of more than one characteristic. Thus many psalms begin with lament or prayer and change into thanksgiving and praise (e.g., Ps. xxii.). Hengstenberg divided the psalms into those in which the dominant note is praise, those in which it is lamentation because of private or national sorrow, and those in which the religious-ethical is most emphasized. From the material standpoint a division might take into account such psalms as are properly hymns, being songs of praise from personal points of view, and those which make some petition. A characteristic variety here is the poem of prayer, especially the lament which naturally issues in a prayer for deliverance. Hymns of thanksgiving may be included here, inasmuch as the principal note is thought of some special good. Of course this class is subject to many subdivisions. Thus there may be taken into account the degree of subjectivity or objectivity, reference to the individual or the nation; also the idea of God expressed�whether he is regarded as Lord and Creator, or as savior, whether as guide of the nation or of the soul, as the giver of his word and his law. Alongside of these classes may be placed the didactic psalms, such as xxxi., lxxiii.; these may be purely theological, or legalistic. So psalms may be considered as hymns, prayers of various sorts, liturgical pieces, dithyrambic poems, epic poems, moralistic pieces, or religious-philosophic poems.

II Purpose:

1. Relation to Worship.

Little direct information has come down respecting the aim of the psalms and their relation to worship. It might be claimed that the connection with Hebrew worship is so loose that the psalms are a sort of private collection, an anthology of religious poetry. The titles in the Hebrew indicate for Ps. xxx. that its use was at the dedication of the temple, and that Ps. xcii. was for the Sabbath; the Septuagint titles of Pss. xxiv., xlviii., xciv., and xciii. indicate that these psalms were for use on Sunday, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, later translations add lxxxii. for Thursday, and the Septuagint assigns xxix. for the Feast of Tabernacles; the Talmud prescribes lxxxii. for Tuesday. Besides these, the Talmud knows of assignments of five psalms and the Hallel collection (see HALLEL.) for certain feasts, while the prayerbook of the synagogue makes a few additions to these definite assignments of psalms for use in public worship. It appears, therefore, that until quite late only a very small proportion of the psalms bear the marks of definite relation to public worship. The more welcome then is indirect proof of such use. The first place is taken in this direction by the fact that certain of the psalms are liturgical in character. Such appear in the first book, and the farther one goes in the Psalter, the more frequent do liturgical psalms become. Thus in this class belong the Hallelujah psalms (cf. I Chron. xvi. 36; Ps. cvi. 48); where the response of the people is given. The frequent mention of the chorus in Chronicles is further evidence of this sort, as well as Ps. cvi. 6; cf. Dan. ix. 5; Neh. ix. 16. Ps. cvi. is a psalm of public confession. When it is seen that some psalms by their titles, others by their inclusion in the Korahitic and Asaphic collections, and others by later titles are designated for public worship, the conclusion is clear that if not by first intent yet through their assembling in the present collection the psalms were intended for use by the community, which thus was enabled to take part in public worship.

2. Original and Adapted Purpose.

If one looks for the original purpose of the writer, in some cases public use appears to have been intended; though in many others such a purpose is excluded by the character of the composition, as when the psalm has a didactic or historical or epic character rather than a and lyrical. A striking case of this is Ps. cxix. Possibly such psalms were rather for free recitation, others seem to be purely literary in character, and the use of these in service may have come much later. The strongly individual character of many of these compositions is against the idea that they were written for public use; their suitability to express the feelings of others accounts for their adoption; or their expressions were generalized. On the other hand, many of these same psalms may have been individualized by recension. Two opposite directions may have been taken in the process of working over, in which the half-conscious tendency of the poet was elaborated in revision. Such results are suggested in the messianizing of many poems. Of special suggestiveness are those psalms which deal with the temple and with ritual, particularly those which deal with sacrifice. The question arises whether in these cases the reference is real or only illustrative or constructive. Jakob and Matthes (see bibliography) maintain that there was not merely adaptation but initiative and creative purpose here, intending them for worship. Those psalms which refer to appearance in God's presence, or to abiding in that presence, indicate for themselves a relation to the temple and to worship. Examples of this significant type of expression are found in xv. 1, xxiv. 3, xxvii. 4, xxvi. 8, lxxxiv. 3. As there can be no doubt that to the poets of these psalms the highest good results from intimacy with God, so this intimacy is achieved by presence at the services of the temple. Indeed, presence in the temple, lingering in the presence of God, enjoying the hospitality of his house, are often the external means of participation in communion with God. Indeed, relation to the temple and its services has a great part in the Psalter. Psalms such as those cited were written with the eye upon the center of worship and the cult there domiciled, and had their motive been other than this, had they been merely figurative, they would have read differently.

3. Varied Voices of the Psalms.

Nevertheless, such an impression is not derived from all the psalms. Some psalms exist which echo the declaration that obedience is better than sacrifice�a purely prophetic thought (cf. Pss. xl., l., li.). Were there not such passages as Isa. i. 11 sqq.; Amos v. 21 sqq., proving that there was present in Israel a realization that the external cultus as opposed to the ethical content and intent to worship God was of little worth, there might be doubt how such psalms as those just cited are to be taken; as it is, their meaning can not come into question. The twisting of these into a sense friendly to sacrifice is a rabbinical achievement, the value of which is to show how Jewish exegesis made it possible to include such compositions in the Psalter; it shows us the course of rabbinic thought. That the rabbis would receive into the worship-book psalms which, as they were understood, opposed sacrifice seems very strange; the only way to account for the phenomenon is that the sense was taken as different from the literal. Matthes has rightly acknowledged the importance of the exegesis of Jakob in interpreting Ps. xl. 6, li. 17, as not referring to a slain victim but to a repast, and in xl. 6, eliminating the "offering" after "sin." Yet in the place of these conceptions something little better is placed. What is said here is simply that exactness of performance at a given time is not what God wants. During the exile and the Syrian persecution, for external reasons the office of sacrifice was suspended, and God was satisfied with repentance and fulfilment of the other requirements of the law. As soon as the walls of Jerusalem were rebuilt, then would God take delight in sacrifice (Ps. li. 18-19). To explain l. 14 as referring to personal, special, and private offerings in opposition to the regular and public sacrifices is opposed to the immediate context and to the drift of the entire psalm (cf. verses 12-13). In short, the Psalter is full of references to the service of the temple, but this does not justify one in calling it the hymn-book of the second temple, especially if he regards the original purpose of its songs; indeed originally not a few of its psalms were not suited for such a service, but were accommodated to that use by the secondary process of editing.

III. History of the Collection:

1. Indications of Early Smaller Collections.

The history of psalm composition as well as the discussion of the origin of the individual poems must start with a consideration of the origin of the collection. The points made by William Robertson Smith give the line of departure. The division of the Psalter into five books has already been mentioned. The first book (Pss. i.-xli.) is ascribed to David (except i., ii., x., xxxiii.); the second (xlii.-lxxii.) chiefly to David and Asaph; the third (Ixxiii.-Ixxxix.) to Asaph, Korah, and other temple singers (only lxxxvi. to David); the fourth (xc.-cvi.) is of psalms principally anonymous; the fifth contains many ascribed to David, and the "songs of ascents." This analysis shows a close connection between books two and three, in that those alone contain the psalms of the gilds of temple singers, which have a prominent position. There is implied either composition by these gilds or (more likely) a legitimate adaptation to service, perhaps by setting the compositions to music after the manner of modern makers of hymnological collections. In this case, the "of" of the superscriptions stands not for authorship but for possession. It is to be noticed that the hymns attributed to these authors or gilds stand in little collections. But there are other leading facts. Prominent among these is the verse lxxii. 20, indicating that at this point a Davidic collection once ended; alongside this must be put another fact that in this collection are psalms which are not ascribed to David (note the Asaphic and Korahitic psalms), and, still further, despite the ending of Ps. lxxii., other Davidic psalms are in the present collection in the books which follow. It looks, moreover, as though the Davidic collection consisted of Ps. i. (iii.)-xli. and li, lxxii., the last of which, ascribed to Solomon, was included because ascribed to David's son. Next is to be noted that the two parts named above, Pss. iii.-xli. and li.-Ixxii.">>li.-Ixxii. contain duplicates (Ps. xiv.=Iiii., and xl. 13-17=lxx.). This suggests two collections for the most part different, but in these cases containing identical pieces. Possibly the collections contained other identical psalms, which were eliminated when they were united, these two doublets alone being left. Tradition is firm that a division existed early after Ps. xli. And the indications are that there were two Davidic collections and two smaller Davidic books, embracing Ps. iii., xli., and li.-lxxii. (Ixxii.). A step in advance is made when it is observed that the change in the name of the deity familiar from study of the Pentateuch exists also here. Thus books two and three are prevailingly Elohistic, while books one, four, and five are prevailingly Jehovistic. This is noteworthy when it is seen that the doublets cited above are in different recensions in this respect, each corresponding in use of the divine name with the collection in which it stands. Of course this variation was not original, it must have come in through editorial work. Analogous phenomena in Chronicles reveal that there was a time when people began to avoid the name Yahweh and to use the more general term Elohim �passages from Samuel and Kings which are Jehovistic become Elohistic in Chronicles. This is not accidental, it is part of a system; it is consonant with the substitution of Adonai for the tetragrammaton Yhwh by the Masoretes, the difference is that the Chronicler did not hesitate to change the text; the Masoretes did not change this, but made their alterations in the margin. But a fact of importance is that the latest books become Jehovistic once more. In many cases the use of Elohim must be ascribed not to the poets but to the redactor. The two Davidic collections named show one the Jehovistic and the other the Elohistic trend. When it is seen that the Asaphic and Korahitic collections are prevailingly Elohistic, it may seem that the Elohistic character of Pss. li-Ixxii. may have been gained from contact with the neighboring Psalms. Books four and five are much mixed. Along with many which have Davidic superscriptions are many anonymous, and with these the pilgrim psalms. In view of the various classes of poems here collected, it seems as though a collector had chosen from the various sources at his command such pieces as seemed to him worthy and suitable to transmit to the future.

2. The Process of Collection.

These data permit a view of the probable course of development of the Psalter. It appears that a Jehovistic redactor made a first collection of Davidic songs. An Elohistic redactor made from three or four prior collections (a Davidic, a Korahitic, and an Asaphic book), an Elohistic collection, to which as an appendix were attached various ethical pieces. A Jehovistic redactor made, out of various smaller aggregations such as the Pilgrim Psalms (cxx.-cxxxiv.), the Hallelujah psalms (cxi. sqq., and cxlvi.-cl.), the royal psalms (xciii.-xcix.), and perhaps an independent Davidic collection�not to speak of other sources or aggregations�the collection which forms books four and five of the present Psalter. These three aggregations were then united, after an independent existence of uncertain duration, into one book, with Ps. i. or Pss. i.-ii. as preface, these two psalms together giving the two points of view of the whole Psalter, the Law, and the Messiah. If this view of the growth of the Psalter is correct, it follows that the division into five books is not of early origin, but came about in imitation of the fivefold division of the Torah or Law. The relative age of the individual selections and the origin of the Psalter as a whole can be ascertained with only approximation to certainty. Indications are found in the fact that in the first (and oldest) book there exist exilic and postexilic compositions; in other words, this was not collected before the time of Ezra. If there were preexilic psalms in greater number, they must either have existed in a special collection now lost, or they persisted as individual compositions until the collector of the first book included them in his aggregation.

3. The Date

So far as the terminus ad quem is concerned, the translators of the Septuagint found the Psalter existing not in scattered aggregations but as a whole. Still, it is not possible to say when the translation into Greek was made, and thus no absolute date is attainable. William Robertson Smith thought to obtain indications from the history of the temple singers and of the personnel of the attendants of that institution. He rightly infers that the superscriptions to the Asaphic and Korahitic psalms are weighty evidences which indicate that these psalms were once a collection or hymn-book of a gild named after the master, whose concern was with the musical setting. Further evidence he thinks is found in the Chronicler's work, showing that in the latter's period there were three gilds of singers, those of Asaph, Heman, and Ethan (or Jeduthun), which were reckoned to the three great Levite families of Gerson, Kohath, and Merari. The Psalter is aware of Korah as a leader of a gild alongside of Asaph; but the Korahitic gild is believed by Smith to be one of doorkeepers in the Chronicler's time, while the Asaphic gild is carried by him back to the time of the return (Ezra x. 23-24; Neh. vii. 1, 73). So that the Asaphic and Korahitic psalms are to be placed earlier than the Chronicler and later than Nehemiah�between 430 and 300 B.C. Under Nehemiah Korah does not yet name a gild of singers; at the time of the Chronicler the gild has ceased to be such. On the other hand, a degradation of the Korahites is unlikely, since that period favored rather the elevation of the minor orders, and the retention of the Korah titles in the psalms speaks against it; though such degradation is not impossible under the influence of the story of Korah in the Pentateuch. The general situation in Chronicles does not permit of regarding the Asaphites as the one gild of singers, though they occupy the prominent place in the Chronicler's account; he knows also of the Korahites and Ethanites. The Korahites appear, however, as doorkeepers, but this is hardly to be thought of as the result of a degradation of the gild. The collections of the Asaphic and Korahitic hymn-books appear to have arisen, therefore, soon after 300 B.C. With this agrees the Elohistic character of those collections, thus comporting well with the same characteristic found in the Chronicler. From this same point of view would then be located the Elohistic Davidic collection, Pss. li.-lxxii. Of course this says nothing of the date of the individual psalms. In the time after the Chronicler and up to the period of the Septuagint and Sirach the Elohistic tendency was submerged; this accounts for the strongly Jehovistic character of books four and five.

IV. The Ego of the Psalms:

1. Varied Explanations.

The question of the person speaking in the psalms takes its place in Old-Testament exegesis with the problem of the "I" of Job and of Deutero-Isaiah, and the tendency is to see in the pronoun a collective. It is natural to expect to see in this "I" the author, and in not a few cases this is unquestionably right. But in early times even there was a tendency to see in the pronoun not an individual but the community. Thus Theodore of Mopsuestia held that David had, in many psalms ascribed to him, entered into and expressed the soul of the people; and this opinion has at intervals since been several times repeated. The man of modern times who restated this proposition is Olshausen, who regards the "I" of many psalms to be the personified community, the expression of individual experience being taken as adequate for that of the people. But Olshausen was in this matter not with his times, and he found more opponents than supporters. Gr�tz attributed a great part of the Psalter to the circle of Levites which he names Anawim. He regarded Olshausen's theory as pointing in the right direction, since the Anawim spoke for their group, and in that sense for the entire people. But this idea found acceptance only in Jewish circles. Smend gave the idea once more a general currency, and found adherents for his view. The apparent agreement of the theory with the hypothesis of the late origin of the psalms is not hard to see. It sets forth an idea of the community in its dominating force as it first appeared in later times. Olshausen was wholly logical in pleading for a late origin of the Psalter; Smend's position had been prepared by the attribution of a large part of the Old Testament to postexilic times. This in turn led easily to the conception of the community as the speaking subject of the psalms. Smend's hypothesis was strongly supported by the musical titles prefixed to many of the psalms, and he came to the conclusion that "almost without exception the community speaks" in these compositions. He holds that a priori a psalm is an expression of the community; only under direct proof is a psalm to be considered the expression of an individual. Smend's conclusions nowhere found unconditional acceptance, and many scholars entered the lists against him.

2. Solution Independent of Age and Purpose.

The question of the speaker in the Psalter has generally been brought into connection with the two questions of the age of the Psalter and its relation to worship, and it has been mistakenly held that the answer to one of these furnishes the answer to the others; in fact, clarity is subserved when the questions are considered separately. The problem of the "I" of the Psalms has no necessary connection with their age, as is shown by the contrary answers given by Duhm; and, with limitations, the same is true of the matter of the relation to worship. The fact that the collection was made for public service gives an initial air of probability to the theory of a collective subject. An approach is made to a solution of the problem when it is considered that the Psalter is a composite made from very dissimilar elements. From what has previously been said, it is seen that a number of psalms were from the beginning designed for use in the Temple, and the probability is that the "we" in these designates the community, and that "I" is used in the sense of "we." This is analogous with the use of "thou" in the Pentateuch, where the individual is only apparently addressed, while the precepts are for the entire community. But alongside the group of which mention has just been made is another the psalms in which were clearly not designed in the making for public worship; and it is then apparent that there is a large number of psalms for which the only conclusion is that the author speaks as an individual. The fact that these can be universalized and fitted for general use does by no means involve that they were composed for collective use and in a collective sense. In more recent compositions of this sort it is true that a writer may work with the view of suiting his composition.to the use of an aggregation of people, and his composition may none the less ring true, especially when the poet knows that his feelings are those of the people for whom he speaks. But where the general trend of life is individual, compositions of this sort are not the rule but the exception; and it is also a fact that a poetically endowed individual, at the moment when he expresses with emphasis the deepest experiences of his own soul, speaks of that which most intimately concerns himself alone. That what he says will fit other cases is not at the time within the range of consciousness. But just the literature which has arisen in this manner, expressing personal feeling and experience, has especial worth from the religious and ethical standpoint. Examples of this are Pss. xxxii., li., and lxxiii. The first is one of the most striking pictures in literature of the distress felt by a soul in dire need; while behind the idealism of the last is the ardent expression of one who feels that heaven, to say nothing of earthly joy, would have no worth were God not there. And these psalms gain in value when they appear as the personal expression of the situation and convictions of their author; if he spoke only of what was common experience and in the name of those whose hap was like his, something of worth seems to vanish from the psalms. On the other hand, if such experiences were general in early Israel, the intent to write for the people may be ascribed if only so the content is best explained. And after the time of Jeremiah such experiences were indeed the lot of the people. But there is a third group which deals not with the people as such, nor with the individual as such, but with a pious nucleus, the "poor," the "wretched," the "feeble," who appear as the upright and God-fearing and faithful. While it is not impossible that these designations should apply to the nation, when it is remembered that in Deutero-Isaiah this class does not constitute the whole people, that in many psalms this class is opposed to the godless in such a way that by the latter the heathen can not be meant, the conclusion of Gr�tz gains in probability that such psalms arose in this narrower circle which was oppressed by the godless and worldly and saw as imminent the judgment of God against their enemies. Psalms like xvi. and xxii, arose in this circle; the author himself may have been in mind or he may have considered the general situation in the manner in which the prophets viewed the characteristics of their times. Such an author was zealous for the law and foreshadowed the existence of the Hasidhim  (the "pious") and the Pharisees before these parties as political opponents appeared on the scene.

V. Authorship and Date:

1. The Titles.

Most of the psalms in their present form possess superscriptions which profess to give information regarding the author or the circumstances of composition. In many cases the word "of" is meant to indicate authorship, in other cases this meaning is questionable. The persons to whom this applies are David with seventy three psalms, Solomon with two (lxxii. and cxxvii.), Moses with one (xc.), Asaph with twelve (l., lxxiii. lxxxiii.), the Korahites with eleven (xlii., xliv.-xlix., lxxxiv-Ixxxv., lxxxvii.-lxxxviii.), and Heman and Ethan with Pss. lxxxviii.-Ixxxix. The historical value of these titles is now rightly in question. The condition of the text shows that the titles were not originally a part of the text, therefore not by the authors of the psalms, and that they are probably the work of the collectors and arose out of a late tradition and hence have but the value of an early supposition. Proofs are at hand. In the Hebrew text Pss. cxxii., cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii., and cxxxviii. are ascribed to David, while some Jerome, or the Targum, or other witnesses regard as not Davidic; on the other hand, early testimony claims Ps. xxxiii. as Davidic while in the Hebrew text it is anonymous. This manifests a weakening of early tradition. In the Septuagint a number of psalms are ascribed to David which are not so ascribed in the Masoretic text, and Ps. cxxvii. is moreover ascribed to Solomon. This indicates that in the time of the Seventy there was working a tendency to increase the number of Davidic psalms, although there was also a tendency to deny the tradition which gave him certain others. The source of the first tendency may be found in the prominence occupied by David in the Messianic expectation of a later time. This went to its extreme in Rabbi Meir's claim of Davidic authorship for all psalms. The position arrived at by criticism of the text is confirmed by study of the contents compared with the titles. Without going into a minute investigation it is sufficient to note that of the seventy three attributed to David by the Masoretic text a considerable number can not be his because the historic conditions presented point away from David's times, such as those which involve the existence of the Temple (v. 7, lxix. 9) or those which presuppose the exile (xiv. 7, li. 18-19). Pertinent is the fact that Asaph was a contemporary of David, yet the Asaphic psalms belong in large part to a late period. Of the attribution of psalms to David it is possible to give an explanation. Just as the psalms of the Korahites, a gild of singers, were attributed to their founder through the name of the collection being given to the individual psalms, so a collection named after David came to have its individual compositions called after the celebrated organizer of worship�possibly in the process of compilation into a larger collection. If this is the case, the superscriptions or titles often represent a tradition relatively late, sometimes oscillating and in many cases actually erroneous, perhaps sometimes arising through misunderstanding and consequently inconclusive. They may possibly point rightly to David as the author, but as evidence they are inadequate; only when title and internal evidence accord, or at least do not conflict, can the title play an important part.

 

2. Modern Phase of the Problem.

In recent times the question of authorship has assumed an entirely different form. It is no longer, how many psalms are preexilic and how many must be postexilic? but, are there any preexilic psalms? And the next question is, necessarily, was there a preexilic religious body of lyrics in Israel, and had it any relation to the Psalter? The first answer must come from Ps. cxsxvii. 3-4, where it is clear that the "songs of Zion" are "Yahweh songs," presumably dealing with. the relations of Yahweh and his people. A second piece of evidence is Amos v. 23, which unmistakably deals with songs of worship, showing that in the early prophetic days songs (psalms) to harp accompaniment belonged to the essentia of divine worship in the northern kingdom. Testimony is seen by some also in Lam. ii. 7. The force of these passages is disputed by William Robertson Smith, and perhaps rightly in the citation from Lamentations, on the ground that it deals not with official and regulated worship, but with the free spirit of worship by private individuals. But the passage in Amos, as evidently as Isa. i. 11 sqq., deals with the official worship for the benefit of the community. To be sure, Amos speaks of the service in the Northern kingdom; but it is not to be called in question that what was usual in divine service in the north was present in Jerusalem.The sanctuaries which were celebrated in the times of David and Solomon in all probability embodied the chief forms of worship customary at Jerusalem, and this is borne out by the already cited passage in Ps. cxxxvii. and by the lists in Ezra-Nehemiah of the returning gilds of Temple singers (Ezra ii. 41; Neh. vii. 44), mention of whom would be unintelligible if they had not in preexilic days had that position. Any other interpretation involves the strange hypothesis that the gild was modeled in exilic times after the Babylonian pattern. The conception of a preexilic Temple worship of song is the more reasonable since other themes had been richly treated in early times�one's memory lights upon David and Deborah�and undoubtedly song had been made a part of divine service (II Sam. vi. 5). It is therefore a priori probable that when Solomon made provision for worship in the new sanctuary, he included sacred song as a part of that worship, and Isa. xxx. 29 looks like the continuance of such an adjunct to divine service. The least that can be said is that song has a very close relationship to the cult of the period, as an essential part thereof.

3. Are there Pre-exilic Psalms?

This does not, however, involve necessarily that psalms in the present Psalter are preexilic. It is possible that all trace of preexilic psalms is lost, that the present Psalter has in it only postexilic compositions. But it can not be said that it is a probability, in view of the evident presence of song in the Temple and in view of the strong tradition of David as a hymnist, that no single exilic psalm survived the exile. And when the work of redaction is taken into account, and editorial changes of the text are considered, the improbability grows. Indeed many of the psalms, especially in the earlier parts of the Psalter, are best explained by referring them to Solomon's Temple (so the royal psalms xx., xxi, xlv.). With reference to Pss. xx. and xxi. it is to be remarked that only in preexilic times and after 105 B.C. did Israel possess a king, and it would take convincing evidence to refer a psalm to the later period. The exegesis which so relates them is forced not by the text but by a presupposition against their preexilie origin. Internal grounds would lead to refer Pss. xx.-xxi. to the earlier period; while Ps. xlv. does not involve thought of a (heathen) Seleucid or Ptolemaic lord, and the rugged and primitive tone with the poetic strength bespeak an early age. Another class of psalms which point to a preexilic origin are those which question the worth of the institution of sacrifice. While in general in the Psalter Temple and sacrifice are highly esteemed, there are single psalms which echo the prophetic cry, "Obedience is better than sacrifice." They are an energetic protest against the idea of opus operatum in religion. Psalms which show this reforming spirit are xl.,">>xl., l.-li. It is not unthinkable, indeed, that in postexilic times, even during a postexilic nomism, a sort of undercurrent of prophetism came to the surface to oppose the legalism of the times. Perhaps this is the explanation of Ps. 1.; and verses 20-21 look like the expression of an exilic or postexilic conviction, but this voice of protest interjected into the psalm bespeaks its existence before that time. But there is still another group of psalms which in form and content better fit the period of the kings and of the first Temple than of a later time (Pss. xix.a, xxix., xxxiv.b). So the majestic antiphony of xxiv. 7-10 brings before the eye the return of the ark, the old palladium of Israel, carried in triumphant return from a victorious war and with jubilant songs to its place on Zion. Similarly, in Ps. xix. 1-7, in a psalm of nature of unexampled beauty and sublimity, not only are the lordship of God and the glory and beauty of his creation celebrated, but the sun is pictured in a mythological fashion which, like the tone of Ps. xxix., carries back to early times and primitive conceptions. With this latter psalm should be compared the vision of Isa. vi. 1. When the originality and freshness of these compositions are taken into account, and also the poetic strength, it becomes difficult to attribute them to a late period.1

4. Indications of Davidic Authorship.

With the probability thus established that in the present Psalter there are elements from preexilic times, the next question is where the upper limit of time of composition must be set. Or, to put the question in another form, what is known of David as a psalmist? and are there any reasons to ascribe to him any part of the existent Psalter? That David was a poet celebrating God's grace is generally recognized. As a master of song and of the harp he came to the court of Saul, and were nothing known of his compositions but the elegy on the death of Saul and Jonathan (II. Sam. i. 17 sqq.), his claim to be a master would have to be conceded. It is also known that he was a man of deeply religious character, and this fact even his own misdeeds and acts of tyranny or human weakness can not obliterate. That this religiousness was of a type different from that of later times is of course recognized. According to I Sam. xxvi. 19, he held that when he was driven into a heathen land he was obligated to serve the gods of that land; according to II Sam. xxi. 1 sqq., he yielded to a superstition and gave the heirs of Saul to the Gibeonites to be put to death; he wept and mourned during the sickness of his child in the attempt to swerve Yahweh from his purpose, but on the death of the child put away further mourning as useless (II Sam. xii. 22-23), and though the context shows his submission to the will of God, there is nothing which reminds of Ps. li. David's piety comes out in his relation to the Temple. The Chronicler ascribes to David the most complete preparations for its building, and this agrees with the interest in the establishment of divine service David showed from the beginning of his reign. This interest appeared in his removal of the ark from a lowly position to his capital with festal accompaniment, and with the view of furnishing for it a worthy abode. In thus transferring the ark, he laid aside his royal character and went as a simple servant of worship, thus earning the scorn of the haughty daughter of Saul. He showed himself ready to serve Yahweh to the utmost of his ability, and he assumed the functions of a sacrificer with the same purpose in view (II Sam. vi. 12 sqq.). If then David's piety does not take the form of later types, it yet shows an interest warmer and more personal; he is ready, in giving expression to his piety, to go to the verge of religious eccentricity. But the undeveloped and primitive type of his external manifestations of piety do not affect its essential character, though there may be present the same two-sidedness which he displayed as a man and a king. Given these characteristics in a man of his times, and the presumption is that the poet would also be in evidence; and the correct text of II Sam. vi. 5 shows that in David's time song was, at least on extraordinary occasions, an important element of religious worship. All probabilities are in favor of the supposition that David contributed to the development of this element. Viewed in this way the tradition of Davidic authorship, not especially forceful in itself, receives new light.

5. Explanation of Title "of David."

The superscription "of David" prefixed to many psalms may be due to a misunderstanding, and is to be traced perhaps to a book of psalms partly written and partly compiled by him and then supposedly extended to others brought into relation with him. But such a misunderstanding would be difficult to explain were there not a nucleus really in part composed by him, in part by him set to music. The attribution to David of seventy-three psalms can not be wholly without some historic basis. The inference naturally drawn from comparison of Ps. xviii., II Sam. xxii., and xxiii. 1 sqq., is sometimes without reason rejected on the ground that II Sam. xxi.-xxiv. was added in later times to connect the books of Samuel with the books of Kings. At any rate they were inserted by the redactor, who gives to four specimens of poetry David's name. Two of these are recognized as David's (II Sam. i. 17 sqq., iii. 33), two others are disputed (II Sam. xxii., xxiii. 1 sqq.). But had the redactor been concerned to make large claims for David, he could have attributed to him psalms which could have been inserted without difficulty in various places such as I Sam. xxvi.-xxvii., and II Sam. vii., xii., and xv. sqq. The fact that, according to the opposing argument, the redactor added only two pieces wrongly attributed to David speaks for his sobriety. As to the Davidic authorship of psalms in the present Psalter, there is no absolutely stringent proof that any particular one is his, since in no case is there absolute security that the superscription is correct. But the probability is great that such exist. Were there once Davidic psalms in greater numbers, some might have been forgotten, some worked over; but it is improbable that no trace of them would have been left. A hindrance to the recognition of Davidic psalms is the fact that to him were attributed psalms which smack of later thought and ideals. But if psalms are found having the characteristics of II Sam. i. 17 sqq., there is to be found the type attributable to him. By this test poems like Pss. iii., iv., viii., xviii.a, xxiv., xxix., and many others may be regarded as Davidic.

6. Recognition of Late Psalms.

In answer to the question of the lower limits of psalm-composition it may be remarked that in early times Maccabean psalms were recognized. Thus Theodore of Mopsuestia [d. 428] placed seventeen psalms in that period, and Calvin also recognized Maccabean psalms. On the other hand, scholars like Gesenius, Ewald, Bleek, Hupfeld, and Dillmann controverted the position. The possibility and even the probability of the writing of psalms at that period must be admitted, the only question being how they could gain admission to the canon. So far as probability of composition is concerned, the late production of Daniel, Ecclesiasticus, and the Psalms of Solomon show literature still in course of composition down to the time of Pompey. In I Chron. xvi. 8-36 is a psalm which corresponds in part with Pss. cv.-cvi., and contains also the doxology of book four of the Psalter. This seems to show that the Chronicler (c. 300) already had the Psalter in practically its present form�at least so far as its division into five books is concerned. This does not preclude that individual psalms were added afterward, though hardly the majority of the present number. To the same conclusion points Ecclesiasticus, in its preface, when it speaks of the author knowing the law, prophets, and "other writings," that is, the threefold division of the canon. It is hardly likely that in the author's time Daniel was in the canon, though that the Psalter was there appears from the considerations just adduced from the Chronicler's narrative. Ecclus. xlvii. 8-10 seems to imply a Psalter, and yet psalms like xliv., Ixxiv., lxxix., lxxxiii., and others appear to belong to this period and may have come into the canon as did Daniel.

7. Comparison with Psalms of Solomon.

Duhm has set a lower limit as late as 70 B.C. or even the year 1, thinking that the period of Aristobulus and Alexander Jann�us was fruitful in the composition of psalms; this brings us down to the period of the Psalms of Solomon. It is known that the later Hasmoneans discarded more and more the earlier theocratic ideals of the original Maccabean movement; they adopted heathen customs and acted as did other princes. This aroused the opposition of the Pharisees, but induced the support of the Sadducees. Out of this contest arose the (Pharisaic) Psalms of Solomon, which regarded the conquest by Pompey as induced by Sadducean wickedness, led by the royal house. Now if canonical psalms arose out of this period, they should have the ring of the age of the Psalms of Solomon. This Duhm thinks he hears in psalms like ii., xviii., xx., xxi., xlv., and others, being the Sadducean compositions in praise of the king, while psalms like ix., x., xiv., lvi.-lviii. are the Pharisaic answers, which correspond in tone to the Psalms of Solomon. Now, that there are general similarities of thought in the canonical Psalter and in the Psalms of Solomon may be granted. But in their characteristics, especially in those characteristics which give ground for assigning to the collection a certain date, the latter stand by themselves and in distinction from the canonical psalms. Thus there is read in the Psalms of Solomon, i. 2, "Suddenly the alarm of war was heard before me"; i. 3, " their transgressions were greater than those of the heathen that were before them; the holy things of the Lord they utterly polluted"; ii. 15, (the daughter of Jerusalem was dishonored because) "she had defiled herself in unclean intercourse"; viii. 8 sqq., "in secret places beneath the earth were their iniquities, the son with the mother and the father with the daughter wrought confusion, . . they went up to the Lord's altar full of all uncleanness"; xvii. 5, "On account of our sins the godless (the Hasmoneans) rose against us, � they laid waste the throne of David in their triumph"; xvii. 21, "from the ruler to the vilest they lived in their sin, the king a transgressor, the judge in disobedience, and the people in sin." This is the trend of the psalms which Duhm puts about the year 70, and such a trend is absent in the psalms selected by him as representative of the "Pharisaic" canonical psalms, which say nothing of the characteristic sins of the Hasmoneans. Where echoes of the canonical psalms appear in the pseudo-Solomonic book, the fact is due to following the model set in the canonical productions. This is exemplified in the patterning of Ps. Sol. xi. upon Isa. xl. sqq. There is further to be reckoned the inherent improbability of the inclusion of Sadducean psalms in praise of the hated Hasmoneans finding entrance into the canon, apart altogether from the difficulty of so many psalms getting in at all in so late a time.

VI. Theology:

1. Doctrine of God and of Righteousness.

To speak in the strict sense of a theology of the Psalter is not permissible because of the fact that it is a collection covering centuries in time, the individual compositions coming from various circles, some written for use in the Temple, others for public or private use outside of the established cultus, some speaking for the community at large, others expressing private and personal joy, grief, or pain, and still others representing a narrow community of the pious and pietistic. It is often difficult to classify particular psalms, let alone to express the general sense of the whole. One must be prepared to find as various religious presentations as in general are found in the Old Testament itself. Eras like that of the times of the early kings, that of the prophetic teachings, and that of the reign of the law and dealing with sacrifice, find their representative expressions here. Alongside this is the fact that in any one period individual feelings find vent in different tones. If one selects the doctrine of God as the chief point of interest, one finds him spoken of as a war deity or a storm god (Pss. xviii., xxix., xxiv.), and as an eternal and omnipresent being (Pss. xc., cxxxix.); as the God whose dearest love is the broken and bruised heart, and as the one again who wishes no offering, or, once more, as the God who gave the law, meditation upon which day and night brings the highest praise to the pious (Pss. l., li., i.). Between these different conceptions lie centuries of development. Similarly if the test be the ideal of piety, of a religious and ethical ideal of life, the results show not only a varied expression but one which embodies diverse individual experience. In Ps. i. true piety consists in meditation on the law day and night; and since this psalm heads the Psalter, and, so to speak, sets forth the program of the collection, this ideal has been taken as that for which the Psalter stands. Such a tendency does, indeed, appear in the Psalter (Pss. xix. 7 sqq., cxix.), and sets forth the ideal of the learned in the law. Hand in hand with this ideal is that which expresses joy in the Temple, "A day in thy courts is better than a thousand." In the hours of celebration of the Temple services the pious experiences the blessing of mystic nearness to his God. Yet this latter ideal is older than that which finds essential piety in contemplation of the law. But one can not fit the whole Psalter into this measure. Psalms which express delight in the Temple and in sacrifice are offset by those which protest against an overvaluation of sacrifice and cult. Alongside of emphasis upon cult is found the simple ideal of a religious and ethical course of life (Ps. xxiv. 4).

2. Ideas of Sin and Eschatology.

With the ideals of piety and of a pure course of life goes step by step the consciousness of sin. In the Psalter may be found the confidence of a person in his own integrity and piety (Ps. xxvi. 11), or who hopes for salvation because of his rectitude (xxv. 21), or who speaks of sin from the standpoint of ceremonial piety (xix. 12 sqq.). In Ps. xxv. 7, 18, the poet speaks almost vivaciously of his sins, but they are the sins of his youth for which he dares to bespeak forgiveness. He knows nothing of such a thought as that he is an unworthy servant, who after the Pauline type of expression is to be penitent and rely on faith (cf. also Ps. xix. 7 sqq.); two things alone can trouble him, ignorance and pride. But this is by no means the only view of piety found in the Psalter, as is seen on reading Pss. xxxii., li., which show not a superficial idea of sin, but a consciousness which is felt in the inmost self, which treat not of sacrifice, performance, or priests. Forgiveness of sin results from piety and righteousness�to the righteous only does it come, from it the wicked are excluded. Ps. li. makes forgiveness the correlative of renewal of heart, and reminds of the characteristic teaching of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. A similar state of things is found when one considers the eschatological and Messianic ideas. From the simple glorification of the king of Israel, who is exalted even by the heathen as God's son, is only a step to the thought that God will give the victory to his anointed on Zion over all his foes even to the end of the world. Such thoughts are in evidence in psalms like ii., cx., which reveal the trend of expectation during the historic kingdom. Similarly the beginnings of eschatology also reach back into early days, but it is continually unfolded, particularly after the exile. From the hope for the simple triumph of the king over his foes developed a transcendental expectation, assuming cosmical and eternal proportions. Indeed, the farther worldly expectations sank into the impossible, the more glowing became the hopes of a future glory, involving therein the world-judgment, after which was to come the kingdom of Yahweh, enduring forever (cf. Pss. i., v., vii., ix., xxii., xlvi., Ixxxii., xcvii., and others). And a clear distinction is possible between the portrayal of the Messiah in the canonical psalms and in the Psalms of Solomon.

(R. KITTEL.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The books named under HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE  are to be noted for the poetry of the Psalms, and for introduction the works on Biblical introduction (Driver, K�nig, Cornill, and others) and on O. T. theology (e.g., Schultz). Questions of introduction are generally treated with more or less fulness in the commentaries; special works are: C. Ehrt, Ab�assungszeit und Abschluss des Psalters, zur Pr�fung der Frage nach Makkab�erpsalmen, Leipsic, 1869; C. Bruston, Du texte primitif des Psaumes, Paris, 1873; J. F. Thrupp, Introduction to Study and Use of the Psalms, 2 vols., London, 1879; Messio, De la chronologie des Psaumes, Paris, 1886; J. Forbes, The Book of Psalms, Edinburgh, 1888; W. Alexander, Witness of the Psalms to Christ and Christianity, London, 1890; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Psalms,  ib. 1888; idem, Origin and Religious Content of the Psalter, ib. 1891; W. Stark, in ZATW, xxii (1892), 91-151 (on the titles); W. T. Davison, Praises of Israel, London, 1893 (one of the "good little books"); W. T. Dawson, The Praises of Israel, ib. 1893; T. C. Murray, Origin and Growth of the Psalms, New York, 1894; Jakob, in ZATW, xxvi (1896), 265-291, xxvii (1897), 49-80, 263-279; J. K. Zenner, Die Chorges�nge im � Psalmen, Freiburg, 1896; H. Roy, Die Volksgemeinde und die Gemeinde der Frommen im Psalter, Gnadau, 1897; J. K�berle, Die Tempels�nger im A. T., Erlangen, 1899; J. Wellhausen, Skizzen and Vorarbeiten, vi. 163-187. Berlin, 1899; H. Grimme, Psalmenprobleme, Freiburg in Switzerland, 1902; Matthes, in ZATW, xxxii (1902), 65-82; J. Achelis, Der religionsgeschichtliche Gehalt der Psalmen, Berlin, 1904; F. W. Mosley, Psalter of the Church; the Septuagint Psalms compared with the Hebrew, New York, 1905; J. Gurnhill, Companion to the Psalter, 2d ed., ib. 1907; J. McNaugher, The Psalms in Worship, Pittsburg, 1907; J. W. Thirtle, O. T. Problems; critical Studies in the Psalms and Isaiah, Oxford, 1907; F. A. Gasquet and E. Bishop, The Bosworth Psalter, New York, 1909; DB, iv. 145-162; EB, iii. 3921-67; JE, x. 241-250; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxiii. 803-838; DCB, ii. 450-455.
On the "I" of the Psalms consult: Smend, in ZATW, xviii (1888), 49-147; Schuurmanns-Steckhoven, in ZATW, xix (1889), 131 sqq.; G. Beer, Individual- und Gemeindepsalmen, Marburg, 1894; F. Coblenz, Ueber das betende Ich in den Psalmen, Frankfort, 1897; D. Leimdorfer, Das Psalter-Ego, ib. 1898; I. Engert, Der betende Gerechte der Psalmen, W�rzburg, 1902.
Of commentaries the best is by C. A. and Emilie Grace Briggs, 2 vols., New York, 1908. Among the numerous others the following, devotional or critical, may be noted: J. Calvin, Eng. transl., 5 vols., Edinburgh, 1845-49; J. G. Vaihinger, Stuttgart, 1845; H. Olshausen, K�nigisberg, 1853; W. M. L. De Wette, Heidelberg, 1858; A. de Mestral, 2 vols., Lausanne, 1856-61; P. Schegg, 3 vols., Munich, 1857; L. Reinke, Die messianischen Psalmen, 2 vols., Giessen, 1857-58; A. Tholuck, Gotha, 1873, Eng. transl. of earlier ed., Philadelphia, 1858; E. W. Hengstenberg, in Eng. transl., 3 vols., New York, 1860; J. M. Neale and R. F. Littledale, Commentary � from the Primitive and Medi�val Writers, 4 vols., London, 1860-1874; F. Hitzig, Leipsic, 1863 (one of the classics); W. S. Plumer. Philadelphia, 1867; C. H. Spurgeon, Treasury of David, 7 vols., London, 1870-85 (homiletical); J. A. Alexander, 2 vols., New York, 1873; J. G. Murphy, Andover, 1875; W. R. Burgess, 2 vols., London, 1879-82; A. R. Fausset, Hor� psalmica, ib. 1885; A. C. Jennings and W. H. Lowe, 2 vols., ib. 1885; G. H. A. Ewald, in Eng. transl., 2 vols., ib. 1880-81; D. Thomas, 3 vols., ib. 1882; H. Gr�tz, 2 vols., Breslau, 1882-83; J. J. S. Perowne, 2 vols., London, 1886; A. Coles, New York, 1887; F. Delitzsch, 3 vols., London, 1887-88; H. van Dyke, The Story of the Psalms, New York, 1887; H. Hupfeld, 3d ed. by Nowack, Gotha, 1888 (one of the best); F. W. Schultz, Munich, 1888; W. P. Walsh, The Voices of the Psalms, London, 1890; J. Bachmann, Berlin, 1891; J. De Witt, New York, 1891; A. F. Kirkpatrick, in Cambridge Bible, 3 vols., 1891 sqq.; A. Maclaren, in Expositor's Bible, 2 vols., London, 1893-94; W. K. Reischl, 2 vols., Regensburg, 1895; J. Sharpe, London, 1896; B. Duhm, Freiburg, 1899; C. G. Montefiore, London, 1901; A. F. Kirkpatrick, ib.1902; F. Baethgen, G�ttingen, 1904; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Psalms, or the Praises of Israel, London, 1904; J. Wellhausen, in SBOT; L. Hulley, Studies in the Book of Psalms, New York, 1907; J. P. Peters, Notes on Some Ritual Uses of the Psalms, in JBL, xxix. 2 (1910), 113-125; W. O. E. Oesterley, The Psalms in the Jewish Church, London, 1910.

 

1 In view of the existence of "originality and freshness" in so late a book as (e.g.) Jonah (cf. Driver, Introduction,10th ed., p. 322), it seems hardly historical to imply that such qualities were totally and uniformly absent in later times. G. W. G.

PSALMS, USE OF THE, IN WORSHIP. See PSALMODY.

 

PSELLUS, CONSTANTINUS (MICHAEL): Byzantine philosopher and theologian; b. either at Constantinople or Nicomedia 1018; place and date of death unknown. He received his early education from his mother, studied philosophy, and learned the rudiments of law from the later patriarch, Johannes Xiphilinos. For a time he practised law, then entered the public service under the Emperor Michael the Paphlagonian and, except for a brief period which he spent as monk on the Bithynian Olympus, remained in official life either as professor of philosophy in Constantinople or as imperial minister. He lived in the most corrupt time of the Byzantine court and is charged with ambition, vanity, and servility; but he was the most learned man of his time and one of the greatest of Byzantine scholars. His philosophical position as a student and admirer of Plato was not acceptable to the orthodoxy of his day; hence his permanent influence was hardly commensurate with his attainments or his great gifts.

Relatively few of Psellus' theological writings have been printed (cf. the collection in MPG, cxxii. 477-1186; and in K. Sathas, Mesaionike Bibliotheke, vols. iv.-v., Paris, 1874-76). They include an exposition of the Song of Solomon, which follows Gregory of Nyssa, Nilus, and Maximus, with original thoughts added in verse. A dialogue "On the Agency of Demons" (MPG, cxxii. 537-920) between a Thracian and "Timotheos" is the chief source of knowledge of the Thracian Euchites of the eleventh century. Certain memorial addresses�on Symeon Metaphrastes (MPG, cxiv.); on Gregory of Nyssa, Basil of C�sarea, John Chrysostom, and Gregory Nazianzen; on the patriarchs Michael C�rularius, Konstantinos Lichudes, and Johannes Xiphilinos�are also important for church history. The "Various Teachings" is a compendium of theology and Christology, anthropology and ethics, with metaphysics, astronomy, and cosmology intermingled; as printed by Migne this work may be composite. The treatise "On the Definition of Death" and "What do the Greeks Believe about Demons?" approach the domain of philosophy, and the "Opinions about the Soul" and the commentary "On Plato's Generation of the Soul" are philosophical. A large number of spiritual discourses, observations on Old-Testament topics, on the Fathers, etc., is still in manuscript. Psellus also wrote poetry, sometimes in satirical vein which shows no respect for the Church. He was one of the first of the Byzantines to turn proverbs and popular sayings to moral instruction, and herein founded or refounded a special class of literature (cf. K. Krumbacher, Mittelgriechische Sprichw�rter, Munich, 1893). Of his non-theological writings all that need be mentioned here are his Chronographia, comprising the years 976-1079 (published by J. B. Bury in his Byzantine Texts, London, 1899), and his numerous letters. (PHILIPP MEYER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Krumbacher, Geschichte, pp. 79-82, 433-444 (contains a very complete bibliography indispensable to the student); Leo Allatius, De Psellis et eorum scriptis, Rome, 1634, reproduced in Fabricius-Harles, Bibliotheca Gr�ca, x. 41-97, Hamburg, 1804; F. Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Athen in Mittelalter, i. 179-184, Stuttgart, 1889; K. Neumann, Die Weltstellung des byzantinischen Reiches vor den Kreuzz�gen, Leipsic, 1894.

PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OLD TESTAMENT.

I. Preliminary Discussion. Contents and Composition (� 1). 10-11. The Baruch Apocalypses.
Name and Place in Study (� 1). Date (� 2). 12-21. Other Apocalypses.
Object and Character (� 2). 5. The Slavonic Enoch. 22-23. Protoplasts and Twelve Patriarchs.
Varied Interests Touched (� 3). 6. The Assumption of Moses. 24-32. Other Testaments.
Transmission (� 4). 7. II (IV) Ezra. IV. Historical Pseudepigrapha.
lI. Poetic Pseudepigrapha. Texts, Editions, and Character (� 1). 33. Jubilees.
1-3. The Psalms of Solomon, etc. Contents and Date (� 2). 34. The Martyrdom of Isaiah.
III. Prophetic Pseudepigrapha. 8. V and VI Ezra. 35-41. Other Historical Pseudepigrapha.
4. The Ethiopic Enoch. 9. The Logos of Ezra. V. Philosophical Pseudepigrapha.

I. Preliminary Discussion:

1. Name and Place in Study.

By Pseudepigrapha is commonly understood in the Protestant Church a series of writings having a Biblical cast of character which in some ecclesiastical regions have been held in more or less regard, but which, so far as is known, are not found in the manuscripts of the Greek Bible or in the Vulgate. "Pseudepigrapha" is not altogether a happy title, since in both canonical writings and in the Apocrypha there are books which bear a name not that of the author; yet since pseudonymity is the chief external characteristic of these books, and is also that by which collectively they are best known, the title has won a certain right. By Old-Testament Pseudepigrapha are meant writings which, whether of Jewish or Christian authorship, are ostensibly by some personage belonging to the Old Testament or concern such a one; the name New-Testament Pseudepigrapha is kept for gospels, acts, epistles, and apocalypses which go under Christian names, otherwise called New-Testament Apocrypha. The study of the Pseudepigrapha was once left for those whose reputation was for the study of whatever was outr�. Serious attention to them came first through the T�bingen school as a means to knowledge of the transition from Judaism to Christianity. After the work of Fabricius, Dillmann was the first to investigate them; Sch�rer has done notable work in vol. iii. of his well-known work; light has been thrown from the Assyriological side by Gunkel; and rays have come even from Persia and Egypt to illumine the subject.

2. Object and Character.

These writings, so far as they are Jewish in origin, are a product of the late period in the development of that religion, partly belonging to 170-135 B.C. They have a polemic purpose against heathenism both within and without the Jewish fold, and the key word is separation from the Gentiles. On another side the purpose was a strongly framed Jewish propaganda. The writings constitute a national theodicy, the apotheosis of a Judaism that was hastening to its fall. Bound up with an inherent apology for Judaism was the intent to strengthen believers in their faith. Since the persecutions by the Greek overlord, the Jew had been prepared to suffer and to die for the Law which had been the ground of the persecution, expecting his reward in the blessedness of the final eon attained through resurrection. The chief concern of these writings is, therefore, revelation concerning this final state, and many of them bear the name apocalypse or revelation of the end. This is true whether the method is haggadic-midrashic or philosophic. In the eschatological treatment of the future the varied hopes of preexilic prophecy become magnified into gigantic illusion, furthered in part by the magnitude of the world powers concerned. While the predictions of Amos and his contemporaries seemed to have been ended by the exile, the hopes of the Deutero-Isaiah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Joel for a Jerusalem which was to be the world-city of the future were seized upon, and the thought of the times pictured a future beyond a final conflict which was to end the present age and usher in a new one born of heaven. This heaven, however, was not the old one, but a new and spiritualized one already foreshadowed in Isaiah xl. sqq. The world of the then present belonged to the heathen; God had given it up to angels to govern, and was permitting the evil to rule. This dualism was to come to an end in the final day, and Satan was to be shut up in hell; the kingdom of darkness was to give way to the kingdom of light. Then Israel was to come into its own as the dominant nation, though as a newborn Israel of such character that its triumph was to be that of the good over the bad. In some of the minor apocalypses alone did the preexistent Messiah figure; elsewhere God was in the foreground. In order to gain strength to endure the last period of distress, the reawakened hopes of Israel for a better world drew upon the most varied sources, including a mythological and esoteric philosophy of nature, by which to solve the riddle of the past and the future. As Saul sought the witch of Endor to read for him what the future held, so the new seers sought answer to their questioning even in heathen mantic. They underwent a course of discipline to gain the position of adepts in the unraveling of the future. The apocalyptic therefore takes on a half heathen, half monotheistic dress, and out of this come the imagery of beasts, and predictions made by means of secrets and riddles and numbers (see APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, JEWISH). This apocalyptic became the new medium of the propaganda, the new wisdom. As a result, such literature as, e.g., the Book of Enoch, reads like a narrative of great wonders in nature and history, serving curiosity rather than edification. It satisfied, however, the taste of the times for the grotesque. But the form required was that of prophecy, and pseudonymity naturally took the form of apocalyptic. The new prophecy put on the mantle of the old in order to veil itself from the observation of the overlords. The names of Biblical heroes became the designation of communities of disciples, who probably revered saintwise the hero whose name they took. The past was portrayed in the dress of the future, and this feature is sometimes of value in determining the date of the writing. The seer receives readier credence because he is believed in his spiritual state to read the records in heaven, where all is recorded, and to traverse all space and all regions with angels as his guides. The apocalyptic of these writings assumes to be the successor of the earlier prophecy, continues the prediction of the final judgment and of the era of salvation in which this judgment issues, but with the added elements of the transcendental and the universal as constituents of the total presentation.

3. Varied Interests Touched.

The character of these books, therefore, makes them appeal to varied interests. They contain indications of facts in the realm of the history of culture and religion; they teach much concerning the character of later Judaism, supplementing the canonical writings of the Old Testament and revealing the receptivity exhibited by Jews toward ethnic influences in the period of the creation of these books; they bridge the gap between the Old Testament and the New, heralding the new ideas which appear in the latter. The ideas and imagery of the pseudepigraphic writings influenced not only the Christians of the first generations, but they continued to be reflected in the productions and thought-world of the Middle Ages. The profounder knowledge gained by the present age of the culture of the ancient East has shown that even the culture of the present is ringed about and conditioned by what appears in the writings under consideration; the distant past and the immediate present are linked indissolubly together. This apocalyptic speaks, moreover, not merely to the head, but also to the heart. Though modern science may smile at the pictures of heaven and earth here presented, the final victory of the good over the evil is a hope which has not yet ceased to echo in the breast. For the present generation, as for the people of that time, blessedness is a consummation to be attained under supermundane conditions�a hope that transcends reason.

4. Transmission.

The number of Jewish and Christian pseudepigraphic writings must once have been great. Jewish legend ascribes to Enoch no fewer than 366, the Mohammedan legend only thirty. The Apocalypse of Ezra (xiv. 6) tells of seventy secret books which are discriminated from the twenty-four canonical. At first sight, then, it seems strange that so few have survived, but history reveals the cause. Externally Judaism passed through two severe crises, those of 70 A.D. and 135 A.D., and the national-religious hopes of a Jewish hegemony over the nations embodied in these books vanished like a dream in view of the hard fact of defeat. But the surrender of these writings came the easier in that they, like the Septuagint version of the Scriptures, were employed apologetically by the Christian communities, and so the Hebrew originals were by their possessors allowed to disappear. The second cause of loss was the fact that to the philosophically trained Greek theologians of the Church the framework of oriental mythology which supported these writings was clearly apparent. From the centers of church life these writings were banned and found refuge apart from the main currents, in Abyssinia, Armenia, Arabia, and like places, where they have hardly yet ceased to inspire literary activity in similar channels (cf. American Journal of Semitic Languages, xix. 83 sqq.). For ease of discussion it will be well to divide the Pseudepigrapha into poetic, prophetic, historical, and philosophic writings.

II. Poetic Pseudepigrapha:

1-3. The Psalms of Solomon, etc.:

The eighteen Psalms of Solomon which sometimes are found in manuscripts of the Septuagint and are reckoned among the Antilegomena (see CANON OFSCRIPTURE, II., 7) or the Apocrypha, were first edited by the Jesuit De la Cerda in 1626, after which editions by Fabricius (1722), Hilgenfeld (1868-69), Geiger (1871), Fritzsche (1871), Wellhausen (transl., 1874), and Pick (Eng. transl., Presbyterian Review, 1883) were patterned. A new edition on critical principles was issued by Ryle and James (1891), Swete (in his ed. of the Septuagint, vol. iii., 1894), Von Gebhardt (TU, xiii. 2, 1895), and Kittel (1900). The psalms were originally in Hebrew, and were translated into Greek for the Greek-speaking Jewish diaspora. Solomonic authorship is excluded by internal evidence. Of the two hypotheses, that they were written in his name or were afterward given the name, the second is the more likely. The nucleus of the collection is traceable to the time of the overthrow of the Maccabean rule by Pompey, whose death in Egypt was known to the writer. Pompey is frequently referred to (xvii. 7, viii. 15, ii. 1-2, 26-27). The princes of the land (viii. 16-17, xviii. 12) are Aristobulus II. and Hyrcanus II. God has visited the Maccabees, the stealers of thrones and profaners of the temple, and with them their sinful supporters, the wise in counsel (i.e., the Sadducees; , viii. 11, 19). The opposite party, whose mouthpiece the psalmist is, are the Pharisees (ii. 4, 15 sqq., viii. 8 sqq., 23 sqq., xvii. 10, 15 sqq.i. 4, 8-9, iv. 7-9, viii. 8-9, xii. 1 sqq.); while the Pharisees are innocent lambs, saints of God, the righteous and upright, and serve God and not men (iii. 3, v. 19, viii. 23, xiv. 1). The doctrine of God is lofty; his justice and righteousness are proclaimed, and only to the righteous does he grant eternal life (viii. 7, (ii. 28 sqq., xiii. 11, xiv. 10). True regard for the law guarantees the safety of the righteous at the judgment (xiv. 2), and God will send his Messiah, David (xiv. 2, xviii. 5 sqq.). Then will sinners be smitten, the Jewish diaspora, united once more, will reign in Jerusalem, and blessed shall he be who lives in that day (xvii. 23-25, xviii. 6). While these indications suggest the period 65-40 B.C., and the psalms as a whole fit well with this date, attempts have been made to find other settings, as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, or of Jason, or of Ptolemy in 320 B.C., or of Herod. 2. Deserving mere mention is the Ps. cli. of the Septuagint. 3. The Sibylline books are treated in a special article. 3a. For the Odes of Solomon, see SOLOMON, ODES OF.

III. Prophetic Pseudepigrapha:

1. Contents and Composition.

To be treated here are the apocalypses (nos. 4-21 below) and the testaments (nos. 22-32). 4. The Ethiopic Enoch: The Book of Enoch, cited in Jude 14-15, known in whole or in part to the author of Jubilees and mentioned in the Apocalypses of Ezra and Baruch, enjoyed a popularity little less than canonical in the ancient Church until the time of Jerome, and even beyond that was treasured in the Greek, particularly the Alexandrian, Church. It came to the knowledge of European scholars in the eighteenth century, when in 1773 Bruce acquired three manuscripts from Abyssinia, and the editio princeps was published by Laurence in 1838. Important investigations have been made by Dillmann, Schodde, Charles, Beer, and Fleming. While the Ethiopic text is based upon a Greek original, the question of a Hebrew or Aramaic text back of this is still under debate. In its present form the book divides into three principal parts: an introduction on the imminent world-judgment, i.-v.; the body of the work, vi.-cv.; and the close, cvi.-cviii. The main part subdivides into several parts: (a) vi.-xxxvi., of which vi.-xi. tells of the fall of the angels and their preliminary and final punishment, xii-xvi. of Enoch's vision and the first and second punishment of the angels and their progeny, xvii.-xxxvi. describes Enoch's travels in company with the angels; (b) xxxvii.-lxxi. is Messianic; the section xxxviii.-xliv. describes the celestial hierarchy, xlv.-lvii. the Messianic judgment, lviii.-lxix. the blessedness of the righteous in heaven, lxx.-lxxi. Enoch's translation and reception as son of man; (c) lxxii.-Ixxxii. is "astronomical" and relates the dissolution of the universe in the final age and Enoch's return and earthly abiding; (d) lxxxiii.-xc. develops the history of Israel from Adam to the coming of the Messianic kingdom; (e) xci.-cv. contains varied admonitions and warnings. The book as a whole is a sort of natural and spiritual philosophy, a revelation of things secret, present and future, in nature and history, including the life and fortunes of Enoch. The book is a composite of pieces that have crystallized about the name of Enoch in which the periods of growth and the seams which unite them and even the raw edges are still visible. Thus to one composition belong vi.-xi., Ix., lxv.-lxix. 25, cvi.-cvii., and other smaller sections, and even vi.-xi. is blended from two sources; and xvii.-xxxvi. is also capable of analysis, as is indicated by the double name of the Messiah. A new book is begun with xxxvii. 1, containing Enoch's genealogy as that of a person hitherto unknown, and the manner of introduction and character of the writing prove that the source was not oral but written, and in this part Enoch is characterized as "son of man." It further appears that the astronomical book is a conclusion to the travels, though not necessarily originally an organic part thereof. A good introduction is furnished by i.-v.; xii-xvi. joins on suitably to the account of the fall and punishment of the angels; xvii.-Ixxxii. gives the perspective for the predictions; and the warnings and exhortations come appropriately at the end. But that there are infelicities in the arrangement may be seen on comparing lxx.-Ixxi. with lxxxi. 7. Two sets of traditions are present in the book, one an Enoch cycle, the other a Noah cycle, though literary analysis has not yet had its last word.

2. Date.

Among the oldest strata must be placed the apocalypse of the ten weeks, xciii. 1-14, xci. 12-17, which, since there is no mention in it of the Maccabees, must date earlier than 167 B.C. Next earliest is the vision of the seventy shepherds; xc. 9 points to the Maccabees, the "great horn" being either Judas Maccabeus or John Hyrcanus, placing lxxxv.-xc. either before 160 or c. 135-130 B.C. The party strife revealed in cii.-ciii. and related parts is better referred to the period of Alexander Jannaeus (104-78 B.C.) than to that of John Hyrcanus. The speculations on cosmogony and cosmology betray the influences of Greek and late oriental philosophy. To later strata belong xxxvii.-Ixix., which follow the chronology not of the Samaritan Pentateuch but of the Septuagint. The Sadducees are referred to in xxxviii. 5, xlvi. 8, xlviii. 10, liii. 5-6. There is no clear trace of conflict with the Romans, and a time prior to 64 B.C. is indicated for the descriptive parts, and may not be referred to the time of Herod, nor can the Messianic passages be regarded as interpolations from Christian sources. The materials from the Noah cycle have to do mostly with angelology and cosmology, and it is noteworthy that a Noah source of similar purport was employed by Jubilees x. 13, xxi. 10. The place of redaction was probably northern Palestine, the hills of which suggested the imagery of the fall of the angels. It appears that the work as completed served the purpose of a reference book by which to answer problems arising concerning time and eternity�it was the apocalyptic Bible of Judaism in the time of Christ. No other apocalypse has so large a range; moreover, confidence in the coming world rule of the Jews is as yet unbroken, doubt as to salvation has not yet arisen, the final catastrophe�the destruction of Jerusalem�has not yet occurred. Psychologically, IV Ezra is a finer work, but its reach is less and its comprehensiveness more confined.

5. The Slavonic Enoch: This was published by Popow in 1880, in a shorter recension by Nowakowitch in 1884, by Charles and Morfill, Oxford, 1896, in German translation by Bonwetach, G�ttingen, 1896. The Slavonic is derived from a Greek text, and is not dependent upon the Ethiopic Enoch. Enoch's travels through the seven heavens are narrated in iv.-xxi., creation and history from Adam to the flood occupy xxii.-xxxviii., teaching and exhortation are found in xxxix.-lxvi; Enoch's ascension is given in lxvii., and a review of his life in lxviii. The first part is in closest touch with the Ethiopian Enoch; the origin is Jewish, but the material was worked over by a Christian redactor. Reference to the Jewish sacrifices requires a date before 70 A.D.

6. The Assumption of Moses: This work was known from Origen's De principiis (III., ii. 1) as the source of the quotation in Jude 9. A large fragment was found by Ceriani in the Ambrosian Library at Milan in 1861 and by him published. It has since been published or translated by Hilgenfeld 1866, 1876, Volkmar 1867, Schmidt and Merx 1868, Fritzsche 1871, Charles 1897, and Clemen, in Kautzsch's Apokryphen, T�bingen, 1902. A Hebrew or Aramaic origin is probable. According to chap. i., Moses when 120 years old and in the year of the world 2500 gave this secret book to Joshua; it contains the story of Israel's experiences till the establishment of the Messianic kingdom (i-x.), after which Israel was to undergo severe sufferings for its sins (xi.-xii.). The close of the book, including the Assumption of Moses and the part quoted by Jude, is lost. The tradition concerning the book discriminates between a Testament of Moses (which corresponds to the extant portion) and an Analepsis Mouseos, two names which correspond to the two parts of the book, the first of which'is Ceriani's, while the second is extant only in patristic citations. In vi. 1 sqq. the Hasmoneans are referred to as the evil and blasphemous priest-kings. The king who follows them and reigns for thirty-four years is naturally Herod the Great. The mighty king of the West who sends his cohorts and general (Quintilius Varus) into Palestine is Augustus (vi. 8-9). But vi. 7 shows that the author must have written before the death of Philip and Antipas, and the time must have been soon after the death of Herod, though some have placed the book all the way down to 138 A.D. On account of his attacks upon Hasmoneans, the Herodians, and the Pharisees, the author has been taken for an Essene or a Zealot; but the recognition of the sacrifice in ii. 6, iv. 8, and the view of the future in chap. x. do not tally with Essenic notions, while the presentation of chap. ix. does not fit in with the teachings of the Zealots. Others have seen in the author a Messianic pietist, or a pious and earnest nationalistic Jew, or a quietistic Pharisee---conceptions which are not very far apart, nor far from yet another hypothesis, that he was a Pharisaic quietist and rigorist. He was at any rate a close follower of the author of Daniel; Herod, the follower of the degenerate Hasmoneans, takes the place of Antiochus Epiphanes. He sees help in the immediate future, however; the godless rule is to be succeeded by a period of stress, and then comes the rule of God.

1. Texts, Editions, and Character.

 7. II (IV) Ezra: This name comes from the Latin, in which the canonical Ezra (Esdras) and Nehemiah are reckoned as I and II Ezra, and the apocryphal Ezra is III Ezra. The original name seems to have been "Ezra the Prophet" or "Apocalypse of Ezra." It is extant in Latin, Syriac, Ethiopic, Armenian, and two Arabic renderings. The corrupt Latin text was printed by Fabricius 1743, by Van der Blis 1839, by Volkmar 1863, by Hilgenfeld 1869, and by Fritzsche 1871, and it often appears in the Vulgate printed after the New Testament. A new text which supplies a large gap in the text as hitherto known was prepared by Bensly and published after his death by James, on the basis of Codex Sangermanensis and three other manuscripts (TS, iii. 2, 1895). This supersedes all previous texts. Under the name "Confession of Ezra" the section viii. 20-36 circulates as a separate piece and is found in independent translation and in copies. The Syriac was published in 1868 and 1883 by Ceriani, preceded by a Latin rendering in 1866. Laurence issued the Ethiopic in 1820 with a Latin and an English translation, and Dillmann published a critical text on the basis of newer material in 1894. A translation in English of one of the Arabic texts was issued by Ockley on the basis of Codex Bodleianus in 1711, an Arabic edition by Ewald appeared in 1863; he also made available the other Arabic text in part, though it was first issued in full by Gildemeister in 1877 after a Vatican manuscript. The Armenian was issued in the Armenian Bible of 1805, and is in the collection of Old-Testament Apocrypha issued by the Mechitarists in 1896. While these texts rest upon the Greek, it is evident from internal testimony that back of this lay a Hebrew original, which has been lost. The exceedingly abundant citations and references in patristic writings testify to the diffusion and popularity of the work in the early Church, a popularity which lasted down into the Middle Ages. The Latin is nearest to the original, after which follow the Syriac and Ethiopic. Renderings into modern languages by Volkmar 1863, Ewald 1862-63, Bissell 1880, Lupton 1888, and Z�ckler 1891, are superseded by that of Gunkelchen, 1900. The occasion of the book was the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans (spoken of as Edom, iii. 15-16, vi. 7-10), and the purpose is to unroll a brighter future for the Jews. So Ezra, thirty years after the destruction of the city by the Chaldeans (the Romans), has seven visions. The first three are speculative, the next three eschatological, and in the seventh are found the close of Ezra's life and the genesis of the apocalypse.

2. Contents and Date.

In the first three visions (iii. 1-ix. 25) the present calamity of Israel is a particular example of a more general disaster. Israel's misfortune is severer than its guilt, hence.the mystery in the fact that those who are greater sinners oppress Israel (iii. 28, 31-32, v. 23 sqq.). The riddle is difficult, but reason is man's gift to employ, hence the attempt to solve it. The coming age will show that God loves his people (v. 33), and this age is near (iv. 44, v. 48); God himself is bringing the end when the Roman rule will cease (v. 3, vi. 6, 9) amid signs and wonders in heaven and earth, though but few will share in the results (vii. 45 sqq.). At the judgment sinners will be condemned, the judgment being one of righteousness and not of mercy (vii. 33 sqq.). The punishment of sinners is painted in fearsome colors. In the fourth vision (ix. 26-x. 59) is represented the expectation that Zion's time of sorrow is soon to be over, and then Jerusalem will be rebuilt. In the fifth vision (x. 60-xii. 50) is seen an eagle with twelve wings, three heads, and eight subordinate wings, which rises in the sea and flies over the land. After twelve wings and six subordinate wings have ruled and vanished and only one head and two wings are left, a lion comes out of the wood and pronounces judgment on the eagle. The eagle is the last of the four kingdoms of Dan. vii. In the sixth vision (xiii. 1-58) a man arises from the sea and flies with the clouds, and as men come to fight with him, he destroys them with flames from his mouth. The explanation shows that this man is God's son, the savior of the world, who restores the ten tribes to their home. In the seventh vision Ezra prepares for his end and dictates his visions for forty days in ninety-four books. The book is in dialogue, in which the angel Uriel is one of the speakers. Too little is known of the popular traditions to permit tracing the separate parts to their origins or to decide upon the interrelations. But the author evidently belonged among the patriotic visionaries. He holds that for the Jews was the world created, and that to them, as masters, must it come. The direr their present misfortunes, the greater the reward that shall be theirs. The difference between the author's utterances and those of Jeremiah in a like situation is vast. There are similarities between Ezra and Paul, yet for Ezra the interest is in the national theodicy and in Jewish apologetic, while Paul's desire is release from the power of sin. Paul represents the early prophets as a personal witness; Ezra covers himself under pseudonymity and takes refuge in occultism and esoterism. The date before which the book could not have been written is 70 A.D., since the author has outlived the fall of Jerusalem. A more exact dating is hard to discover. Wellhausen sees in v. 1-12 a suggestion of Neronic times, and in v. 8 a reference to the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D. Others discern in this last only general apocalyptic features. But the book does not seem to have been written under the immediate influence of the fall of the capital, and a considerable period of subsequent misfortune seems to have been experienced, perhaps thirty years had elapsed (iii. 1). The eagle is quite certainly Rome. Possibly the first wing represents Caesar, the second Augustus; the troubles of the central period point then to the events after Nero's death; the three heads may be Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. Other combinations have been worked out differing in details only from that just suggested. The date has been placed as early as 31 B.C. (Gutschmid) with Christian interpolations, and as late as 75-100 A.D. (Le Hir), with interpolations by Jews or Christians c. 218 A.D. The attempts made by Kabisch and De Faye to analyze the book into component sources fail in view of the general unity of coloring prevailing throughout. The place might be either Palestine�on account of the Hebrew language of the original�or Rome, where it might have issued from the diaspora (cf. iii. 2, 29, v. 17).

8. V and VI Ezra: Into the Christian Church the Jewish Ezra-Apocalypse came with many changes. Since the first Latin Bible of 1462, the book has been enlarged by two chapters prefixed and two added at the end, these being of Christian origin, the first section appearing both as IV Ezra i.-ii. and as V Ezra and the second as IV Ezra xv.-xvi. and as VI Ezra. At any rate these are to be distinguished both from the Apocalypse of Ezra and from each other. The first is complete in itself, and separates into two parts: (1) i. 5-ii. 9 is a threat against the early people of God, the Jews, who are rejected by God because of their unthankfulness; (2) ii. 10-47 consists of promises to the present people of God, the Christian, to whom the heavenly kingdom belongs. It was written in Greek, uses abundantly Old-Testament prophecy, is vigorous in style, and reminds one of Stephen's speech and of the Letter of Barnabas by its polemics. Its relations with the Shepherd of Hermas and with the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas suggest the year 200 A.D. as the lowest date for its composition, and the West as the place. VI Ezra threatens the heathen (IV Ezra xv. 6-xvi. 35) and comforts Christians (xvi. 36-78) because the day of distress is near. The general tone implies Christian origin, reflects a persecution in the entire eastern half of the Roman empire, and suggests 120-300 as the date, and Asia Minor as the place of composition. 9. The Logos of Ezra:Tischendorf published in his Apocalypses Apocryphi (Leipsic, 1866), pp. 24 sqq., a "Logos and Apocalypse of the Holy Ezra and of the Beloved God," a Christian apocalypse of very late date showing the inavertibility of divine judgment upon sinners and setting forth the impending punishments. Other apocalyptic literature under the name of Ezra is known, one concerning the sway of Islam (cf. Baethgen, ZATW, 1886).

10-11. Baruch Apocalypses: Besides the Apocryphal Baruch, a series of Jewish and Christian writings have appeared under the name of Baruch, the friend and helper of Jeremiah. (10) The best known and worthiest of these is that discovered by Ceriani in a Syriac manuscript of Milan and by him published in the original (Monumenta sacra et profana, 1871, and Translatio Syra Pescitto, iv. 257 sqq., 1883), and in Latin translation (Monumenta sacra et profana, i. 2, pp. 73 sqq., 1866). The letter of Baruch to the nine and a half tribes, standing at the end, was known earlier and printed in the Paris and London polyglots. A new English translation of the Apocalypse by Charles appeared in 1897, and one in German by Ryssel in 1900. The Syriac is from a Greek original of which xii. 1-xiii. 2 and xiii. 11-xiv. 3 were found by Grenfell and Hunt. The Greek goes back to a Hebrew original. In i.-v. it appears that in the twenty-fifth year of Jeconiah God announced to Baruch the imminent fall of Jerusalem. The next day the Chaldeans appear before the city, and angels have concealed the sacred vessels and destroyed the walls (vi.-viii.). Baruch fasts seven days and receives further revelations, and Jeremiah accompanies the captives to Babylon (ix.-xii.). After another fast Baruch learns that judgment awaits the heathen; Zion is thrown down that the world's end may the sooner come (xiii.-xx.). The first destruction of Jerusalem is to be followed by a second, which ushers in the time of blessedness (xxi.-xxxiv.). Then follows a series of visions, some of them preceded by fasts, in the first of which the Messiah appears and establishes his kingdom. One reveals the history of Israel from Adam on, the sea appears as of alternating dark and clear waters, each having its significance; and then come the two letters, one to the nine and a half tribes, the other to the two and a half (xxxv.-Ixxvi., where the text breaks off). This book was written after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, as is shown by the characterization of the destroyers (as Chaldeans, a mask which the author employs) and by clear reference to the defilement of the temple by Pompey (the first destruction). Sections appear which seem to indicate for parts a date earlier than this, e.g., xxxix.-xl., lxix.-Ixx. Relations exist between this book and IV Ezra; one must have used the other, though which is the earlier is doubtful, and the scholars are nearly equally divided upon the question. Other data for settling the time of composition than comparison with IV Ezra and the general historical background do not exist. While 70 A.D. is the terminus a quo, the apparent use of it by Papias in the depiction of the fruitfulness of the millennial kingdom fixes the terminus ad quem. The author was an adherent of Judaism, but his residence is not determinable. (11) A Greek Apocalypse of Baruch was discovered by Butler in a manuscript in the British Museum in 1897 and published by James (TS, v. 1), accompanied by an English translation of the Slavonic text by Morfill; German translation after James' text by Ryssel in Kautsch's Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha (1900). The Slavonic text is an extract from the Greek, which is shorter than the original known to Origen �he speaks of seven heavens, the Greek has five, the Slavonic only two. It sets forth that Baruch, grieving over the fall of Jerusalem, is comforted by the promise that he shall learn deep secrets, and he journeys through the five heavens in company with an angel. The narrative reminds one of the Slavonic Enoch. The basis is Jewish, but there are Christian interpolations. Other Baruch literature exists, but of Christian origin, one writing picturing the fortunes of the Church, especially the Ethiopic Church; another is a Slavonic Vision of Baruch, and there is a Latin Apocalypse of Baruch.  12-21. Other Apocalypses: Nicephorus, Ambrosiaster, and Jerome mention (12) an Apocalypse of Elijah or a book of his, and Origen seems to make I Cor. ii. 9 a citation of it, though Jerome combats this, and he seems to refer it to an Ascension of Isaiah. A Hebrew Apocalypse of Elijah, placed by one editor in the post-Talmudic period and by another in the third century, was published by Jellinek in 1855 (Bet-ha Midrasch III., xvii. 65 sqq.) and by Buttenwieser in 1897. (13) The Apocalypse of Zephaniah, a work "of the Prophet Zephaniah," is mentioned by Nicephorus, and was known to Clement of Alexandria, who mentions it as containing both an "Ascension of Isaiah" and descriptions of a journey in the heavens and hells; the seer is caught up and led up through the various heavens, in the fifth of which he sees the angels called by him kurioi, "lords." Possibly to this Zephaniah apocalypse are to be traced a writing extant in two Coptic dialects, also two others mentioned by Steindorff (see IBLIOGRAPHY) which deal with an establishment of a Messianic kingdom to last a thousand years upon a renewed earth. The unity of the first part (i.-xviii.) appears in the general relations. So the anonymous apocalypse of Steindorff and his fragment of a Zephaniah book together agree with the character of the apocalypse known to Clement of Alexandria. The second part, though it speaks of Elijah (in the third person), is not really an Elijah apocalypse, and goes well with the first part to complete a Zephaniah apocalypse. The whole is either a Christian work or a Jewish production worked over by a Christian, and in its present form is probably later than Clement of Alexandria, possibly of the second half of the third century. (14) From an Apocalypse of Jeremiah Jerome derives Matt. xxvii. 9, while Origen ascribes it to a Secreta Eli�. The Coptic Bible contains a short prophecy ostensibly by Jeremiah. Eph. v. 14 is by Epiphanius attributed to an Apocalypse of Elijah, but others�e.g., Euthalius and Syncellus�ascribe it to an Apocryphon Jeremi�. (15) An Apocalypse of Zechariah is named by Nicephorus, a Christian writing based on Luke i. 67. (16-18) Nicephorus speaks also of a Habakkuk writing, one of Ezekiel, and one of Daniel. (19) An Apocalypse of Moses is named by Syncellus as the basis of Gal. v. 6, vi. 15. (20) In the anonymous list of canonical books a writing of Lamech finds mention. (21) Nicephorus speaks of a writing of Abraham, possibly the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham published by Bonwetsch in German in 1897, in which Abraham is taught by an angel to offer an acceptable sacrifice, is taken to heaven and there receives revelations regarding the history of his people. It is of Jewish origin, is used by the Clementine Recognitions, before which therefore it was composed. Possibly to be distinguished from this is the book of the same name used by the Sethite Gnostics (Epiphanius, H�r., xxxix. 5), possibly the Inquisitio Abraham�  of Nicetas; also the Testament of Abraham published by James in 1892 (TS, ii. 2) and by Bassilyew in 1893 (Anecdota Gr�co-Byzantina, i.) in Greek, English in ANF, of which Slavonic, Rumanian, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions are extant.

22-23. Protoplasts and Twelve Patriarchs: Anastasius Sinaita makes mention of a (22) Testament of the Protoplasts which said that Adam on the fortieth day after his creation went to Paradise. This report is in both the Book of Jubilees and in the Book of Adam and Eve. (23) The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs is cited by Origen, is probably referred to in Nicephorus and the synopsis of Athanasius. The Greek text was edited by Grabe, 1698, 1714, repeated by Fabricius 1713, Gallandi 1788, and Migne 1857; comparative edition by Sinker 1869, 1879, critical edition by Charles, London, 1908, also English translation of the same. The book is known in Old Slavonic, Armenian, and Latin versions. The contents are in substance the history told by each of the morbescent patriarchs to their descendants, with warnings and exhortations which fit with the character of the person speaking, and are drawn from the personal experience of the speaker as revealed in the Old Testament. With curious unanimity nearly all the patriarchs speak of the leadership of Judah and Levi. There seems to be a reference to Christ as savior, and one to Paul as the apostle to the heathen; consequently, since 1810 it has been customary to attribute this work to a Christian, the only controversy being over the type of Christianity represented. The author has been called an Essene, an Ebionite, a Nazarene, a Pauline Christian, and so on. But the work has a ground work of Jewish provenance; the Christian references are interpolations. While special emphasis is not laid upon the Law, and when spoken of it is rather as morals than as ritual, yet the development is in general such as would interest only a Jew. The Christian interpolations, on the other hand, are very definite, and the Christology is patripassian. There appear, however, at least two strata of these interpolations, and the Jewish basis is not a unit, traces of a double recension appearing. The work had probably a long history in the synagogue before it came into the possession of the Church. The time of composition is indicated by portions which are closely parallel with passages in the Book of Jubilees. The earlier author is clearly a partizan and adherent of the Maccabean house, especially in its phase of priest-princes, on account of which it of right rules the other tribes, as well as because of its success in its conflicts with the heathen in which it won religious and political liberty. Other parts show as clearly the breach between the Hasmoneans and the Pious �thus the stock of Levi has through its wickedness led astray the whole of Israel (Testament of Levi, xiv. sqq.). The times of Aristobulus II. and of Hyrcanus II. are clearly referred to. The love for the Maccabees which in some parts of the book shines out has in others turned to hate. Thus it appears that the origin of the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs must be placed along the way from c. 166 to 64 B.C. For the Christian interpolations therein the terminus ad quem is Iren�us, to whom the reference to Christ as sprung from the tribes of Judah and Levi was known.

24-32. Other Testaments: Only the title is known of (24) a book Of the Three Patriarchs. (25) On a Coptic Testament of Abraham cf. I. Guidi, Il testo copto del Test. di Abramo (Rome, 1900). (26) There is a Testament of Jacob named in the Decretum Gelasiii, and a Testament of Isaac and Jacob is known. The Proseuche loseph, Prayer or Blessing of Joseph, containing some 1,100 stichoi, spoken of by Origen and Michael Glykas, is possibly the same as the "words of Joseph the upright" of the Ascension of Isaiah, iv. 22, to which some see reference in Ecclus. xlix. 12. (27) The Testament of Moses named by Nicephorus, Pseudo-Athanasius, and elsewhere may be the same as Jubilees (no. 33 below); though if the number of stichoi is correctly given as 1,100, this supposition can hardly be sustained. (28) A Testament of Ezekiel appears in the Martyrdom of Isaiah (no. 34 below). (29) For the Testament of Adam and Noah see no. 39 below. (30) In the Acts of the Council of Nic�a appears a Book of the Mystic Words of Moses, of which nothing further is known. (31) On the Book of Eldad and Modad cf. G. Beer in iI>Monatschrift f�r Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1857, pp. 346 sqq. It is named in the Shepherd of Hermas, Vision, ii. 3. (32) On the Testament of Job, related to the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, cf. James, Apocrypha Anecdota, v. 1, in TS, 1897, pp. lxx. sqq., 103 sqq., and Conybeare in JQR, 1900, pp. 111 sqq.

IV. Historical Pseudepigrapha: These are the product for the most part of the Hellenistic Jews who busied themselves in the second and first centuries before Christ in narrating and adorning the Biblical stories as a part of their propaganda.

33. Jubilees: For the patriarchal history Epiphanius, many of the Byzantine writers, and others relied upon a book cited as Jubilees, Little Genesis, and under like titles. Either a like work, or one excerpted from this, was known as the Apocalypse of Moses, the Life of Adam, the Testament of Moses, or Book of the Daughters of Adam. In the thirteenth century it was lost to knowledge, and reappeared in the middle of the last century in an Ethiopic "Book of Jubilees," published first by Dillmann from two manuscripts in 1859, by Schodde in translation (Oberlin, 1888), by Charles from four manuscripts in 1895, in translation in 1902 from further material, and by Littmann in 1900 (in Kautzsch, Apokryphen). Ceriani discovered fragments of a Latin translation containing about one-third of the matter in the Ethiopic text in a manuscript in the Ambrosian library in Milan, which he published in 1861; R�nsch edited them in 1874 and Charles in 1895. There are indications of a Syriac translation, though whether of excerpts or of the whole is not decided. The Ethiopic text goes back to a Greek version, which is derived from a Hebrew, as is shown by the traces of plays on words which require for explanation a Hebrew (not an Aramaic) original (cf. iv. 15, 28). Tendencies to a use of New Hebrew are shown in the use of Mastema for Satan (e.g., in x. 8). On the whole, the Ethiopic text is reliable and in good condition, though gaps, probably having a purpose or "tendency," are indicated. The contents run parallel to Biblical history from the creation to the institution of the Passover (Gen. i.-Ex. xii.). A very definite chronology is involved, the whole period from the creation till the entrance into Canaan being arranged in fifty jubilee periods of forty-nine years each (2,450 years). Each event is located with reference to this chronological scheme. The text of Genesis is employed in the manner of midrash, the narrative embellished, the text itself sometimes suppressed or altered to fit the needs of the author. The spirit of the priestly writer is intensified. Thus the Sabbath was not an institution begun at creation, but was observed by God and the archangels; circumcision was not begun with Abraham, the angels employed it; the entire Mosaic law is but the replica of an eternal exemplar. Even the tabernacle existed in heaven. Similarly, the weaknesses of the patriarchs are glossed, and what to the advanced sense seemed bad theology underwent change. Abraham's statement about Sarah is suppressed, the temptation of Abraham proceeded not from God but from Mastema (Satan), and Jacob was never tricky nor unrighteous. The advantages accruing to the chosen people are set in high lights. The isolation of Israel from the heathen is emphasized�the heathen are the inheritance of Israel, and whoever gives his daughter to a Gentile gives her to Moloch. Jubilees assumes to be derived from Moses, an esoteric work, which includes esoteric material communicated by the patriarchs from Enoch by way of Methusaleh, Lamech, Noah, Shem, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph. So that it may be described as a haggadic-halachic supplement to the Torah from a Levitical-apologetic standpoint. The background of Jubilees is a period when the religious and national peculiarities of Israel were in danger of extinction from foreign culture�i.e., between 200-160 B.C. It reflects the emphasis laid upon the Sabbath and circumcision through the attempts of Antiochus Epiphanes to abolish those institutions. Of like purport is the stress laid upon avoidance of marriage with Gentiles and even of eating with them; and also the suggestion of abstention from the games of the stadium. The victorious career of the Maccabees lies behind the history as reflected in the victory of Jacob and his sons over the Amorites (xxix. 10-11, xxxiv. 1 sqq.), and the victories of John Hyrcanus over the Edomites also are past, while Herod has not yet come to the throne. The high-priestly functions assumed by the Maccabean house are present realities, regarded as legitimate permanencies. The author appears as a Pharisee of the straitest sect, yet as an ardent believer in the Maccabean leadership. The time of the composition therefore seems to be the middle period of the reign of John Hyrcanus. The program of the author seems to be a sanctioning of the Pharisaic idea of government by and through the Maccabeans. While the period of the reign of Alexandra, which has been proposed, would in some respects fit the circumstances, there is no hint of the breach between the Pharisees and the Maccabees which immediately preceded that reign. There is little to support the supposition that the author has used the visions of the Ethiopic Enoch and that therefore a time in the reign of Herod is to be assigned for the composition of Jubilees.

34. The Martyrdom of Isaiah. Origen frequently mentions an apocryphal Jewish writing in which the martyrdom of Isaiah is recounted; Epiphanius and Jerome speak of an Ascension of Isaiah; the Montfau�on Canon cites a Horasis Hesaiou, known in the eleventh century to Euthymius Zigabenus; in the beginning of the twelfth century Georgius Cedrenus mentions a Testament of Ezekiel; Sixtus Senensis in 1566 speaks of a Latin translation of a Vision of Isaiah printed at Venice in 1522 (rediscovered by Gieseler and published in 1832). In 1828 Mai published two fragments of an Old Latin translation of the Ascension (Nova collectio, iii. 2, pp. 238-239). In 1819 light was thrown upon the Isaianic work current under various names by the publication by Laurence of an Ascension of Isaiah from an Ethiopic manuscript; Gfr�rer reissued Laurence's Latin translation in 1840; Dillmann issued a critical edition of the Ethiopic with Latin translation in 1877; and Charles edited in 1900 the Ethiopic and the Latin texts, using Bonwetsch's Latin translation of a Slavonic version of the Vision and the large Greek fragment of Grenfell and Hunt (which they published in Amherst Papyri., part i., 1900). The work contains a prediction by Isaiah in the twenty-sixth year of Hezekiah of the godlessness of Manasseh's reign (chap. i.); after Hezekiah's death Manasseh devotes himself to the service of Satan, and Isaiah flees into the solitude (ii.); a certain Belchira accuses Isaiah to Manasseh of agitating against king and people, stirred to this by Satan, who hates Isaiah because of his prophecy of salvation through the Messiah (iii. 1-iv. 22); Manasseh has Isaiah sawn asunder (v.); in the twentieth year of Hezekiah Isaiah has a vision in which an angel leads him to the seventh heaven, where he learns that Christ is to descend to earth; he is then led back to the firmament where he beholds the story of Jesus from his birth till his ascension, when the angel returns to heaven and Isaiah to his earthly life (vi.-xi.). The book has arisen from uniting two entirely discrete compositions, one purely Jewish which relates the martyr death of Isaiah under Manasseh, the other a purely Christian ascension or vision; to these were added two other pieces as introduction and conclusion, together with shorter pieces which were interpolated, part of them corresponding to the Testament of Ezekiel mentioned by Cedrenus (ut sup.). The legends of the martyrdom of Isaiah, probably influenced by Iranian legendary elements, were possibly known in writing to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 37) and to Justin Martyr (Trypho, cxx.); and this gives the terminus ad quem for at least a part of the book. The terminus a quo can not be determined, but the origin is connected at least with II Kings xxi. 16, and the development belongs with the midrash on the prophets, which continued to unfold with such exuberance in the early and middle church periods, furnishing stimulus to fidelity in times of persecution. From a historic standpoint the Christian part is more illuminating than the Jewish, connecting as it does with gnostic and docetic views in the early Church (cf. xi. 2 sqq.). Here the oldest part appears to be the closing section, which gave the name to the entire book. In another part are reflected the bad shepherds and false prophets of the Christian communities of the early second century (iii. 13 sqq.; cf. the Shepherd of Hermas and the Didache). The disorganized condition of the communities appears to the author as a sign of the end.

35-41. Other Historical Pseudepigrapha: To be mentioned first is (35) Paralipomena Jeremi�. The kernel of this book, interpolated by Christians and Jews, is found in the Abyssinian Bible with the double title Reliqui� verborum Baruch and Reliqui� verborum Jeremi�,  put with the other Baruch and Jeremianic writings. It exists in Ethiopic, Greek (Men�um Gr�corum), Armenian, and Slavonic. It begins, like the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, with the days before the capture of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans and the securing by Jeremiah of the temple furnishings. Baruch stays in Jerusalem, Jeremiah goes to Babylon. Abimelech, sent by Jeremiah to the vineyard of Agrippa for figs, falls asleep and wakes up sixty-six years later, returns to the city, finds all changed, seeks Baruch, who is ordered to write Jeremiah a letter to the effect that if the people separates itself from the heathen, it shall be led back to the city. An eagle carries the letter to Jeremiah, together with the figs which are still fresh, and Jeremiah leads the people back. Jews who have brought along Babylonian wives are not admitted to the city; they then found Samaria. Jeremiah falls as dead in the city, revives after three days and praises God for salvation in Christ, and the people stone him to death for his prophecy. The terminus a quo is determined by the use of the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch; the terminus ad quem is possibly the first decade of the second century. (36) The book Joseph and Asenath, belonging to the midrashic propaganda against mixed marriages, employs the romance, widely diffused, that Asenath became the wife of Joseph after eating with him the "blessed bread of life," drinking a "potion of immortality," and being anointed with the "oil of incorruption." A book dealing with the contest between Moses on the one side and the Egyptian sorcerers (37) Jannes and Jambres (cf. Ex. vii. 8 sqq.; II Tim. iii. 8) is mentioned by Origen (on Matt. xxiii. 37, xxvii. 9) and is compared by Sch�rer with the "Penitence of Jamnes and Mambres" of the Decretum Gelasii. Pliny (Hist. nat., XXX., i. 11) knows of a book under the name of Jannes, which may therefore go back to pre-Christian times. A book other than the Prayer of Manasses (cf. APOCRYPHA, A, IV., 4) was known in Jewish circles under a title like (38) "The Conversion of Manasseh" (cf. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti, i. 1100-02). (39) The Books of Adam are of interest in that they deal with speculation regarding original man; the Genesis narrative is fused with foreign sources. A Jewish Book of Adam is known to the Talmud, and an apocryphal Adam is known to the Apostolic Constitutions (vi. 16). A haggada, originally Jewish but worked over by a Christian, exists under the misleading title "Apocalypse of Moses," published by Tischendorf in 1866, by Ceriani in 1868, and in a Latin Vita Ad� et Ev� (published by Meyer, 1878), which goes back to a Greek original. The two texts, found in Kautzsch's Pseudepigrapha, correspond in part verbally, but each has sections not found in the other. An Armenian version, depending on a Greek text (which, however, is not original), was given in English translation by Conybeare in 1895. The Spelunca thesaurorum published by Bezold in Syriac and German in 1883-88 is enlarged in a Vita Adami published by Trumpp in 1880 from the Ethiopic, while the first part of the Vita Adami is from the Hexa�meron published by Trumpp in 1882. In the closest connection with this circle is the Testament of Adam (Syriac and French by Renan, 1853; Greek fragment by James, 1893). The Gnostic Sethites had very early an Apocalypse of Adam, and other Gnostics a Gospel of Eve. A P�nitent� Ad� is condemned in the Decretum Gelasii, and a "Life of Adam" is cited by Syncellus. A Gnostic writing entitled (40) Noria (wife of Noah) is cited by Epiphanius (H�r., xxvi. 1), who names also a Descent of Jacob (Gen. xxviii.) in H�r., xxx. 16. For the (41) Letter of Aristeas see ARISTEAS.

V. Philosophical Pseudepigrapha: Mention may be made of (42) IV Maccabees or "The Supremacy of Reason," which was falsely attributed to Josephus. The book is based upon II Macc. vi. 18-vii. 42. For the literature of sorcery cf. Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 294 sqq., Eng. transl., II., iii. 151 sqq. A review of the later Jewish eschatological literature is afforded by Buttenwieser, Outline of the Neo-Hebraic Apocalyptic Literature, 1901. Much will be added to the knowledge of early Christianity when a more systematic investigation has been carried through not only of the contemporaneous pseudepigraphic Jewish literature, but also of the Talmud and of Jewish and even Mohammedan legend and indeed of the "new-oriental" body of literature.

(G. BEER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Collections and translations are: J. A. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti, vols. i.-ii., Hamburg, 1722-23; A. F. Gfr�rer, Prophet� veteres pseudepigraphi, Stuttgart, 1840; Migne, Dictionnaire des apocryphes, Paris, 1856; A. Hilgenfeld, Messias Jud�orum, Leipsic, 1869; O. F. Fritzsche, Libri apocryphi, ib. 1871; O. Z�kler, Die Apokryphen nebst einem Anhang �ber die Pseudepigraphenlitteratur, Munich, 1891; J. Winter and A. W�sche, Die j�dische Litteratur seit Abschluss des Kanons, vol. i., Berlin, 1894; E. Kautzsch, Die Apocryphen and Pseudepigraphen des A. T., T�bingen, 1900; the Uncanonical Writings of the Old Testament found in the Armenian MSS. of the Library of St. Lazarus, Eng. transl. by J. Issaverdens, Venice, 1901 (contains the Book of Adam, History of Assenath, History of Moses, Deaths of the Prophets, Concerning King Solomon, History of Prophet Elias, History of the Prophet Jeremiah, Vision of Enoch, Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, III Esdras, and other fragments).
Discussions introductory and explanatory will be found in DB, i.109-110; EB, i. 213-250; Sch�rer, Geschichte, vol. iii., Eng. transl., II., iii. 1-250; JE, i. 669-685; E. Reuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften des A. T.,  Brunswick, 1890; W. J. Deane, Pseudepigrapha, Edinburgh, 1891; J. E. H. Thomson, Books which Influenced our Lord and his Apostles, ib. 1891; E. de Faye, Les Apocalypses juives, Paris, 1892; and the works on O. T. introduction by K�nig, Bonn, 1893, H. L. Strack, Munich, 1895, and C. Cornill, T�bingen, 1905, Eng. transl., London, 1907. Further illustrative material will be found in A. Hilgenfeld, Die j�dische Apocalyptic, Jena, 1857; J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Pal�stina zur Zeit Christi,  Freiburg, 1866; A. Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,Heidelberg, 1873; M. Vernes, Hist. des id�es messianiques, Paris, 1874; J. Drummond, The Jewish Messiah, London, 1877; H. Gunkel, Sch�pfung und Chaos, G�ttingen, 1895; O. Holtzmann, Neutestamentliche Zetlgeschichte, Freiburg, 1895; W. Bossuet, Antichrist, G�ttingen, 1895; idem, Die Religion des Judentums, Berlin, 1903; E. H�hn, Die messianischen Weissagungen des j�diachen Volkes, T�bingen, 1899; Schrader, KAT; P. Volz, J�dische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba, T�bingen, 1903; W. Baldensperger, Die messianischen apokalyptischen Hoffnungen des Judentums, Strasburg, 1903; M. Friedl�nder, Geschichte der j�dische Apologetik, Berlin, 1903; L. Conrad, Die religi�sen und sittlichen Anschauungen der . . . Pseudepigraphen, G�tersloh, 1907; DCB, iv. 506-510.
On the Psalms of Solomon the one book for the English reader is the ed. of Ryle and James, Cambridge, 1891, which gives the earlier literature. Further consult A. Carri�re, De psalterio Salomonis, Strasburg, 1870; Vernes, ut sup., pp. 121-139; J. Wellhausen, Pharis�er und Sadduc�er, pp. 112-164, Greifswald, 1874; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 133-142; P. E. Lucius, Der Essenismus, pp. 119-121, Strasburg, 1881; Deane, ut sup., pp. 25-48; J. Girbal, Essai sur les psaumes de Solomon, Toulouse, 1887; Thomson, ut sup., pp. 268-296, 423-432; E. Jacquier, in L'Universit� catholique, new series, xii (1893), 94-131, 251-275; Levi, in REJ, xxxii (1896), 161-178; W. Frankenburg, Die Datierung der Psalmen Salomos, Giessen, 1896.
For the Ethiopic Enoch the one edition is that of Charles, Oxford, 1906 (gives the Greek text, the Ethiopic from the use of twenty-three manuscripts, and the Latin fragments; a new translation is promised). The Greek fragments from Akhmim were published by Lods in M�moires publ�s par les membres de la mission fran�aise au Caire, ix. 1, 3, 1892-93; by Lods, Le Livre d'H�noch fragments d�couverts, Paris, 1892; by Swete in his ed. of the Septuagint, iii. 789 sqq., 1899. The Latin fragment is in TS, ii. 3 (1893). English translations are by Laurence, London, 1821; Schodde, Andover, 1882; and Charles, Oxford, 1893. The best discussion is by Charles in his edition of the text. Descriptions of the material and ideas may be found in the general works of Vernes, Drummond, Deane, Faye, and Thomson named above. An excellent Fr. transl. is by F. Martin, Paris, 1906, with notes; a phase of the discussion is by H. Appel, Die Komposition des �thiopischen Henochbuches, G�tersloh, 1906. A very full list of literature is given by Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 203-209. For the Slavonic Enoch the ed. by Morfill and Charles named in the text is best; cf. Harnack, Geschichte,  ii. 1, pp. 564 sqq.; and Charles in DB, i. 708-711. On the Assumption of Moses consult: The discussion of Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 213-222 (excellent list of literature), Eng. transl., II., iii. 73-83; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 74-84; Lucius ut sup., pp. 111-119, 127-128; Deane, ut sup., pp. 94-130; Thomson, ut sup., pp. 321-339, 440-450; Faye, ut sup., 67-74, 222-224; DB, iii. 448-450. For IV Ezra consult: B. Violet, Die Esra-Apocalypse, Leipsic, 1910; Gunkel in Kautzsch's Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, ut sup.; Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 232-250, Eng. transl., II., iii. 93-114; A. Le Hir, �tudes bibliques, i. 139-250, Paris, 1869; Wieseler, in TSK, xliii (1870), 263-304; Gutschmid, in ZWT, iii (1860), 1-81; E. Renan, in Revue des deux mondes, March 1, 1875, pp. 127-144; idem, Les �vangiles, pp. 348-373, Paris, 1877 (also in Eng. transl., London, n.d.); Drummond, ut sup., pp. 84-117; O. Kabisch, Das vierte Buch Ezra, G�ttingen, 1889; Faye, ut sup., pp. 14-25, 35-45, 103-123, 155-165; C. Clemen, in TSK, Ixxi (1898), 237-246. In the case of the Baruch Apocalypse note should be taken of the edition of the Greek fragments by Grenfell and Hunt in the publication of the Egypt Exploration Fund, Oxyrhynchos Papyri, vol. iii., 1903, and of the Germ. transl. by Ryssel in Kautzsch's Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen, 1900. For discussion consult: J. Langen, De apocalypsi Baruch, Freiburg, 1867; Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 223-232, Eng. transl., II., iii. 83-93; E. Renan, in Journal des savants, April, 1877, pp. 222-231; idem, Les �vangiles, pp. 517-530, Paris, 1877; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 190-198; A. Hilgenfeld, in ZWT, xxxi (1888), 257-278; Deane, ut sup., 130-162; Thomson, ut sup., pp. 253-267, 414-422; O. Kabisch, in JPT, xviii (1892), 66-107; Faye, ut sup., pp. 25-28, 77-103, 192-204; J. R. Harris, in Expositor,  April, 1897, pp. 255-265; C. Clemen, in TSK, lxxi (1898), 227-237. On the Apocalypses of Zephaniah and Elijah consult: Bouriant in M�moires publi�s par les membres de la mission arch�ologique fran�aise au Caire, i. 2 (1885), 260 sqq.; Stern, in Zeitschrift f�r �gyptische Sprache, xxiv (1886), 115 sqq.; G. Steindorff, Die Apokalypse des Elias, in TU, ii. 3 (1899; gives Coptic text, Germ. transl., and glossary). For the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs the best book is the translation by Charles, with introduction and notes, London, 1908. For discussions consult: Conybeare, in JQR, v (1893), 375 sqq., viii (1896), 260 sqq., xiii (1900), 111 sqq., 258 sqq., Preuschen in ZNTW, i (1900), 106 sqq.; Bousset, in ZNTW, i (1900), 141 sqq., 187 sqq. Also: C. G. Wieseler, Die 70 Wochen und die 63 Jahrwochen des Propheten Daniel, pp. 226 sqq., G�ttingen, 1839; W. A. van Hengel, De Testamenten der twaalf Patriarchen, Amsterdam, 1860; J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Pal�stina, pp. 140-167; Freiburg, 1866; F. Schnapp, Die Testaments der zw�lf Patriarchen, Halle, 1884; Faye, ut sup., 217-221; Deane, ut sup., 162-192; Kohler, in JQR, v (1893), 400-406; Harnack, Litteratur, ii. 1, pp. 566-570; Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 252-262, Eng. transl., II., iii. 114-124.
On the Book of Jubilees or Little Genesis the all-important, almost all-sufficient, book for the English reader is Charles' transl. with notes, London, 1902, with which should be used his ed. of the Ethiopic in Anecdota Oxoniensia, viii., Oxford, 1895. Other material which may not be overlooked is H. R�nach, Das Buch der Jubil�en, Leipsic, 1874; J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Pal�stina, pp. 84-102, Freiburg, 1866; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 143 147; Deans, ut sup., pp. 193-236; Thomson, pp. 297 330, 433-439; W. Singer, Das Buch der Jubil�en, part i., Stuhlweissenberg, 1898; and the Germ. transl. in Kautzsch, Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, ii. 31 sqq., 1900. For the Martyrdom of Isaiah again the best for the English reader is Charles' ed. and transl., London, 1900; cf. E. Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, pp. 292 sqq., T�bingen, 1904. Consult further: A. F. Gfr�rer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, i. 65 sqq., Stuttgart, 1838; J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Pal�stina, pp. 157-167, Freiburg, 1866; Deane, ut sup., pp. 236-275; DCB, iii. 298-301; Harnack, Litteratur, i. 854-855, ii. 1, pp. 573-579, 714-715; C. Clemen, in ZWT, iv (1896), 388-415, v (1897), 455-465; Zeller, in ZWT, iv (1896), 558-568; Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 280-285, Eng. transl., Ill., iii. 141-146. The Greek text of Paralipomena Jeremi� was published by Ceriani in Monumenta sacra et profana, v. 1, pp. 9 sqq.. Milan, 1868; J. R. Harris, Rest of the Words of Baruch, London, 1889; and by Bassiljews in Anecdota Græco-Byzantina, i. 308 sqq., St. Petersburg, 1893. The Ethiopic text is in A. Dillmann, Chrestomathia �thiopica, pp. 1 sqq., Leipsic, 1868; and a Fr. transl. is by R. Basset, Paris, 1893. The Armenian text is published by Karapet, in Zeitschrift des armenischen Patriarchats, 1895; Eng. transl. in J. Issaverdens, Uncanonical Writings of the Old Testament, Venice, 1901; cf. Apocrypha Anecdota in TS, v. 1, pp. 158, 164-165, 1897. On the Slavonic cf. Harnack, Litteratur, i. 916. Consult further Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 285-287. The Greek text of Joseph and Asenath is in J. A. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphus, iii. 85-102, and in P. Battifol, Studia patristica, parts i.-ii., Paris, 1889-90. The Latin text is also in Fabricius, ut sup., i., 1774; by Battifol, ut sup., i. 89-115. A Syriac transl. is in J. P. N. Land, Anecdota Syriaca, iii. 18-46, 4 vols., Leyden, 1882-75; and there is an Eng. transl. by B. Pick in The Christian Herald,  New York, Mar. 16 and 23, 1904. An Armenian text was issued by the Mechitarists in Venice, 1896. Consult Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 289-292; DCB, 178-177; DB, i. 162-163; and Perles, in Revue des �tudes juives, xxii (1891), 87 sqq. For the Books of Adam consult: S. C. Malan, The Book of Adam and Eve, London, 1882; C. Tischendorf, Apocalypses apocryph�, Leipsic, 1886; Ceriani, Monumenta sacra et profana, v. 1, pp. 21 sqq.; Le Hir, ut sup., ii. 110 sqq.; Sch�rer, Geschichte, iii. 287-289, Eng. transl., II, iii. 146-148; Conybeare, in JQR, vii (1895), 216 sqq.; M. Gr�nbaum, Neue Beitr�ge zur semitischen Sagenkunde, pp. 54-79, Leyden, 1893; E. Preuschen, Die . . . Adamschriften, Giessen, 1900: Kautzsch, Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen, ii. 506 sqq., 1900.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND OTHER FORGERIES.

The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and Isidore Mercator. The Author (� 6). Sources and Treatment (� 2).
Manuscripts (� 1). History of the Collection (� 7). Time and Place of Origin (� 3).
Contents and Description (� 2). The Hispana Gallica Augustodunensis. Motive, Tendency, and Authorship (� 4).
Sources and Method (� 3). The Capitula Angilramni. History and Relation to other Forgeries (� 5).
Time and Place of Origin (� 4). Benedict Levita. Certain General Considerations.
Motives, Animus, Tendency (� 5). Contents and Description (� 1).  

The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals are certain fictitious letters ascribed to early popes, from Clement to Gregory the Great, incorporated in a ninth-century collection of canons purporting to have been made by "Isidore Mercator." Three other lawbooks of the same time and place are closely connected with these false decretals and are necessarily treated with them, viz.: the Pseudo-Isidorian recension of the Spanish collection of canons; the Capitula Angilramni; and the capitularies of Benedict Levita. The name "Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals" has been in use since the awakening of criticism in the sixteenth century, and Bernhard Eduard Simson in 1886 gave the fitting designation "Pseudo-Isidorian Forgeries" to the whole series. In the present article the collection of "Isidore Mercator" is referred to as the Pseudo-Isidoriana, its author (or authors; see V., below) as the Pseudo-Isidore. The Hispana is the Spanish collection of canons, the Hispana Gallica the form of it current in Gaul in the early Middle Ages (see II., below); the Dionysio-Hadriana is the edition of the collections of Dionysius Exiguus presented to Charlemagne by Pope Adrian I. in 774; the Quesnelliana is the collection published by Paschasius Quesnel (Ad S. Leonis Magni opera ii. appendix, Paris, 1675; see also CANON LAW, II, 3, �� 1, 3; 4, � 2).

I. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and Isidore Mercator:

1. Manuscripts.

Seventy-five manuscripts of the Pseudo-Isidoriana are known, which differ widely one from another. They fall into five classes designated as A1, A2, A/B, B, and C. Class A1 doubtless represents the oldest recension, although some scholars have maintained the priority of A2; its earliest manuscripts belong to the ninth century, and its codices contain, as a rule, the complete collection in three parts. Class A2 is a recension but little later than A1, from which it differs by omitting entirely the second part of the complete work (the Councils; see 2, below) and all of the Decretals after the first letters of Damasus (d. 384); most of the manuscripts of this class are characterized by a clumsy chapter-division of the Decretals. Class A/B, of which no manuscript earlier than the eleventh century is known, represents a combination of the form A1 with the Hispana of Autun (the Hispana Gallica Augustodunensis; see II, below) and with the original Hispana; the text of the Decretals conforms more closely with the latter, while for the Councils a manuscript of the Augustodunensis has apparently been worked over in clumsy fashion and approximated to the Pseudo-Isidoriana. Class B, represented by five manuscripts dating from the middle of the twelfth century to the thirteenth, and class C, of which the oldest manuscript belongs to the twelfth century, are recensions of A/B and B, showing transpositions, additions, and omissions.

2. Contents and Description

The Pseudo-Isidore took as the basis of his work the Hispana Gallca Augustodunensis (see II., below), thus lessening the danger of detection, as collections of canons were commonly made by adding new matter to old, and his forgeries were less evident when incorporated with genuine material. As represented in manuscripts of the class Al, the work consists of a preface and three parts. The order of arrangement is historical, as in the Augustodunensis. The following table gives the contents in detail, with the character or source of the sections. The numbers in parentheses are dates, the page references are to Hinschius' edition; P = the Pseudo-Isidore; H, HG, HGA = the Hispana, Hispana Gallica, Hispana Gadlica Augustodunensis; DH = the Dionysio-Hadriana; Q = the Quesnelliana


Preface, pp. 17-20; by P.
  1. Decretals from Clement to Melchiades (d. 314), pp. 20-247.
    1. Introductory, pp. 20-30.
      1. Letter from Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, to Damasus (388-384) asking for copies of decisions of all popes from Peter to Damasus, with the reply of the latter, pp. 20-21; forgeries by P.
      2. Ordo de celebrando concilio, pp. 22-24; genuine, from HG.
      3. Table of contents to parts i. and ii., pp. 25-26; nos. 1-32 by P, nos. 33-78 genuine, from HG.
      4. Fifty "Apostolic Canons" (also in HGA from DH) and a brief letter from Jerome to Damasus, pp. 26-30; both forgeries earlier than P; for the former, see APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS, �� 1, 4.
    2. Sixty decretals representing all popes (thirty in number) from Clement to Melchiades, pp. 30-247; all forgeries, most of them by P, the few which he has borrowed (e.g., the two letters of Clement which open the series) interpolated by him. The Liber pontificalis was used as a historical guide and furnished some of the subject-matter.
  2. Councils, pp. 247-444.
    1. Introductory, pp. 247, 257.
      1. De primitiva ecclesia et synodo Nic�na, pp. 247-249; pseudo-Isidorian.
      2. The "Donation of Constantine" (q.v.), pp. 249-254; forgery earlier than P.
      3. Quo tempore actum sit Nic�num conciliurn, p. 254; from HG.
      4. Epistola vel pr�fatio Nic�ni concilii, pp. 254-257; composed in the fifth century, from Q.
      5. Alia pr�fatio ejusdem concilii metrice composita, p. 257; in HGA from DH.
    2. Canons of fifty-four synods�Greek to Chalcedon, 451 (including the canons of Sardica, forged probably in the fifth century), African, Gallic to the Third Arles, 524, and Spanish to the Thirteenth Toledo, 683, pp. 258-444; for the most part genuine = part i. of HG with some interpolations and additions.
  3. Decretals from Silvester (314-335) to Gregory II. (715-731), pp. 444-754.
    1. Introductory, pp. 444-448.
      1. A brief preface, p. 444; from H.
      2. Table of contents to part iii. pp. 445-448; from no. 26 based on the table of HGA.
    2. Decretals of thirty-three popes from Silvester to Gregory II., pp.449-754; in general = part ii. of HGA. Compared with H, fourteen apocryphal and seven genuine insertions are found, viz.: Apocryphal: (1) pp. 449-451, the so-called "Constitution of Silvester," a forgery of the early sixth century, worked over by P; (2) pp. 451-498, twelve Pseudo-Isidorian forgeries from Marcus (336) to Liberius (352-366); (3) pp. 498-499, letter from Damasus to Jerome and Jerome's answer, forgeries, Pseudo-Isidorian and earlier than P respectively; (4) pp. 501-508, letter of Archbishop Stephen and three African councils to Damasus and answer, Pseudo-Isidorian (in HGA); (5) pp. 509-515, Damasus De vana superstitione chorepiscoporum vitanda, pseudo-Isidorian (in HGA); (6) pp. 519-520, Damasus, Ad episcopos per Italiam constitutos, Pseudo-Isidorian; (7) pp. 525-527, two letters of Anastasius, by P; (8) pp. 561-565, letter of Sixtus III., by P; (9) pp. 628-629, decretal of Leo I., De privilegio chorepiscoporum, and Silverius' Damnatio Vigilii, earlier than P (the tract Cum de ordinationibus, pp. 822-825, is from HGA, worked over by P); (10) pp. 675-884, acts of the fifth and sixth synods under Symmachus, by P; (11) pp. 894-709, two letters of John I. two of Felix IV., one each of Boniface II., John II., and Agapetus I., and two of Silverius, Pseudo-Isidorian; (12) p. 712, a seventh chapter added to the letter of Vigilius to Profuturus; (13) pp. 712-732, one letter each of Pelagius I., John III., and Benedict I., and three of Pelagius II., by P; (14) pp. 747-753, letter of Felix, bishop of Messina, to Gregory I. and answer, found only in one manuscript of the class A2 and in those of class C, uncertain whether earlier or later than P, but in his manner and showing his tendencies. Genuine: (1) pp. 516-519, two decretals of Damasus, from the Historia tripartita of Cassiodorus; (2) pp. 533-544, seven writings of Innocent I., from Q; (3) pp. 565-580, fifteen writings of Leo I., from Q; (4) pp. 637-649, four letters of Gelasius I., from Q and DH; (5) pp. 657-664, the first three of the synods of Symmachus, from DH; the Liber apologeticus of Ennodius (d. 521) is inserted here (pp. 664-675) with a characteristic interpolation (p. 685), and, further, two letters of the same Ennodius, ascribed to Symmachus (pp. 684-686); (6) pp. 735-747, four letters of Gregory I., one from the Collectio Pauli, three from uncertain sources; (7) pp. 753-754, Gregory II.'s Roman synod of 721, from DH (in HGA).1
  4.  
  5. The falsity of the Pseudo-Isidore's fabrications is now admitted, being proved by incontestable internal evidence (e.g., anachronisms like the use of the Vulgate and the Breviarium Alaricianum�composed in 506�in the decretals of the older popes), by investigations concerning the sources and method of the fabricator (see 3, below), and by the fact that Pseudo-Isidorian letters were unknown before 852.

    3. Sources and Method.

    The fabrications of the Pseudo-Isidore are not expressed in his own language, but consist of sentences, phrases, and words taken from older writings, genuine and apocryphal, set together into a mosaic of about 10,000 and pieces. The excerpts are freely altered and are sometimes given a sense directly opposite to the original, but by his method the Pseudo-Isidore sought to give to his ninth-century product the stamp of antiquity. The labor involved was enormous; and the search for the sources of the Pseudo-Isidore's excerpts (begun by David Blondel, 1628; continued by Hermann Knust, 1832, and Paul Hinschius, 1863; an additional source disclosed by the publication of the Irish collection of canons in 1874) has shown a reading on his part which is astonishing in its breadth and extent. He may have used abridgments and collections�such as florilegia or anthologies from the Bible, the Fathers, etc.�but, even so, he must be reckoned among the most learned men of the ninth century. The following are some of the sources drawn upon: (1) the Bible, extensively (Vulgate text, but with noteworthy variations); (2) the acts of forty-five or fifty synods and councils; (3) the decretals of twenty popes, mostly of the fifth and sixth centuries, none of the ninth; (4) Roman law (the extracts are sometimes attributed to the Council of Nic�a or the Apostles); (5) the Germanic Lex Wisigothorum; (6) the capitularies of Frankish kings, sparingly; (7) the P�nitentiale Theodori and the Martenianum; (8) more than thirty Church Fathers and other writers, and letters of bishops and private individuals; (9) the "Donation of Constantine," the Liber pontificalis, the rules of Benedict and Chrodegang, etc.

    4. Time and Place of Origin.

    Thus far the results of investigation have been definite and are generally accepted. The field of controversy is now entered with the questions of the date and place of origin of the collection. The recension A2 (perhaps A1) was used by Hinemar of Reims in his Capitula presbyteris of Nov. 1, 852, unless the passage is a later interpolation, as is maintained (without good reason) by some scholars. It is certainly cited in the Admonitio (by Hincmar) of the capitulary of Quiercy, Feb.14, 857. One of these dates, then�Nov. 1, 852, or Feb. 14, 857�is the terminus ante quem of the publication of the collection, and its completion may be set a few months earlier. It is more difficult to fix the terminus post quem; but Benedict's capitularies were completed after Apr. 21, 847 (see IV., � 3, below); and when his fourth addition (admitted to be the latest part of his work) was written, the false decretals were not yet completed (see IV., �� 3, 5, below). The autumn of 847 is perhaps the earliest date, and, all things considered, about 850 or 851 is the most probable date for the completion of the collection. How long a time was spent in its preparation can only be conjectured; but a cautious judgment will hardly set the birth-year of the Pseudo-Isidorian idea earlier than 846 (see 5 and 6, below).

    Concerning the place, it may be asserted with confidence that the Pseudo-Isidoriana originated in the Frankish realm. Earlier investigators believed in Mainz, but this hypothesis is now rejected, and later scholars, almost without exception, turn to the west; West-Frankish conditions about 847 are the necessary background of the Pseudo-Isidorian picture (see 5 and 6, below). In 1886 Bernhard Eduard Simson came forward as a vigorous supporter of Le Mans as the more specific place of origin, basing his hypothesis upon a comparison with two writings which are known to have originated in Le Mans (the Gesta domni Aldrici Cenomannic� urbis episcopi, ed. R. Charles and L. Froger, Mamers, 1889; and the Actus pontificum Cenomannis in urbe degentium, ed. G. Busson and A. Ledru in the Archives historiques du Maine, ii., Le Mans, 1901), and maintaining that they resembled all the Pseudo-Isidorian forgeries, in language and style, showed the same bias and tendency, and used the same sources. Later investigations have not been favorable to the hypothesis of Le Mans, and it is now discarded. Julius Weizs�cker first suggested Reims, and Hinschius followed with acute and convincing arguments. The province of Reims (the archdiocese, not the diocese) is now regarded as having most in its favor and least to militate against it (see 6, below).

    5. Motives, Animus, Tendency.

    The Pseudo-Isidore himself declares (in the first sentence of his preface) that his aim was to "collect the canons, unite them in one volume, and make one of many"�a laudable endeavor, but not a justification of forgeries and falsifications. He added some genuine matter to his basis (see 2, above) and so far may deserve the praise of an honest compiler, even though the genuine additions may have been intended to hide the false. At all events, it is clear that it was not his purpose to produce a complete exposition of church discipline; many topics�the conferring of benefices, tithes, simony, monastic matters, some parts of the marriage law, etc.�he did not even touch upon. His main object was to emancipate the episcopacy, not only from the secular power, but also from the excessive influence of the metropolitans and the provincial synods; incidentally, as a means to this end, the chorepiscopi were to be suppressed, and the papal power was to be exalted. The Pseudo-Isidore's attitude and activity find their explanation only in the general conditions of the West-Frankish Church at the middle of the ninth century; and when these are understood, he appears in his true light, not one aiming to serve the ambition of any individual or to advance himself, but as the representative and spokesman of a party. The harmonious cooperation between Church and State under Charlemagne had given way under his successors to an antagonism between the secular and spiritual authorities. Disturbed conditions resulted from the civil wars under Louis the Pious and his sons. The bishops suffered in consequence and found themselves compelled to seek protection from the civil power, where they were exposed to false accusations prompted by avarice, while the imperial synods, before which they were tried, were political and partizan. Between 818 and 835 several bishops were deposed, and others through fear fled from their sees. A reform party arose and at various synods (Paris, 829; Aachen, 836; Meaux-Paris, 845-846) sought in vain to remedy the intolerable conditions by an appeal to the old canons. At the Diet of �pernay (June, 846) the insolence of the predatory nobility and its disregard of just demands made at the Synod of Meaux passed the limit of endurance in the estimation of the reform party. Redress by secular legislation was hopeless after the division of the Empire in 843, and in their need the reformers grasped at falsification as a last resort. The (false) capitularies of Benedict had already sought to promote their cause by misuse of the authority of the great Charlemagne, and now the Pseudo-Isidore attempted to cast the highest ecclesiastical authority in the scale of reform. From his point of view the Gallic Church had to choose between two evils�either to secure unity and strength by submission (with proper restrictions) to the pope, or to be involved in the downfall of the Carolingians; and he chose the former as the lesser. Perhaps, also, by his fictitious ancient law he hoped to convert the obstinate nobility and proud metropolitans, and animate cowardly synods. At any rate he made the venture in spite of the fact that he must have known it was dangerous and would probably be futile.

    The Pseudo-Isidore's regard for the bishops appears in the hyperboles he uses about them ("in the bishops you should venerate God, and love them as your own souls"; "you (bishops) are given us as gods by God"). A charge may not be brought against a bishop by a layman or an inferior cleric. The accuser must prove himself not heretical, excommunicated, of bad reputation, neither a freedman nor a slave, not on bad terms with the accused, not actuated by hatred or avarice, and much more of the same sort. The accused, on the other hand, need take no notice of a charge unless in full possession of his property, income, and authority, the so-called exceptio spolii, and it is made the business of the court to restore these if they have been impaired. If a charge comes to trial, both accuser and accused must be present, but the latter can not be compelled to attend. The accuser must prove his charge by witnesses, each of whom must himself be legally qualified to become an accuser, and seventy-two witnesses are necessary to condemn a bishop. The accused has the right of appeal to the primate or the pope at any stage of the proceedings. If by any chance the case goes against the bishop, the verdict is not valid until confirmed by the pope. A similar attempt is made to tie the hands of metropolitans and provincial synods. The Pseudo-Isidorian primacy is nothing more than an empty name. The synod is made wholly dependent on the pope. The papal power is exalted, but solely as a means to the end desired, viz.: to protect the bishops against the political and ecclesiastical parties of West Franconia and make them supreme. What a weapon he was putting into the hands of the popes to use against the bishops when occasion arose, the Pseudo-Isidore seems not to have realized. He looked upon the chorepiscopi (see CHOREPISCOPUS) as rivals of the bishops, who diminished the influence of zealous diocesans, and so discharged the duties of neglectful prelates that sees might maliciously be declared vacant. He would, accordingly, eliminate them entirely. His attitude toward the civil power may be judged from what has already been said. He aims to keep church property in the hands of the bishops, takes from the king the right to call a synod without the consent of the pope (with the object of preventing the trial of a bishop), and forbids the accusation or condemnation of a bishop in a civil court. He even extends the episcopal jurisdiction to secular cases ("every one oppressed may appeal to the judgment of priests "), although this is his only incursion into the secular sphere. Political rule he does not claim either for the bishops or the pope, and secular legislation as such he does not touch, leaving worldly matters to the worldly power and its laws.

    6. The Author

    "Isidore Mercator" is evidently a pseudonym, the first part chosen to imply that the collection emanated from Isidore of Seville (as was actually believed in the ninth century and later), the second part from the cognomen of a fifth-century writer, Marius Mercator (q.v.). All attempts to identify Isidore have failed, the best of them being mere guesses. Benedict Levita and Otgar, archbishop of Mainz in 826-847, were tenable suppositions only so long as Mainz was believed to be the place of origin (see 4, above). Besides, "Benedict Levita" is itself a pseudonym (see IV., � 4, below). Wenilo, archbishop of Sens (840-865), and Servatus Lupus, abbot of Ferri�res (d. after 862), have also been supposed, though without sufficient reason, to have written the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals; while Leodald, deacon of Le Mans, or Bishop Aldrich and his canons are advocated by those who hold to the hypothesis of Le Mans (see 4, above). Three names are connected with Reims�Ebo, Wulfad, and Rothad. Ebo (q.v.), archbishop of Reims after 816, was despoiled of his estates by the emperor, confined in Fulda, and deposed at a synod at Diedenhofen Mar., 835, on the ground of a written confession. The Pseudo-Isidore's exceptio spolii (see 5, above) manifestly fits Ebo's case, as does also his fiction ascribed to Alexander I. declaring writings invalid if "extorted by fear, fraud, or force" (the phrase quoted is used by Ebo in his Apologeticum of 842). In Aug., 840, Ebo was uncanonically reinstated by Lothair. Again a decretal ascribed to Julius (p. 471 [11. 7 sqq.], ed. Hinschius) seems inspired by Ebo, as it makes his restoration regular. In 841 Charles the Bald drove Ebo from Reims, and in 844 or 845 Louis the German made him bishop of Hildesheim, where he remained till his death (Mar. 20, 851), cherishing the hope of restoration to Reims. The Pseudo-Isidore seems to aim at making the restoration easier when he declares (p. 152 and elsewhere) that, in case of an expelled bishop, a translation may be made at any time and without the synodal decree required by law. It is thus evident that Ebo had an interest in the forgeries; but though it is known that scruples against falsifying did not deter him from seeking to advance his cause by that dubious method, there is no satisfactory evidence to show that he wrote the Pseudo-Isidoriana or that he directly instigated its composition. The case is the same with Wulfad and Rothad; either may have written the work or had a hand in it; there is no proof that either did. Wulfad was canon of Reims, deposed in 853, then abbot of St. Medard in Soissons. He was a leader of Ebo's party, a man of learning and culture, highly esteemed by Charles the Bald. Rothad was bishop of Soissons from 832 or 833. Both men were powerful opponents of Hincmar.

    To sum up: It is not known who wrote the Pseudo-Isidoriana. There is, however, a strong probability that it emanated from the aggressive new-church party in the province of Reims, consolidated by events into a faction bitterly hostile to Hincmar. After his restoration Ebo ordained a number of clerics at Reims in 840 and 841. They were not molested at first after he was expelled, but in 845 Hincmar suspended them (see HINCMAR OF REIMS), and they were in constant fear of having their ordination declared invalid. They thus had a personal interest in establishing the invalidity of Ebo's deposition and the validity of his restoration. Their suspension rendered it impossible for them to perform their ordinary duties; and the painfully uncertain situation in which they found themselves furnished the incentive to employ their involuntary leisure in an attempt to secure relief by forging documents. For the division of the work among members of the group, see V., below.

    7. History of the Collection.

    It was in West Franconia (and in the province of Reims) that the completed and published work first appeared. The earliest known citations are Hincmar's of 852 (or 857; see � 4, above). In Hincmar's contests with his suffragans, Rothad of Soissons and Hincmar of Laon, the false decretals were the decisive factor�in the former case, with help from the pope, in favor of the suffragan, in the latter case against the recalcitrant subordinate. There is some reason to believe that Hincmar discerned the true character of the documents; he was learned enough to do so, but he seems to have deprecated the controversy that must follow, if he spoke out boldly; and, moreover, he was not unwilling, on occasion, to use the decretals for his own purposes and to beat his enemies with their own weapons. It is probable that Rothad carried the decretals to Rome in 864 and laid them before Pope Nicholas I. The first sure intimations that Nicholas knew of them appear in his Christmas address of that year and in a letter of Jan., 865, to the Frankish bishops, both utterances being in regard to Rothad's contest with Hincmar. Adrian II., in 871, quotes a decretal of the Pseudo-Anterus, and a synodal address of 869, probably composed by Adrian himself, has more than thirty citations from the Pseudo-Isidore's collection; it is noteworthy as the first extensive use of the false decretals in favor of the claims of the Roman see. In the reform movements of the eleventh century their full possibilities and effect were disclosed. In Germany the first citations are in the acts of synods at Worms (868), Cologne (887), Metz (893), Tribur (895), and�at greater length�Hohenaltheim (916). At Gerstungen (1085) both the Gregorian and the imperial parties appealed to the false decretals; and an utterance of the papal legate (who afterward became Pope Urban II.) and the Saxon bishops concerning them is noteworthy for its doubting and contemptuous tone. They were introduced into England by Lanfranc. Spain they reached only as embodied in the later collections of canons. It was these collections which did most for their acceptance and dissemination. The oldest which embodies Pseudo-Isidorian material (A2) is the Collectio Anselmo dedicata, made, probably in Milan, between 883 and 897. Others followed (see CANON LAW, II., 5, � 1), and a collection made in Italy under Leo IX. about 1050 is little more than a compendium of the Pseudo-Isidoriana (250 of its 315 chapters are from the forgery). When it was admitted to Gratian's Decretum, its acceptance became absolute.

    With the possible exception of Hincmar and the guarded expression of the Synod of Gerstungen, no one raised his voice against the forgeries till the fifteenth century. Then Heinrich Kalteisen of Coblenz, Nicholas of Cusa, and Juan Torquemada challenged the decretals of Clement and Anacletus. In the next century suspicion extended as far as Siricius (Erasmus; two editors of the Corpus juris canonici, Charles Du Moulin, 1554, and Antoine Le Conte, 1556; Georgius Cassander, 1564). The "Magdeburg Centuries" (1559) and David Blondel (1628) brought the full and incontestable proof. For the history of criticism since then, see the bibliography.

    II. The Hispana Gallica Augustodunensis:

    As already stated (I., � 2, above), the Pseudo-Isidore took as the basis of his work the so-called Hispana Gallica Augustodunensis or manuscript of Autun. In the early Middle Ages the Spanish collection of canons (Collectio canonum Hispana, MPL, lxxxiv.; see CANON LAW, II., 4, � 2) was current in Gaul in a very corrupt text (the Hispana Gallica; represented by Cod. Vindobon., 411 s�c. IX. ex.), many of its readings being quite unintelligible. The Augustodunensis (represented by only two manuscripts�both unedited�Cod. Vat. 1341 s�c. XI. ex. and Cod. Berol. Hamilton 132 s�c. IX.) presents this text with numerous changes, some of them attempts at emendation which improve the grammar and make sense�though they increase the deviation from the genuine Hispana and often change the meaning�but others very striking substitutions and additions. These changes are based in part on genuine sources (the Dionysio-Hadriana and Hibernensis), in part are pure inventions which show the aims, prejudices, and tendencies of the Pseudo-Isidore. The entire scheme for protecting bishops against charges and deposition (see I., � 5, above) is already thought out. The additions (noted above, I., � 2) are made up by the Pseudo-Isidore's compilatory method (see I., � 3, above). The date of the recension must fall between 845 and 848, most probably about 847. Thus all data indicate that the Augustodunensis was produced by the Pseudo-Isidore himself. It may be considered as paving the way for the Pseudo-Isidoriana in double manner�a preliminary exercise in falsification by the forger (or forgers) and a means of preparing the public later to receive the more ambitious attempt.

    III. The Capitula Angilramni:

    This is a short collection of seventy-one brief chapters, most of them relating to charges against clerics, especially bishops, and thus treating of the Pseudo-Isidore's chief theme. It is now generally agreed that they are forgeries, that neither Angilram, bishop of Metz, nor Pope Adrian I. (772-795), whose names are connected with them (see ANGILRAM), had anything to do with them, and that they are closely connected with the Pseudo-Isidoriana. They are usually added as an appendix to manuscripts of the latter of the complete form (A1). Probably they were prepared independently of the Pseudo-Isidoriana and were used as one of its sources. Most of them appear there in the decretals of Julius and Felix II. as promulgated by the Council of Nic�a. The relation to Benedict's capitularies is uncertain; each work seems to have used the other, and the question of priority can not be determined. Since they were used by Benedict, they must at least have been begun before 848, and their use by the Pseudo-Isidore shows they were completed before 851. More definite determination of authorship and place of composition is impossible. The chapters are first mentioned by Hincmar in 870 with an implied doubt of their genuineness.

    IV. Benedict Levita:

    1. Contents and Description.

    At about the same time as the Pseudo-Isidoriana there appeared what purported to be a supplement to the collection of capitularies of Ansegis of Fontanella (see ANSEGIS, 1) made by "Benedict Levita" at the request of the late Archbishop Otgar of Mainz, chiefly from material preserved in the Mainz archives. The author declares that he has made no changes in the text of his sources and, like the Pseudo-Isidore, urges others to continue his work. The arrangementt of Benedict's collection is patterned closely after that of Ansegis. Like Ansegis, he begins with a metrical preface (seven distichs), followed by a prose preface (stating the origin, contents, and plan of the collection). Then comes a eulogy in verse (thirty-eight distichs) of the Carolingians from Pepin and Carloman to the sons of Louis the Pious. Three books (numbered v.-vii. in continuation of Ansegis i.-iv.) and four additions follow. The manuscripts differ little in text, but very much in extent, some containing only single books or mere fragments. Benedict's work often appears with Ansegis, but never with the Pseudo-Isidore or Angilram. The three introductory sections are to be considered a part of the original work, not a later addition. The chapters of the three books and additions iii.-iv (1,721 in all) are strung together without logical or historical order. References to authorities are seldom given, and repetitions are numerous (in book iii. more than 100 chapters, in addition iv. more than 90). All this was probably intentional, to hide the falsifications, although Ansegis seldom cites authorities, and Benedict says the repetitions are due to lack of time to sift the sources carefully. Addition i (found in only a few manuscripts) is the Capitulare monasticum of Aachen of July 10, 817 (MGH, Cap., i. 1883, 343-349); the preface calls it the conclusion of book iii., and it appears in some manuscripts with this book. Addition ii. is chaps. xxxv.-lxii. of the Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio of Aug., 829 (MGH., Cap., ii., 1890, 39-51); according to the preface it was found later and inserted. Most of the capitularies of addition iii. are false. Addition iv. contains 170 excerpts from a larger number of sources and shows more resemblance to the Pseudo-Isidore; the title attributes the collection to Charlemagne.

    2. Sources and Treatment.

    The preface says that the collection includes capitularies of Pepin, Charlemagne, and Louis the Pious which were omitted by Angesis; only three passages of book i. are from other sources (the first three documents, from the letters of Boniface of Mainz; chap. ii. 1-53, from the Pentateuch; chap. iii. 1-122, from the Dionysio-Hadriana, said to have been prepared at the command of Charlemagne by Bishop Paulinus, Alcuin, and others). As a matter of fact, only about one-quarter of Benedict's capitularies are genuine, and many of these are interpolated. His forgeries are seldom pure inventions; most of them are genuine ecclesiastical documents (or excerpts from such) transformed (with no slight skill in imitating the legal style) into Frankish laws and freely altered. The Pseudo-Isidore's compilatory method is seldom followed. The "archives of Mainz" are purely imaginary (see � 3, below). For Benedict's use of Angilram, see III., above; for the relation of his work to the Pseudo-Isidoriana, see � 5, below. In general Benedict's sources, both immediate and ultimate, are the same as the Pseudo-Isidore's (see I., �� 2 and 3, above). While, however, he fails to quote many documents from which the Pseudo-Isidore drew, he uses the acts of about thirty councils and the Breviatio canonum of Fulgentius Ferrandus, none of which were employed by the Pseudo-Isidore; he quotes Roman law more extensively and from a larger number of documents; besides the Lex Wisigothorum he makes excerpts from an ecclesiastical recension of the Bavarian law; and he uses the first and second capitularies of Theodulf of Orl�ans.

    3. Time and Place of Origin.

    The metrical preface fixes the terminus post quem of the completion of the work at Apr. 21, 847 (the date of Otgar's death). The terminus ante quem lies between 848 and 850. Addition iv. is relatively the latest part of the work (see � 5, below). The place of composition was certainly not Mainz, as was long believed on Benedict's own testimony, especially as the author's attitude toward the chorepiscopi and secularization does not fit East-Frankish conditions; and Rabanus, archbishop of Mainz in 847-856, knew nothing of the collection said to have been made in his metropolitan city by direction of his predecessor. Moreover, the alleged Mainz Levite appears to have known so little of the city that he located it on the wrong side of the Rhine. The animus and prejudices of the work, and the fact that it was first and most used in West Franconia, point to its origin there; and the close relations between Benedict and the Pseudo-Isidore (see � 5, below) indicate the archbishopric of Reims. If Benedict had never been in Mainz, of course his "archives of Mainz" are a fiction.

    4. Motive, Tendency, and Authorship.

    Benedict is far more comprehensive than the Pseudo-Isidore in the subjects he handles, and he even encroaches on the domain of purely secular legislation. His genuine material may have been included with the hope, secondarily, that something might be done to remedy abuses by calling attention to the actual law. Primarily, however, his genuine matter was only a framework for his inventions, and it is the latter which reveal his main motive. The Pseudo-Isidore's chief ideas recur, though sometimes in less developed form, so that Benedict's work bears the mark of an earlier and preparatory effort of the Pseudo-Isidorian circle, incited by the same conditions and environment (see � 5, below). It is not possible to identify the author more definitely, and it has long been recognized that "Benedict the Levite" is a pseudonym. Unlike "Isidore Mercator," it appears to have no reference to any actual personage; hence it is inadmissible to speak of the "Pseudo-Benedict." The additions (especially iv.) have been thought to be by another hand (see � 5, below); but there seems to be no convincing argument to establish a change of authorship.

     

    Like the Pseudo-Isidore, Benedict sets all sorts of restrictions in the way of charges against clerics, especially bishops, and makes a verdict against a bishop on actual trial almost impossible; he grants the exceptio spolii, but somewhat less developed. Provincial synods and metropolitans are subordinated to the pope. The activity of the chorepiscopi is restricted and their complete suppression is demanded, although here again Benedict does not go so far as the Pseudo-Isidore. Predatory secularisation is attacked with vehemence, and the reformer seeks to augment ecclesiastical revenues by arbitrarily increasing the taxes. In the realm of marriage law he violently opposed consanguineous unions. Secular jurisdiction over the clergy is annulled, but bishops are allowed to interfere in suits between laymen; worldly laws contrary to spiritual are invalid, and the king who infringes the canons or tolerates their infringement is subject to anathema; the emperor may undertake nothing contrary to the mandata divina. Here Benedict was confronted by a dilemma; the aim of his falsifications was to establish certain rights of the clergy on the authority of secular laws, and he had made them inapplicable. He accordingly set up the theory that laws of the State concerning the Church become valid only when they receive ecclesiastical approval; and by direct statement and inference he tried to convey the impression that the capitularies of his collection had been given papal or synodal confirmation.

    5. History and Relation to other Forgeries.

    Benedict's collection is first cited in the capitulary of Quiercy of Feb. 14, 857 (MGH., Cap., ii., 1890, 290). Thenceforth it appears in synodal acts (Quiercy, 858, etc.), in laws (capitularies of 860, 862, 864, etc.), in literature (Hincmar and others), and in collections of canons (from Herard, archbishop of Tours, 858, to Gratian) on a par with Ansegis. Its influence was greater in West than in East Franconia or in Italy, and can not be compared with that of the Pseudo-Isidoriana. Pierre Pithou, in his edition of 1588, first declared that many of Benedict's capitularies are false, and while his opinion did not find general acceptance, nearly all modern scholars believe Benedict's collection to be a conscious attempt to deceive. The Augustodunensis was one of Benedict's sources (cf., e.g., i. 401, iii. 109, 391). For his relation to Angilram, see III., above. His relation to the Pseudo-Isidoriana can not be dismissed with so few words. That at least the three books and additions (i., ii., iii.) preceded the Pseudo-Isidoriana seems indicated by the development evident in the latter (see � 4, above). The Pseudo-Isidoriana, therefore, can not have been one of Benedict's sources, though the capitularies of the latter may have been used by the Pseudo-Isidore, and the internal evidence of both works accords with the assumption here implied, even though some scholars assume common sources for the two collections. Addition iv. is peculiar in that it cites certain false decretals which are not found in the Pseudo-Isidoriana or which, if found there, are attributed to different popes; apparently the final revision of the forgeries had not been made in 848. The relation of addition iv. to the Pseudo-Isidoriana (and to Angilram) needs further investigation.

    V. Certain General Considerations:

    The close relations between all the forgeries have led many to believe that "Isidore Mercator" and "Benedict Levita" were one and the same, or (the latter being thought to be an actual personage; see IV., � 4, above) that "Isidore" was Benedict. Against this hypothesis are (1) the differences between Benedict and Isidore in certain tendencies (see IV., � 4, above) and in skill of workmanship (the latter showing much greater aptitude in fitting his forgeries into their genuine framework), and (2) the doubt whether one man could have done the enormous amount of work involved in so short a time. Because of this doubt many later investigators have assumed a group of collaborators, all working in common on the four forgeries under the guidance of a leading spirit who furnished the ideas, or less compactly organized, the Pseudo-Isidore and Benedict, for example, working in comparative independence on the parts assigned to them under instructions which secured the harmonious execution of the general plan and meeting for consultation from time to time as the work proceeded. However this may have been, it is no longer possible to explain the resemblance merely by assuming the use of common sources and similarity in point of view and feelings on the part of the authors, or that one copied from another's work without personal communication.

    Certain Roman Catholic scholars plead for a mild judgment of the Pseudo-Isidoriana on the ground that their aim and accomplishment was not innovation in canon law, but merely to give to the law as it was the authority of antiquity. Objections may be alleged against this point of view, but at the same time the effect of the forgeries on the development of the law must not be overestimated. Only when the Pseudo-Isidorian ideas accorded with the spirit of the time and had external support did they prove of practical moment. If they augmented the papal power, they were not the only or the chief factor which produced that result. The attempts to exalt the bishops, to free the Church from lay domination, and to make all synods dependent on the pope proved abortive; the primacy constructed by the Pseudo-Isidore had no influence on the Church constitution. The right of appeal to the pope, however, was established (see APPEALS TO THE POPE); the metropolitanate received a blow from which it never recovered; the chorepiscopi were suppressed in West Franconia; and the exceptio spolii became a part of canon and civil law.

    (E. SECKEL.)

    BIBLIOGRAPHY: The early ed. is in J. Merlin, Tomus primus quatuor conciliorum generalium, 2 vols., Paris, 1524 and Cologne, 1530, reprinted with prolegomena in MPL, cxxx.; a later ed. is P. Hinschius. Decretales Pseudo-Isidionani� et capitula Angilramni, Leipsic, 1863 (critical, from the oldest and best MSS.). Consult: F. Knust, De fontibus e consilio Pseudo-Isidorianf eolzectionis, G�ttingen, 1832; F. C. von Savigny, Geschichte des r�mischen Rechts im Mitlelalter, ii. 99-106, 478-479, 2d ed., Heidelberg, 1834; MGH, Leg., ed. H. Knust, ii. 2 (1837), 19-39; J. O. Ellendorf, Die Karolinger and die Hierarchie ihrer Zeit, ii. 130-192, Essen, 1838; A. M�hler, in Gesammelte Sehriften, ed. D�llinger, i. 283-347, Regensburg, 1839; H. Wasserschleben, Beitrage zur Geschichte der falschen Decretalen, Breslau, 1844; A. F. Gf�rer, Untersuchung fibber Alter, Ursprung, Zweck der Decretalen des falschen Isidorus, Freiburg, 1848; W. B. Wenek, Das frankische Reich nach dem Vertrage von Verdun, pp. 382-424, Leipsic, 1851; J. Weizsacker, in ZHT, xxviii (1858), 327-430; idem, in Historiache Zeitschrift, iii (1860), 42-96; C. von Noorden, Hinkmar Embischof von Rheims, Bonn, 1863; J. J. I. von D�llinger, Der Papst and das Concil, Leipsic, 1869, Eng. transl., The Pope and the Council, Edinburgh, new ed., 1873; H. C. Lea, Studies in Church Hist., pp. 43-102, Philadelphia, 1869; F. Maassen, Geschiehte der Quellen and der Literatur des canonischen Rechts im Abendlande, Vol. i., pp. xxxi. sqq., 556 sqq., 710-716, 780 sqq., Gratz, 1870; idem, in NA, xviii (1892), 294-302; Thaner, in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Academy, lxxxix (1878), 601-632; Lap�tre, Hadrien II. et les fausses d�cr�ales, in Revue des questions historiques, xxvii (1880), 371-431; C. H. F�ste, Die Reception Pseudo-Isidors unter Nikolaus I. and Hadrian II., Leipsic, 1881; F. Rocquain, La Papaut� au moyen-�gs, Paris, 1881; B. Jungmann, Dissertationes select�, iii. 256-320, Regensburg, 1882; H. Schr�rs, Hinkmar, Erzbischof von Rheims, passim, Freiburg, 1884; A. Tardif, Hist. des sources du droit canonique, pp. 132158, Paris, 1887; E. Dummler, Geschichte des ostfr�nkischen Reichs, i. 231-238, vols. ii.-iii. passim, Leipsic, 1887-1888; P. Fournier, De l'origine des fausses d�cr�tales, St. Dizier, 1889; J. Havet, �uvres, i. 103 sqq., 271 sqq., 331 sqq., Paris, 1896; Hampel, in NA, xxiii (1897), 180-195; G. C. Lee, Hincmar, in Papers of the American Society of Church History, viii (1897), 229-260; Werminghoff, in NA, xxv (1900), 361-378; idem, in ADB, xlviii. 242-248; Seckel, in NA, xxvi (1900), 37-72; Marenier, De valsche Decretalen, Leeuwen, 1901; F. Lot, �tudes sur Ie r�gne de Hugues Capet, pp. 361-375, Paris, 1903; A. Hauck, Der Gedanke der Papatlichen Weltherrschaft bis auf Bonifaz VIII., pp. 3-7, 12 sqq., 17 sqq., Leipsic, 1904; the works on ecclesiastical law (Kirchenrecht) by G. Phillips, iv. �� 173-176, ed. of Regensburg, 1851; J. F. von Schulte, Giessen, 1860; A. L. Richter, ed. Dove, �� 26, 36-39, 43, 53, Leipsic, 1867; F. Walter, �� 95-99, 14th ed., Bonn, 1871; J. B. SIgmuller, Freiburg, 1900-04; and E. Friedberg, pp. 46-47, 121-124, 281, Leipsic, 1903; Schaff, Christian Church, iv. 266-273; Neander, Christian Church, iii. 346 sqq., Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 58-66, v. 398; Hauck, KD, ii. 522-533; KL, x. 600-824; Rettberg, KD, vol. i.; DCA, i. 539-540.

     

Hinschius' edition of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals also contains the following documents which are not included by the author of the present article among either the genuine or the spurious portions: decretal of Damasus to Paulinus on the condemnation of certain heretics (pp. 499-501); three decretals of Siricius (pp. 520-525); four letters of Innocent I. (pp. 527-533); eighteen more letters of the same pope (pp. 544-553); two decretals of Zosimus (pp. 553-554); three decretals of Boniface I., and a reply from Honorius (pp. 554-556); three decretals of Celestine I. (pp. 556-561); thirty-six decrotals of Leo I. with a rescript of Flavian, bishop of Constantinople, and a letter of Ravennius (pp. 580-627); another decretal of Leo I. (pp. 629-639); three decretals of Hilary (pp. 630-632); one decretal of Simplicius and a letter of Acatius, bishop of Constantinople (pp. 632-633); three decretals of Felix III. (pp. 633-635); Gelasius, De recipiendis et non recipiendis libris (pp. 635-637); two decretals of Gelasius (pp. 650-654); a letter of Anastasius II. to the Emperor Anastasius (pp. 654-657); a letter of Symmachus (p. 657); a decretal of Hormisdas and replies (pp. 686-694); decretal of Vigilius to Profuturus (pp. 710-712); and three decretals of Gregory the Great (pp. 732-735).

PSYCHICAL RESEARCH AND THE FUTURE LIFE:

The Field of Labor

Psychical research may be defined as the organized and scientific investigation of certain outlying and hitherto unrecognized phenomena-mental and physical-which are on the borderland between spirit and matter. Psychology deals with the operations of the mind under normal conditions; and many modern psychologists treat the subject from a materialistic point of view, i.e., the mind is not studied apart from organization and bodily structure. The interaction and interpenetration of mind and spirit and resultant phenomena, therefore, form the basic material for psychical investigation, which thus attempts to fill a gap in scientific research. These phenomena may roughly be divided into two groups, physical and mental. Under physical phenomena are classed such manifestations as the movement of physical objects without contact, raps with no apparent cause, Poltergeist phenomena (such as occurred in John Wesley's house, in which bells were rung, crockery broken, and the like, without apparent cause), and so on. Under mental phenomena are classed telepathy, premonition and prevision, clairvoyance, apparitions at the moment of death and after death, trance utterance and automatic writing, and kindred phenomena. In the former class the physical world is affected; in the latter class it is not.

The Problem; the Societies.

Whether such phenomena really exist, or whether they are one and all figments of the imagination, was the question to be settled. A group of earnest thinkers gathered together at Cambridge, England, in 1881 to discuss this question, and in 1882 the English Society for Psychical Research was founded. An American branch was inaugurated in 1888 under the general supervision of Richard Hodgson, LL.D., and continued until his sudden death in 1905, when the present independent American Society, under James Hervey Hyslop, Ph.D., was incorporated. The founders of the English Society were Prof. Henry Sidgwick, Frederic William Henry Myers, Edmund Gurney-all of Cambridge-and, Prof. W. F. Barrett, of the University of Dublin. Prof. Sidgwick was its first president. Since that date, such illustrious names have appeared on the society's membership roll as Sir Oliver Lodge, Sir William Crookes, Prof. Joseph John Thomson, the Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour, Prof. William James, Lord Rayleigh, the Rt. Rev. William Boyd Carpenter, Bishop of Ripon, Andrew Lang, Prof. Balfour Stewart, and Mrs. Henry Sidgwick. Some consider it, as Mr. Gladstone said, "the most important work in the world-by far the most important." The reason is obvious. Here and only here are found phenomena that seem to prove scientifically that man possesses a soul capable of existing apart from the body and of exercising its functions in that condition. The resurrection was, after all, a historical fact, to which Christianity points as proof of a future life. In an age of skepticism faith by itself fails to convince; an appeal must be made to actual facts. Such facts are the phenomena studied by psychical students.

Results of Study.

One of the first conclusions drawn by the members of the society was that telepathy-the power of one mind to affect another otherwise than through the recognized channels of sense-was a fact in nature. By an elaborate series of experiments, it was ascertained that such a power exists in man, and that it can and in fact does become operative under certain conditions. Unsuccessful attempts were made to explain the facts. The only conclusion that can be drawn is that "spirit has the power of manifesting to spirit," as F. W. H. Myers expressed it in his monumental work Human Personality and its Survival of Bodily Death (2 vols., London, 1904). Vibrations do not seem to pass; space and time do not affect it; it would appear to be a true and direct manifestation of spirit. The application of this to spiritual guidance and to prayer may easily be conceived. The next great advance was made when, on the publication of Phantasms of the Living, by E. Gurney, F. W. H. Myers, and F. Podmore (London, 1886), it was first proved that apparitions of the dying occur far oftener than chance would permit. Seven hundred and two cases of a coincidental nature were published, and it was mathematically proved that the coincidence between the death and the apparition seen was far more than any chance would account for. Further, conducting this inquiry through several years in many countries, it was more conclusively proved in 1894, when the "Census of Hallucinations" was published, in which conclusions drawn from more than 30,000 replies showed that this coincidence was again far more frequent than was mathematically probable. The connection-whatever its nature--was thus conclusively proved. Many cases were produced by both the English and American societies, of clairvoyance, premonitions, and other supernormal phenomena. Generally speaking, it may be said that physical manifestations have yielded but slight and inconclusive results-being proved to be fraudulently produced, almost invariably, while the mental manifestations have proved to be far more productive of results. The most famous case is that of Mrs. Piper, a trance medium of Boston, who has succeeded in affording the strongest evidence ever yet obtained of a future life. Mrs. Piper passes into trance, while sitting at a table, conversing with her sitter (the trance is genuine, and has been tested by various eminent medical men). She then falls forward on the table, and her body is supported by cushions. Her right hand and arm is then apparently "controlled" by an alien intelligence, i.e., a "spirit," and automatic writing is the result. It will be observed that the manner of the production of this writing is not unusual; to all external appearances the medium might be doing it herself. The point to be considered is this: does the writing contain any facts unknown to anyone but the intelligence supposedly giving them? If certain specific incidents are referred to, known only to an individual who has died and who is supposedly communicating; and if, furthermore, it can be shown that the medium had had no means of acquiring this information by any known means; if, finally, it can be shown that telepathy, clairvoyance, and other modes of supernormal operation are excluded, then very fair evidence is adduced that the intelligence who once knew those facts was really " there," referring to them, and reminding his sitters of them, through the entranced organism of the medium. It was as though her soul had been temporarily removed from the body, and her nervous mechanism operated-more or less imperfectly --by a foreign or invading intelligence.

This is the character of the evidence that has been obtained mostly by scientists studying the phenomena; and it will be seen that this is the best and most direct means that could be devised for communing with a soul, granting such to exist. Psychical research is the science of the investigation of the borderland of spirit and matter, and of their inter-communication. Its position is that there are certain definite facts which recur, and which must be included in materialistic philosophy, if the latter is to be a scheme of the universe. If philosophy is incapable of including and explaining them, it is obviously erroneous and non-inclusive. These facts of psychic research indicate that there is a realm of spirit, active and capable of influencing this world more or less directly. Materialism would thus be overthrown, and its theories proved to be erroneous. And it is because of this possibilitybecause a spiritual order of things might thus be proved, that its present workers regard it as the most important work in the world to-day.

HEREWARD CARRINGTON.

BIBLIOGRAHY: The chief sources of information are the Proceedings of the English society, London, 1883 sqq,, and of the American society, New York, 1907 eqq., together with the works named in the text. Consult further: I. K. Funk. The Widow's Mite, New York, 1904; idem, The Psychic Riddle, ib. 1907; J. H. Hyslop, Science and a Future Life, Boston, 1905; idem, Enigmas of Psychical Research, ib. 1908; idem, Psychical Research and the Resurrection, ib. 1908; L. ElbE, Future Life in the Light of Ancient Wisdom and Modern Science, Chicago, 1908; E. E. Fournier d'Albe, New Light on Immortality, New York, 1908; Sir Oliver Lodge, Science and Immortality, ib. 1908; F. Podmore, Naturalization of the Supernatural, ib. 1908: E. T. Bennett, Psychic Phenomena, ib., 1909; E. Katherine Bates, Psychical Science and Christianity, ib., 1909; C. Lombroso, After Death What? Spiritistic Phenomena and their Interpretation, Boston, 1909; H. Carrington, Eusapia Palladino and her Phenomena, London, 1910; and the periodicals, The Annals of Psychical Science, and The Occult Review. A large bibliography of pertinent literature will be found under SPIRITUALISM, SPIRITUALISTS.

PSYCHOTHERAPY.

  • Early Magic and Incubation (� 1).
  • The Middle Ages and Later. (� 2).
  • Mesmer (� 3).
  • Bertrand and Elliotson (� 4).
  • Braid, Li�bault, Bernheim, and Tuke (� 5).
  • Recent Movements in the United States (� 6).
  • The Emmanuel Movement (� 7).

The term psychotherapy (Gk. Psych, "soul," and therapeltein, "to heal"), taken largely, denotes the treatment of disease through the influence of mental, moral, and spiritual states upon the body. An exhaustive discussion of the subject would involve an examination of many crude and fantastic theories, partly theological, partly metaphysical or psychological, with which the fundamental ideas of psychotherapy have been connected. The purpose of this article is to sketch briefly the history of psychotherapy, and to state the main principles which underlie it in the scientific form that it has assumed to-day.

1. Early Magic and Incubation.

In one fashion or another, psychotherapy has been practised, consciously or unconsciously, not only by all medical men, but also by those who in premedical times played the part both of priest and of physician. It rests upon what has become the fundamental dogma of modern physiological psychology-the idea that mind and body constitute a unity, that for every thought and feeling, however alight, there is a corresponding nervous event, and that the smallest physical process awakens an echo in the psychical realm. The charms and incantations both of savage and of civilized man are simply forms of self-suggestion, which has, in certain types of disease, curative power. The earliest historical notices of healing, through mental influence are to be found in the magical texts of ancient Egypt (cf. G. Ebers, Papyros Ebers, das hermetische Buch �ber die Arzneimittel der alten Aegyptern, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1875). As early as about 1600 B.C. It was the custom in Egypt to heal diseases by touching the person diseased, while various incantations were being uttered; it is known also that certain formulas pronounced over the images of divinities were believed to impart to these images the power of dispelling the poison of serpents. Among the most ancient of Egyptian myths are those of the healing of Ra by the goddess Isis, and of the healing of Horus, the son of Isis, by Thoth, in virtue of certain words supposed to have magical power (E. Naville, The Old Egyptian Faith, p. 5, London, 1909). In virtue of the same principle, kings and priests and reformers, under all religions and with every variety of metaphysical and theological creed, have wrought what seemed to their contemporaries to be nothing less than deeds of miraculous healing. In Alexandria, on the testimony of Suetonius, Tacitus, and Dion Cassius, the Roman Emperor Vespasian healed a blind man by touching his eyes with spittle. In the Old Testament the great prophetic figures Elijah, Elisha, and Isaiah were psychotherapeutists. David was able to charm away the melancholia of Saul by the strains of a music the echo of which may be heard in some modern hospitals for the insane.

The inscriptions dug up in our own time at Epidauros, the site of the famous shrine of �sculapius, the patron divinity of the healing art, show what a great part the mind played in the cures effected. For example, a sufferer from dyspepsia, one Marcus Julius Apellas, who had been cured in the temple, set up an inscription in gratitude to the god. After mentioning some physical remedies which the god prescribed, Apellas continues:

"When I called upon the god to cure me more quickly I thought it was as if I had anointed my whole body with mustard and salt and had come out of the secret hall and gone in the direction of the bath-house, while a small child was going before, holding a smoking censer. The priest said to me, `Now you are cured; but you must pay up the fees for your treatment.' I acted according to the vision, and when I rubbed myself with salt and mustard I felt the pains still, but when I had bathed I suffered no longer. These events took place in the first nine days after I had come to the temple. The god also touched my right hand and my breast" (Mary Hamilton, Incubation, p. 41, London, 1906; [Epidauros and its cures are treated in pp. 8-43 of Miss Hamilton's work]). This inscription probably belongs to the second century of our era. Speaking of the same period S. Dill remarks (Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, p. 459, London, 1904): "The temples of �sculapius arose in every land where Greek or Roman culture prevailed. Patients came from all parts of the GrecoRoman world. The temples had dormitories; retreats often contained beds for 200 or 300 persons."

2. The Middle Ages and Later.

During the Middle Ages the science of therapeutics was in bondage to superstition. The church was Supposed to have a monopoly of the healing power. Fragments of the cross, the team of the Virgin Mary and of St. Peter, the hair of martyrs, iron filings from the chains that had bound Peter and Paul, were regarde&as miraculously efficacious in the cure of disease. Great personalities, such as the founders of cloisters, or persons of great sanctity, such as Francis of Assisi, Catherine of Siena, and Bernard of Clairvaux (qq.v.), it was claimed, healed multitudes by the power of their touch. In France from medieval times down to the age of Charles X. the kings claimed the gift of "touching for the evil" (scrofula,). In the Anglican prayer-book there was printed down to the year 1719, "The Office for Touching." The actual ceremony is described by Evelyn in his Diary (ed. W. Bray, in Memoirs, London, 1818-19; by Upcott, 1827; by H. B. Wheatley, 4 vols., 1879) under date July 6, 1660. Among the famous persons touched for the evil was Samuel Johnson, in the reign of Queen Anne.

The short and easy way of dealing with these stories was to reject them as superstitious legends. Modern investigation, however, has shown that this method is quite too drastic, and that thus to deal with human testimony is to make the search for historical truth almost futile. The generally received view to-day is that the principle by which these phenomena were brought about is what is called "Suggestion," or expectant attention; and it may be said that in all modern mental healing systems these psychological influences play a dominating r�le. It was only in the eighteenth century that the foundations for a scientific understanding of the subject were laid. Just as chemistry arose out of alchemy, and astronomy out of astrology, and the science of internal medicine out of the tentative therapeutic efforts of the medicine man, so modern scientific psychotherapy takes its origin in mesmerism.

3. Mesmer.

Friedrich (or Franz) Anton Mesmer (b. at Iznang, 11 m. n.w. of Constants, May 23, 1733; graduated at Vienna in medicine, taking for his thesis, "On the Influence of the Planets on the Human Body," published in 1766; d. at Meersburg, 5 m. e. of Constants, Mar. 5, 1815) first came into notice in 1773 by his novel method of curing disease through the application of magnetized plates to the human body. He was an ardent student of the medieval mystics, Paracelsus and the Rosicrucians (q.v.), from whom he obtained the idea that there existed in nature a mysterious and subtle force which he called "animal magnetism." This he conceived to bean invisible fluid, which by a skilled hand could be so manipulated as to heal all manner of diseases. Some of the methods by which he applied his theory he owed probably to Father Gassner, a German priest who cured sufferers by means of exorcism, his theory being that the given disease was due to demon possession. In short, it may be said that Mesmer found all the elements of mesmerism already in existence. He simply deprived them of their mystical setting, reduced them to terms of matter and force, and thus commended them to the age of reason. Mesmer appeared in Paris in 1778, and in a short time created a sensation by his wonderful cures in all classes of society. He believed that magnetism could be imparted to wood glass, iron, and other physical objects, and that these in turn could communicate the magnetism to the sick person. Hence he constructed his famous baquet, an elaborate apparatus consisting of an oak tub with a lid made in two pieces, and itself enclosed in another tub. Inside the tub were bottles filled with magnetized water and tightly corked. The magnetic influence was conducted to the bodies of the patients by means of rods and ropes. Mesmer was overwhelmed with the crowds that came for treatment, but was condemned by the medical profession as a quack. He challenged the faculty of medicine at Paris to select twenty-four patients, twelve to be treated by orthodox methods, twelve to be treated by animal magnetism, and compare results. The doctors treated his challenge with contempt, but in 1784 the government appointed two commissions to inquire into the claims of mesmerism. One was chosen from the faculty of medicine and one from the Royal Society. A few months after their . appointment, both commissions reported. Bailly drew up the report of the faculty of medicine. The commission rejected Mesmer's doctrine of a healing fluid, on the ground that no adequate proof of the existence of such a fluid was given. The physiological effects of the treatment were ascribed to the power of imagination. With this finding the report of the Royal Society was in agreement. The reports of the commissions were marred by professional prejudice and lack of scientific insight. To attribute changes for the better in the health of sick persons to the power of 'imagination, and then to dismiss this agency, as though it were an unreality beneath the regard of scientific investigators, was to make a reality the effect of an unreality. They forgot that a psychological factor able to produce permanent functional changes demanded, searching scrutiny. Nor did the commissioners note the strange problem which emerged -that Mesmer the quack had been able to work cures which were impossible to his scientific contemporaries. As for Mesmer, the reports of the commissions were his death-blow. He retired from Paris and returned to Germany.

4. Bertrand and Elliotson.

About ten years later, Alexandre Jacques Frangois Bertrand gave a really scientific explanation of the mesmeric phenomena (Du magnetisme animal en France, Paris, 1826). He did not deny the genuineness of the alleged cures, but he maintained that the patients were and healed not by virtue of a magnetic fluid, but because of their own suggestibility, their capacity for being influenced by the imposing procedures of Mesmer. This explanation, which is accepted to-day, was regarded with incredulity by the medical profession at that time. The truth is, that Mesmer's success had brought into the field a regiment of mysterious, spectacular showmen, who traveled all over Europe and brought discredit upon the whole subject by their fantastic tricks and absurd pretensions. Up till 1837 this state of matters continued. In that year Dr. John Elliotson (b. in London is 1791; studied at the University of Edinburgh, and at Jesus College, Cambridge; d. in London July 29, 1868) began original researches at University College, London. He soon achieved wonderful therapeutic results, though so much to the scandal of his colleagues that the authorities of the college hospital in 1838 forbade him to practise animal magnetism. Elliotson immediately resigned, much mortified at the insult. In 1846 he chose mesmerism for his subject as the Harveian orator. In the course of his address he showed how magnetism could prevent pain during surgical operations, produce sleep and ease in sickness, and cure many diseases which were not relieved by the ordinary methods (Numerous Cases of Surgical Operations in the Mesmeric State Without Pain, London, 1843). Although he shared some of the erroneous ideas of his time, there can be no doubt that he was devoted to truth and to the interests of humanity, and that he suffered persecution at the hands of prejudice and bigotry.

5. Braid, Li�bault, Berheim, and Tuke.

But the most important figure in the history of the subject is James Braid (b. at Rylaw House, Fifeshire, Scotland, c. 1795; was educated at the University of Edinburgh; d. at Manchester Mar. 25, 1860), who, in 1841, began his investigations into the nature of mesmeric phenomena. Until his time it is to be noted that the theories usually accepted in explanation of these phenomena were either that they were owing to a mysterious force or fluid, or to self-deception, or to wilful trickery. Braid attended his first mesmeric exhibitions under the influence of the last of these theories: he was anxious to discover how the trick was done. But he became convinced that the phenomena were real, and he determined to find out their physiological cause. In 1841 he gave to the public his view that mesmeric phenomena were purely subjective in character. He found that he could induce the mesmeric state by causing his patients to gaze steadily at some object and at the same time think of the object upon which they gazed. Thus he discovered that expectant attention was a necessary factor in mesmerism, or, as he now called it, hypnotism (Neurypnology; or, the Rationale of Nervous Sleep, London, 1843). He was, however, before his time. He was violently assailed by the old-school mesmerists and was regarded with suspicion by his medical brethren. Hugh MacNeile, an Evangelical divine of Liverpool and later dean of Ripon, charged him with producing his hypnotic effects through Satanic agency, and thereby much theological prejudice was excited against his work. After Braid's death i4 1860, the subject, as far as Great Britain was concerned, fell into neglect. But in France a struggling physician, A. A. Li�bault, published a book (Du sommeil et des �tats analogues, Nancy, 1866) in which he showed that hypnotism was a powerful curative agent, and once more demonstrated that the essence of it was suggestion. It is said that only a single copy of his book was sold. In 1882 Hippolyte Bemheim, a distinguished physician of- Nancy, became interested in Lidbault's work, and published his famous work on suggestive therapeutics (Hypnotisme, suggestion et psychotherapie, France, 1890). Meantime, at Paris, at the Salpdtridre, Dr. Jean Martin Charcot experimented in hypnotism, and founded a school of which Janet, Binet, and F�r� are brilliant representatives. Down to this time in England and in America, the movement which attracted so much attention on the continent of Europe was seriously hurt by the rise of spiritualism. Both the scientist and the man on the street confused hypnotism with spiritualism; but with the fame of Nancy and Paris, English and American physicians began to take an interest in the subject. Worthy of mention is Dr. Daniel Hack Tuke'a work (Illustrations of the Influence of the Mind upon. the Body, London, 1872). This was the first comprehensive and scientific treatment of the subject in English. His aim was to induce the medical profession to utilize in their practise the influence of mental states, and, as he says, to rescue psychotherapy from "the eccentric orbits of quackery and force it to tread with measured step the ordinary paths of legitimate medicine." Dr. William Benjamin Carpenter's Principles of Mental Physiology (London, 1874) marked an epoch in the study of psychological medicine. It had great influence upon professional students of mental diseases, but neither this book nor Dr. Tuke's made any great impression on the general practitioner. The attention of American physicians was drawn to the subject mainly through the fame of Nancy and Paris. Boston, especially, became the center of the new study, and indeed is now the seat of a psychological school of physicians. Morton Prince, Boris Sidis, and James Jackson Putnam (who has been called "the Charcot of America") are among the leaders of this group. Its strength lies in its grasp of the psychic factors in psychological states. Its weakness is its failure to recognize the curative influence of an idealistic conception of life or of a more satisfactory religious experience.

In the course of time it has come to be recognized that hypnotism is only one weapon, and by no means the chief weapon, in the psychotherapeutist'a armory. Indeed, except in a small group of deep-rooted perversions, hypnotism is falling more and more into the background.. The great psychotherapeutic classical methods to-day are ordinary or waking suggestion, explanation, encouragement, education and reeducation, psycho-analysis, rest, and work. We owe this development to such neurologists as Weir Mitchell; J. P. M�bius, Forel, Freud, and the layman, Grohmalin.

6. Recent Movenents in the United States.

At this point logically occurs consideration of mental healing or irregular and unscientific psychotherapy. The various forms of mind cure or faith cure in the United States may be traced back to Phineas Parkhurst Quimby (see SCIENCE, CHRISTIAN), the son of a New England'blacksmith. He was a self-educated man, with much natural shrewdness and power. When he, arrived at manhood he became interested in mesmerism and occult phenomena, which at that time were much discussed among the semieducated classes of the country. Quimby was discontented with the current theology and the popular notions of mind and body. He determined to create a philosophy, a theology, and a medical science for himself. Gradually the conviction dawned on him that disease was not real, but only an ancient delusion handed down from generation to generation. In the strength of this conviction he set up as an unconventional practitioner in Portland, Me., and there treated such sufferers as came to him. He published no books, nor did he found a school, but he committed to paper his ideas, and ten volumes of his manuscripts are in existence. His memory, however, probably would have perished, had it not been for the visit paid to him in 1862 by one Mrs. Patterson, suffering from some nervous trouble. He was able to cure her. This Mrs. Patterson achieved world-wide fame as the founder of a new religion, the writer of a sacred book, and the creator of a growing church. The name by which she is known is Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy (q.v.; see also SCIENCE, CHRISTIAN). Christian Science may not unjustly be described as an almost equally "grotesque mixture of crude pantheism, misunderstood psychological or philosophical truths, and truly Christian beliefs and conceptions" (G. T. Ladd, Philosophy of Religion, i. 167, 2 vols., New York, 1905). The fundamental idea of Christian Science is the unreality of sickness, of matter, of evil, and of the human mind, usually called by Christian Science writers "mortal mind." Its philosophic postulates, as stated by Mrs. Eddy, are as follows: (1) God is All; (2) God is Good; (3) God is Mind; (4) God is Spirit, being All. Nothing is Matter; (5) Life, God, Omnipotent good, deny death, evil, sin, disease. Christian Science is at once a philosophy, a theology, a religion, and a therapeutic system. Many of the therapeutic results set down to the credit of Christian Science may be accepted as undoubted facts; but unless a break is made with the main stream of right reason in the world and with the Christian religion, the metaphysics, the theology, the Biblical exegesis, and the psychology of Mrs. Eddy must be rejected.

Other movements, notably the Mind Cure Movement, inaugurated by W. F. Evans (Primitive Mind Cure; Nature and Power of Faith, Boston, 1885; Mental Medicine; 15th thousand, ib. 1885; Esoteric Christianity and Mental Therapeutics, ib. 1886), and the New Thought movement (see NEW THOUGHT), represented by such writers as Horatio W. Dresser, Ralph Waldo Trine, Charles Brodie Patterson, the Christian and. Missionary Alliance, under the leadership of the Rev. Albert B. Simpson, may be traced to the inspiration of Quimby's teaching. The influence of Swedenborg and Emerson on New Thought is especially marked. Up till recently the churches have looked with disfavor upon these movements, and have, for the most part, sought not so much to understand them as to criticize and to ridicule.

7. The Emmanuel Movement.

Recently, however, an effort has been made to utilize the genuine elements in these healing cults, to free them from the notions with which they have been bound up, and to make them available for the help and uplift of suffering humanity. This effort is popularly called "The Emmanuel Movement" from the name of the church in Boston where it originated under the leadership of Rev. Drs. Elwood Worcester and Samuel McComb. The fundamental aim of the work is to ally, in friendly cooperation, the physician, the clergyman, and the trained social worker in the alleviation and cure of a certain class of disorders which may be described as semi-moral and semi-nervous. Among the more familiar types of these disorders may be named neurasthenia, hysteria, hypochondria, psychasthenia, insomnia, alcoholism, and bad habits generally. The Emmanuel Movement is not to be confounded with Christian Science or with New Thought or with occultism in any shape or form. It is under strict medical control, and therefore accepts the conclusions and methods of medical science. It lays no claim to any new revelation or any mysterious doctrines of matter and mind. It is the first attempt of the liberal theological school to bring to bear in a practical way the forces of ethics and religion upon suffering and misery. The movement is distinguished from ordinary academic psychotherapy by including among curative methods the power of religion and morality. It seems, in aim, at least, to be the crown of a preceding de velopment, for it tries to unite in practise whatever is sound in the various mental healing cults that have too often been the field of charlatanism, with the proved conclusions and the recognized methods of the medical profession.

SAMUEL MCCOMB.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For early practise consult the literature on magic under COMPARATIVE RELIGION, and under MAGIC; the work of Miss Hamilton cited in the text is masterly. On Mesmer consult: J. Kerner, Franz Anton Mesmer, Frankfort, 1856; W. B. Carpenter, Mesmerism and Spiritualism Considered, London, 1877; M. Bersot, Le Magn�tisme animal, 4th ed., Paris, 1879; C. Kiesewetter, F. A. Mesmers Leben and Lehre, Leipsic, 1893. On Christian Science consult the literature under EDDY, MARY BAKER GLOVER; and under SCIENCE, CHRISTIAN. On the general subject of psychotherapy read: A. Moll, Hypnotism, New York, 1890; P. Dubois, Psychic Treatment of Nervous Disorders, New York, 1905; idem, Influence of the Mind an the Body, ib. 1906; A. H. Forel, Hygiene of Nerves and Mind in Health and Disease, New York, 1907; P. Dearmer, Body and Soul. An Inquiry into the Effects of Religion upon Health, with a Description of Christian Works of Healing from the New Testament to the Present Day, London, 1909; M. Price and others, Psychotherapeutica: a Symposium, Boston, 1910; Mrs. E. G. H. White, The Ministry of Healing, Mountain View, California, 1910. On the Emmanuel Movement consult: E. Worcester, S. McComb, and I. H. Coriat, Religion and Medicine; the mental Control of Nervous Disorders, New York, 1908; E. Worcester and S. McComb, The Christian Religion as a Healing Power, ib. 1909; C. R.. Brown, Faith and Health, ib. 1910 (favorable to the Emmanuel Movement, antagonistic to Christian Science).

PTOLEMY (PTOLEMAIOS, PTOLEMÆUS): The dynastic name of the kings of Macedonian origin who ruled Egypt from the death of Alexander till the Romans incorporated the country in their empire c. 43 B.c. The name means "warlike." The subject has interest for the religious reader not only because of the relation to the Jews held by members of the dynasty, but also because of the fostering of learned and literary interests in the capital which directly affected in the first three Christian centuries the development of Christian apologetics and learning. The earlier members of the dynasty figure in the apocryphal books of Maccabees and in the narrative of Josephus, while allusions to them are thought to be found in the book of Daniel.

Ptolemy I. Soter, also known as Ptolemy Lagus (whence comes the name Lagidæ for the dynasty), was the son of Lagos and Arsinoe, was born about 367, and was in his youth a playfellow of Alexander. Banished from the court of Philip of Macedon in one of the court quarrels, he was recalled on the accession of Alexander and worked his way up to high rank and popularity with his fellows by the rare qualities of diligence and avoidance of intrigue. On the death of Alexander he received the province of Egypt as satrap in 323, probably fully determined to establish himself as sovereign. In 321 his opposition to the plans of Perdiccas, who was practically regent after Alexander's death, by having the body of the conqueror brought to Egypt, caused Ptolemy to break with Perdiccas, who invaded Egypt and was assassinated after an unsuccessful attack upon Ptolemy. The latter then maintained himself in Egypt against Antigonus, after vainly attempting to hold Syria, but ruled as satrap until 305 in the name of the youthful successor of Alexander. With the partition of Alexander's empire the strife between the powers of the Nile and the Euphrates for the possession of Palestine was renewed. About 320 Ptolemy assailed Syria, and Jerusalem was taken on a Sabbath when the Jews refused to fight. The resistance by Jews and Samaritans was made the pretext for the deportation of large numbers of both peoples from town and country in order to settle the new city of Alexandria and other parts of Egypt, while to voluntary immigrants Ptolemy offered attractive inducements. Throughout their history the Jews had always manifested a fondness for Egypt, and generous treatment by Ptolemy rendered that region once more attractive to them. Their commercial aptitude, industry, higher morality, and preference for the Greeks as against the native Egyptians gained for them the confidence of the rulers, although it aroused the hatred of the native population. Meanwhile the possession of Palestine was hotly disputed between Ptolemy and Antigonus while the latter lived, and by the latter's son Demetrius. Decisive battles, in which alternately Ptolemy and his opponent were victorious, were fought in 315, 312, 301, 297, and later. Meanwhile Ptolemy carried on the construction of the city of Alexandria, founding there the museum and the famous library. He assigned the northeastern portion of the city to the Jews, settling there the prisoners of war taken in his Syrian campaigns and those whom his policy induced to settle voluntarily. Thenceforth Alexandrian Jews had an honorable position in the entire history of their race. This is of course natural when it is recalled that Philo estimated the number of Jews present in Egypt in his day at a million, most of whom were in Alexandria. While in the city most of the Jews lived in the quarter stated, they before long came to have residences throughout the capital. Ptolemy's disposition, shown both to those of Hebrew race and to the Egyptians, was gentle and kind, his government was firm and tactful, while his aim was the welfare of the people in material, artistic, scientific, and literary directions. With his reign at Alexandria are associated such celebrities as Demetrius the Phalerean, Zenodotus, Hecat�us, Euclid, and Hierophilus the anatomist (who may have initiated vivisection); Alexandria became the most attractive city in the world for the learned, artistic, and scientists; literature flourished, the people exercised their choice in matters of religion, and the king was popular with all classes. He died in 283 B.C.

Ptolemy II. Philadelphus (285-247) was associated in the government by his father two years before the latter's death-a policy that became habitual with this dynasty. He was the youngest son of his father, though what caused the supersession of his older brothers does not appear. That he at first felt his position to be precarious is shown by his having one brother, perhaps two, executed for conspiracy and by banishing the counselor of his father, who had advised against elevating the youngest son. He followed his father's policy of promoting the arts and sciences, continued the construction and equipment of the museum and library, placed Zenodotus and then Callimachus in charge of the latter, erected the Pharos, built temples, founded cities, cleared canals, reclaimed waste lands, and developed trade. He is made by Jewish tradition the especial patron of the nation, its temple and Scriptures, the translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into Greek being accredited to his initiative (see BIBLE VERSIONS, A, I.; ARISTEAS). His treatment of the province of Syria and Palestine seems to have been generous, the taxes were light, and when they were paid, practical autonomy was accorded the inhabitants--as is shown by the fact that feuds between Samaritans and Jews were frequent and that the latter were also embroiled with the holders of Philistine territory. Diplomatically Ptolemy's shrewdest stroke was his embassy to Rome and his generous treatment of the ambassadors sent by the senate, which he followed up by refusing a loan to Carthage. About 280 he made Palestine, C�le-Syria, and Phenicia an integral part of his kingdom, and they remained attached to Egypt till about 198 B.C., when Antiochus the Great (see SELEUCID�) won them for Syria. A consequence of Ptolemy's conquest was the Hellenization of Philadelphia, the old Rabbath Ammon, Ptolemais (Acre), and Philoteria on the Sea of Galilee. This Ptolemy began the Egyptian practise common with the later Ptolemies and married his sister Arsinoe, though this marriage took place comparatively late in life (probably in 278-277), and in the inscriptions Arsinoe figures repeatedly and prominently.

Ptolemy III. Euergetes (247-222), the oldest son of Philadelphus, seems to have been associated with his father for several years in joint administration. He began his reign with a campaign in Syria, partly to retain it as a constituent of the empire and partly to save the life and then to avenge the murder of his sister Berenice by her rival Laodice, wife of Antiochus II. Theos. In connection with this campaign there formerly existed an inscription claiming for Ptolemy conquest of the East as far as Media, Susiana, and Baatriana. But the expedition must have been a mere raid so far as the Euphratean regions were conoerned, though it recovered images carried away long before by Cambyses (see MEDO-PERSIA), and so was popular with the Egyptians. It confirmed, however, the rule of Egypt over the regions east of the Mediterranean. On his return, so Jewish tradition reports, the king offered large sacrifices at the temple in Jerusalem. A memorial of the entire affair and of activities at home is found in tile stele of Canopus, a trilingual inscription of the year 238 B.C., which is of value in several directions (see INSCRIPTIONS, I., � 3). After this war, ending in 245, Euergetes devoted himself to developing the resources of the country, employing much time and money also in building sanctuaries and temples at Esneh, Edfu, Karnak, and Phil�, or in repairing or adorning them. Evidences abound to show that this Ptolemy was tender in his regard for the religious feelings of the native Egyptians and that the priests were his constant advisers. His external policy was one of assistance to the states opposed to Macedon. Among benefactions the most noted is that to the Rhodians after the great earthquake of 224 which wrecked the famous Colossus and ruined the walls and docks and thus menaced the future of the place. Great largess of money, corn, timber, and of workmen and their wages attested Ptolemy's sympathy with the sufferers as well as his generosity. Thus under the first three Ptolemies the welfare of Egypt was carefully protected and fostered. These reigns mark the most prosperous and perhaps the happiest years Egypt has ever known till the rule of the British in the last quarter century.

With Ptolemy IV. Philopator (222-205) begins the decline of the dynasty. There is some reason to doubt whether Polybius, the chief authority for this reign, has correctly painted the character of this king in making him a murderer, a drunkard, and debauchee, indifferent to the cares of government at home and to the needs of the provinces external to Egypt. This Ptolemy, who appears to have been under the complete control of the astute Sosibius, his unscrupulous adviser and chancellor, is charged with the murder of his brother Magas, his uncle Lysimachus, his mother Berenice, and his sisterwife Arsinoe. According to the historians, insurrection at home was the natural consequence of failure to conduct properly the affairs of government, and led to the death of the celebrated Cleomenes, whose story is told in Plutarch's "Lives." The opportunity thus presented was seized by Antiochus III. the Great of Syria, to attack the Asian dominions of a king too indolent or too much engaged in seeking pleasure to govern at home or defend his sway abroad. Encouraged by Theodotus, the Egyptian governor of C�le-Syria (q.v.), whose deserts had not been recognized by Ptolemy, Antiochus began, in 220, the series of attacks which led to the detachment of its Asian possessions from the Egyptian crown and their assumption by the Syrian government. By 218 these regions seemed completely lost to Egypt. But Sosibius and his clique were aroused by the danger, used the diplomacy of delay until their preparations were completed, and in 217 won a decisive victory near Raphia. Ptolemy even then did not fully gage the danger, or was too confident or too indolent to press his advantage, and struck a treaty with Antiochus. There are indications that after Ptolemy's return to Egypt there was either a series of local insurrections or a wide-spread disaffection which required considerable time to overcome by mercenaries. It appears to have been in large part a peasants' war, put down by force, treachery, and cruelty. In spite of the generally bad repute in which literary reports have left this Ptolemy, there are not wanting indications that he was less evil than the records assume. He was not averse to literature and is even credited with the composition of a drama, and continued the policy of his predecessors with regard to the library of Alexandria. Detached inscriptions and records show that Egyptian sway continued over distant lands, that the Romans sent an embassy in his tenth regnal year and recalled the understanding with Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and that the Greeks paid him reverence. Evidence of his regard for Egypt appears in the temples he completed, built, repaired, or adorned. Yet color is given also to the historians' reports that at least the later years of his reign were inglorious. He and the kingdom alike seem to have been ruled by his mistress Agathocleia, her brother Agathocles, and the wily Sosibius. Not improbably to the first two was due the murder of his sister-wife Arsinoe. Jews appear to have been in less favor at the court than under the previous reigns.

 

An interesting but unreliable Jewish apocryphon supporting this assumption, III Maccabees (text in most editions of the Septuagint; German translation in Kautzsch, Apokryphen and Peeudepipraphen, Tübingen, 1900; cf. H. Cotton, The Five Books of Maccabees in English, Oxford, 1832), deals with Ptolemy IV. It relates that after the battle of Raphia Ptolemy visited Jerusalem and purposed to enter the sanctuary in spite of all prayers and dissuasion; that when he was about to carry out his design Simon the high priest knelt before the Temple and prayed God to smite the king with paralysis; that his prayer was heard, and that the king was carried away helpless; that Ptolemy returned to Egypt vowing vengeance upon the Jews, which he attempted to carry out by removing the civil equality with Greeks which the Jews had hitherto enjoyed in Egypt unless they embraced the worship of Dionysos, while those who refused were branded with the Dionysiac ivy leaf; that a great multitude of the Jews, refusing to surrender their religion, were brought in chains to Alexandria, where the populace favored them because of their uprightness; that the king directed that 500 elephants be made mad with wine and incense and driven so as to trample to death the captives on the race-course; but that when the order was to be carried out two angels appeared and threw the army into consternation while the elephants turned about and crushed the royal forces beneath them; that thereupon the king ordered the Jews released, feasted them for seven days, and then commended them to the rulers of the provinces where they resided; while to the Jews was given permission to execute 300 apostates. After this, the standing of the nation with the people was higher than ever. A part of the same tradition appears in Josephus (Apion, ii. 5) in simpler form, but in connection with Ptolemy IX. Physcon. The basis of the story in the war between Ptolemy IV. and Antiochus is fairly in accord with the facts, as is the description of Ptolemy's character. But the narrative is turgid, and impossible both historically and psychologically, stresses unduly the miraculous, and in at least one respect follows Esther in that it attempts to validate a new feast, which did not, however, receive recognition. The real fact which the document seems to register is a change in the condition of the Jews in Egypt, subjection to higher taxation, or the like. The willingness of the Jews in Palestine to receive the rule of Antiochus reveals some basis for the story in the change of their feelings toward Egypt, toward which they had had so good reasons to be friendly.

 

Ptolemy V. Epiphanes Eucharistus (205-182) was a child of five when he came to the throne, and had already for three years been nominally associated with his father in the government. The regency during his infancy was begun by Agathocles and Sosibius, whose first care was to send into distant regions or on diplomatic or other missions those of eminent position who might endanger their control. The young king was placed in the care of the infamous Agathocleia; new mercenaries were recruited from abroad, so that the soldiery might be at the call of the new masters and furnish a dependable force. This done, Agathocles gave himself up to a riot of debauchery which soon aroused indignation, resentment, and insurrection. Tlepolemos, a shrewd Greek and a rival of Agathocles, collected forces and took measures by well-timed denunciation of Agathocles to put the latter on the defensive. In a riot Agathocles and his entire family were slain, Tlepolemos became prime minister, while another Greek of excellent character became the guardian of the king and the virtual ruler. External events were no less stormy. Antiochus seized the time as propitious to gain control of C�le-Syria and Palestine, and entered Jerusalem in 198, thus definitely exiding Egyptian possession after defeating the Egyptian forces under Scopas. Philip V. of Macedon also took under his rule some of the Grecian islands which had been Egyptian possessions, only Cyprus and Cyrene remaining of the foreign territory ruled by the Ptolemies. Antiochus was intent upon pressing his advantage, but appeal was made to Rome and the Syrian was forbidden to take further steps hostile to Egypt. Meanwhile a treaty had been made by which Ptolemy was to marry Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, and thus this celebrated name was introduced into Egypt. She was to receive as her dowry the revenues from the former possessions of Egypt on the Asian continent, though these regions were garrisoned by Syrian troops, and ruled by Syrian officials. The guardianship of Aristomenes continued with a return of prosperity, until the greedy general Scopas attempted an insurrection and was convicted and executed. There are clear indications that the native insurrections which began in the preceding reign continued in Upper Egypt, and that not till near the end of the reign was that region recovered completely from the Nubians who had pressed in. In 196 Ptolemy took the power into his own hands, and the record of this is on the Rosetta Stone (see INSCRIPTIONS, I., � 3). In 193 the king went to Raphia to meet and marry Cleopatra, who proved an able woman, loyal to the interests of her husband. Ptolemy attempted to maintain foreign affairs in a favorable condition, and an embassy went to Rome with gifts (which were declined) and to the Achaean League, this too being fruitless of results. In his later years Ptolemy seems to have degenerated and to have aroused the resentment of his subjects by the imposition of new taxes and by encroaching upon the temple privileges. An insurrection which then broke out was suppressed with difficulty, and the close was marked with exhibitions of faithlessness and treachery on the part of the king. He poisoned his able minister Aristomenes and estranged his supporters among the nobility, probably by proposing to make them bear the expense of an invasion of Syria which he was contemplating. At this time he was poisoned, not improbably by the old nobility whom he had so recently offended. He did little in the way of building, and that little in the region of Phil�.

 Ptolemy VI. Eupator (182), the eldest son of the preceding, can have reigned but a very short time. He is practically a new discovery, since the ancient historians unanimously made Ptolemy Philometor immediately suooeed Epiphanes. But papyri and other documents assure his existence and , though nothing is known of him except that, following the custom of the dynasty, he as the eldest son was associated with his father in the government.

Ptolemy VII. Philometor (182-146?), son of Ptolemy V., was only seven years old when he succeeded; but the queen mother ruled ably during his minority, having him crowned in 173. Cleopatra died the same year, and her death was the occasion for the outbreak of hostilities between Ptolemy and Antiochus Epiphanes, the former claiming the continuance of the revenues from the Asiatic possessions, the latter insisting on their return to the Syrian exchequer. Epiphanes was the readier for war, defeated the Egyptians at Pelusium, captured Ptolemy at Memphis, proclaimed himself king of Egypt, and made Ptolemy his viceroy at Memphis. A younger brother of the Egyptian, later known as Ptolemy IX. Euergetes II. Physcon, successfully defended Alexandria against Antiochus, and the latter retired. The two brothers agreed to reign jointly, whereupon Epiphanes decided to make a new attack upon Egypt, but was dramatically ordered to withdraw by the Roman legate Marcus Popillius L�nas. It was in part his anger at this which caused the terrible persecution of the Jews which has made the name of Antiochus Epiphanes execrated ever since (for the results see HASMONEANS; ISRAEL, HISTORY OF, I �� 11-12). This event once more brought out the advantage of Egypt as a place of refuge for the Jews and the fact of the favor which they usually received there. For the Onias temple of this period see LEONTOPOLIS. In 163 the brothers Ptolemy quarreled, and the younger drove the other out. The latter appealed to Rome and was by the senate reinstated, while to the younger was given the kingdom of Cyrene. But Euergetes also appealed- to Rome, asking for control of Cyprus also, which was granted upon condition that his brother consent. On a second visit to Rome, after suppressing an insurrection in Cyrene, he was again promised the kingdom of Cyprus, but his brother was already strongly entrenched there with forces, captured him and sent him back to his Cyrenean rule with instructions to be content (153 B.C.). War broke out between Philometdr and Syria, and after changing sides from Alexander Balas to Demetrius, Ptolemy captured Antioch, was hailed there as king of Syria, but instead established Demetrius upon the throne. In a battle in 146 when he was fighting with Demetrius against Alexander, Ptolemy fell from his horse and died a few days later. During his reign he continued the traditions of his family in constructing, repairing, or adorning temples, leaving records at Karnak, Edfu, Kom Ombo, Der al-Medineh, Dabud, and Phil�.

 Ptolemy VIII. Eupator II. (Neos Philopator), son of Ptolemy VII. and Cleopatra, was a mere infant when his father died. His mother proclaimed him, and Ptolemy IX. immediately marched on the capital; but the Romans intervened, adjudged the throne to Ptolemy IX. and directed that he marry Cleopatra.. Reports are that on the day of the marriage Ptolemy VIII. was murdered, so that his reign was merely nominal.

Ptolemy IX. Euergetes II. Physcon (146-117) showed himself after his accession what previous events had indicated-the worst of the Ptolemies. The rebellion in Syene already ment�oned was probably caused by oppression and misrule; he showed the traits of cruelty and vindictiveness, and was devoted to the pleasures of the senses. On becoming king he proceeded to take vengeance upon those who had opposed him, the wealthy were seized and executed and their property confiscated, while Alexandria was in effect given to the mercenaries to plunder. This appears to have been his course until, in 130, the city rose in revolt, burned his palace, and compelled him to flee. His sister Cleopatra was made queen. But by 128 he was able to return and his sister took refuge in Antioch, while Demetrius II. attempted unsuccessfully to restore her. This action was accepted by Ptolemy as sufficient reason for interference in Syrian affairs, and for a time lent his support to the Syrian pretender Alexander Zabinas, who was successful until Ptolemy transferred his favor to Antiochus Grypus, who married Tryphaena, Ptolemy's daughter, and assumed the Syrian crown. Here once more the Ptolemies come into relations with the Jews, and this member of the family showed such hostility that a literary battle ensued between the Jews and their opponents, and a part of the Jewish defense appears in the interpolated Sibylline Oracles (q.v.). Egypt seems to have been the scene of local revolts during the remaining years of Ptolemy's rule. Yet, like his predecessors, he was much engaged in the repair or construction of parts of temples, and seems in his feelings to have been the most Egyptian of his dynasty. He was a patron of literature, and wrote a work in twenty-four books.

Ptolemy X. Soter II. Lathyrus (117-81) was the son of Ptolemy IX. by his niece and wife Cleopatra, who is reported to have tried to seize the government and to associate her youngest son (Ptolemy XI. Alexander) with her; but the Alexandrians forced her to abandon this design and choose Ptolemy X. But she had him put away his sister-wife Cleopatra and marry his youngest sister Selene, and sent Ptolemy Alexander to reign in Cyprus. Josephus (Ant., XII., x. 2-4) asserts that after some years of peaceful joint rule Ptolemy and Cleopatra disagreed respecting the treatment of the Jews, the latter being favorably disposed to them and having as two of her advisers and generals descendants of Onias. Cleopatra pretended that her life was in danger from Lathyrus, who had to leave Egypt, while Alexander was recalled from Cyprus to the co-regency (106). Lathyrus then seized Cyprus, and in 103 interfered in Palestine against Jannseus, whom he defeated. An incredible act of savagery is by Josephus (Ant. X111., xii. 6) charged against Lathyrus in connection with his Palestinian campaign; it is said that he overran the country, ordered his soldiers to strangle women and children, cut them into pieces and boil and devour the limbs as sacrifices. The alleged purpose was to secure for his army a reputation for severity that should overawe the foe. It is not impossible that the Egyptian's purpose was to carve out a kingdom in Palestine and hold it as a point of departure from which to regain entrance into Egypt. But he was eventually driven out of Palestine by a joint land and sea attack under Cleopatra and Ptolemy Alexander. About 101 Cleopatra was murdered by Ptolemy XI., who was then obliged to flee, and perished either in battle or at sea c. 88 B.C. Lathyrus was recalled by the Egyptians and reigned in comparative quiet. The one inauspicious event was in the south, where Thebes was the center of a rebellion, apparently fostered by the Nubians. Two years were required to reduce the city, after which it was practically destroyed. Ptolemy was asked (c. 87) to lend his fleet to the Romans in the Mithridatic war, but diplomatically evaded the request. With the Athenians he was in high favor. Like the other Ptolemies, he left traces of his handiwork in the temples.

 Ptolemy XII. Alexander II. (81) was the son of Ptolemy XI: by an unknown mother. His grandmother Cleopatra III. sent him with her possessions to Cos, where c. 88 he was taken prisoner by Mithridates the Great, but was treated kindly. He escaped to Sulla and lived with him at Rome till the death of Ptolemy X.; then, when the latter's daughter, Cleopatra-Berenice III., attempted to seize the sovereignty, the Alexandrians sent to Rome for him. A nominal marriage was arranged between him and his step mother, but after nineteen days he murdered her, where upon the soldiers revolted and killed him. With him the legitimate male succession came to an end.

There is little interest in the rest of the dynasty. The kingdom was ready to drop into-the hands of the Romans when their engagement elsewhere permitted-such as the Spanish war, the war with the pirates and with Mithridates. Ptolemy XIII. Philopator Philadelphns Neon Dioniysos (80-51), nicknamed by the Alexandrians Auletes, " the piper," married his half-sister Cleopatra Tryphena, who became the mother of the Cleopatra so famous in history, and also an unknown lady who was the mother of Ptolemy XIV. and XV., whose reigns were only nominal. His reign was turbulent, full of vicissitudes, and toward the end of his reign he was maintained on his throne against the Egyptians' desires only by Roman troops. After his death came Cleopatra, with intervals of stormy rule or joint rule by the other Ptolemies, and then the rule of the Romans.

GEO. W. GILMORE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources for the history of the Ptolemies are: the histories of Dio Cassius, Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, Polybius (excellent Eng. transl., London, 1889), Plutarch's "Lives" (especially that of Cleomenea), and the works of Josephus (especially War and Ant.); R. S. Poole, Coins of the Ptolemies, 3 parts, London, 1864; M. E. Revillout, Actes et contrats des mus�es �gyptiens, Paris, 1876; idem, Papyrus d�motiques du Louvre, ib. 1885-92; idem, Notice des papyrus d�motiques archa�ques, ib. 1896; idem, R6uue Apyptologique, 1880 sqq; J. P. Mahaffy, On the Petrie Papyri, 2 vols., Dublin, 1891; F. G. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 2 vols., London, 1893-98; B. P. Grenfell and J. P. Mahaffy, Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphua, Oxford, 1896; U. Wileken, Griechische Ostraca, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1899; the publications of the Egypt Exploration Fund (q.v.), which are of prime importance, especially the Greco-Roman Branch and the Annual Reports; the columns of the Classical Review and the Aegyptische Zeitschrift, which reproduce many original documents.
The English reader will find excellent treatment in J. P. Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, London, 1895; idem, Hist. of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, ib. 1899; E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus, 2 vols., London, 1902; and E. A. W. Budge, Egypt under the Sa�tes, Persians, and Ptolemies, vols. vii.-viii., Oxford and New York, 1902. Consult further: C. R. Lepsius, Denkm�ler aus Aegypten und Adhiopien, Berlin, 1849-59; G. Grote, Hist. of Greece, chap. xciii., London, 1872; J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, vol. i., Breslau, 1875; F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1892; M. L. Strack, Die Dynastie der Ptolem�er, Berlin, 1897 (takes into account fresh material); P. M. Meyer, Daa Heerweeen der Ptolem�er and R�mer in Aegypten, Leipsic, 1900; A. BouchbLeclerq, Hist. des Lagidea, 2 vols., Paris, 1903-04; B. Niece, Geschichte der griechischen . . Staaten seit der Schlacht bei Chaeronea, 3 vols., Gotha, 1893-1903; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxiii. 848-857.

PTOLEMY: Valentinian Gnostic. See VALENTINUS AND HIS SCHOOL.

 

PUBLICAN. See TAXES, TAX-GATHERERS.

 

PUBLICANL See NEW MANICHEANS, II., � 1.

 

PUDDEFOOT, WILLIAM GEORGE: Congregationalist; b. at Westerham (18 m. s.e. of London), Kent, England, May 31, 1842. He was educated in the Westbourne schools, London, but at the age of seventeen went to Canada, settling at Ingersoll, Ontario. He served in the Fenian raids of 1866 and six years latter removed to Tecumseh, Mich., where he worked as a shoemaker. He had always been interested in religious matters, however, and in 1879 became a home missionary under the auspices of the Congregational Home Missionary Society. He was later a general missionary and later still held a Congregational pastorate at Traverse City, Mich., until 1888, since when he has been field secretary of the Congregational Home Missionary Society, and has written Minute.-Man on the Frontier (New York, 1895) and Hewers of Wood (in collaboration with I. O. Rankin, Boston, 1903).

 

PUENJER, GEORG CHRISTIAN BERNHARD: Protestant theologian; b. at Friedrichskoog (56 m. n.w. of Hamburg), Sleswick-Holstein, June 7, 1850; d. at Jena May 13, 1885. He was educated at Jena, Erlangen, Zurich, and Kiel, 1870-74; became privatdocent in the theological faculty of Jena, 1878; and professor extraordinary, 1880. He was the author of De M. Serveti doctrina (Jena, 1876); Geschichte der christlichen Religionsphilosophie seit der Reformation (2 vols., Brunswick, 1880-83; Eng. transl., History of the Christian Philosophy of Religion from the Reformation, Edinburgh, 1887); Grundriss der Religionsphilosophie, ed. R. A. Lipsius (1886); and founder and editor of the Theologischer Jahresbericht (Leipsic, 1882-85).

 

PUERSTINGER (PIRSTINGER), BERTHOLD: Bishop of Chiemsee; b. at Salzburg (156 m. w.s.w. of Vienna) 1465; d. at Saalfelden (28 m. s.s.w. of Salzburg) July 19, 1543. In 1495 he appears, already a licentiate in law (doctor later), as chamberlain of the archbishop of Salzburg, then as vicar general. In 1508 he became bishop of Chiemsee, having his residence in Salzburg. Thenceforth he was often employed in important matters by Archbishop Leonard (d. 1519) and by his successor, Matth�us Lang (1519-10). He ordained Johann won Staupitz (q.v.) as abbot of St. Peter's in 1522 and thereafter the two men, both gentle, earnest, and spiritual, are repeatedly named together. Lang's energetic reformatory measures accorded with Berthold's deepest wishes, and he seems to have both inspired them and given them expression.

When Berthold was sent to suppress the Lutherans in Kitzbuhel he accomplished little, his retiring nature being unfitted for decisive action. Nor did he have the necessary practical endowments for the external duties of his episcopal office or the strenuous zeal requisite to uphold its secular and financial rights against the nobles. In 1525 at his own request on the ground of age and physical weakness he was given a coadjutor. His Onus ecclesi� had appeared in 1524 and Archbishop Lang was anxious that Berthold should continue his literary work. In retirement at the monastery of Raitenshaslach, near Burghausen, he finished his Tewtsche Theologey toward the end of 1527 (Munich, 1528; Latin transl., Augsburg, 1531; ed. W. Reithmeier, Munich, 1852). The translation was made at Saalfelden, whither Berthold had retired permanently, and there he wrote also Tewtsch Rational �ber das Ambt heiliger mess and Keligpuchel Ob der Kelig ausserhalb der mess zeraichen sey (Munich, 1535). In 1532 he founded a brotherhood in Saalfelden and later erected for it an asylum, primarily for poor priests, though laymen and women were admitted if they were not Lutherans. The inscription over Berthold's grave, in which he was called father of the poor, was preserved in the Saalfelden church till 1811.

Berthold's writings have far more interest than the deeds of his active and public life; and they reveal the man with no less clearness. The Onus ecclesi� was published anonymously (Landshut, 1524, Cologne, 1531, 2d ed. revised, Augsburg, 1531), but there is no doubt about his authorship. As early as 1548 it appears in a Venetian index of heretical books and in 1550 in the Louvain index. From the latter it passed to the Roman, but since Benedict XIV. has been omitted. Berthold's purpose is to call to repentance and reform; for this end he depicts in dark colors the "burden" which lies on the entire Church-a twofold weight of guilt and impending punishment, in which all are involved, but especially Rome and the clergy. The Turks, who were then threatening eastern Europe, are an instrument of the merited doom; and the "reformation" by which the Church was already divided forebodes more to come. The whole is worked up in apocalyptic manner in connection with the last days. Joachim of Fiore, the revelations of St. Bridget, and other productions of the contemporary medieval prophetism furnished material, with which personal observations and experience are interwoven, so that the whole presents a well-ordered and illuminating picture of conditions in South Germany and the archdiocese of Salzburg. Escape is possible only by a true reform; and its nature and method have already been indicated by Francis of Assisi. The poverty of the mendicant monks is the ideal toward which the Church, the papacy, and the clergy must strive by renouncing worldly goods; the immediate means for its attainment is a free general council "where expression is allowed to the lowly and faithful." The attitude toward indulgences is significant; their abuse is characteristic of the present evil time and will destroy the Church if not checked. The most Carefully written chapter of the book (xv.) treats of this theme and it accords fully with Luther's ideas and utterances.

The Tewtsche Theologey (for editions see above) is the first extended Roman Catholic treatise on dogmatics in the German language and the first comprehensive and systematic presentation of the Roman doctrine in opposition to the Reformation. It thus has importance as literature and linguistically, and is directly connected with the beginnings of the Counter-Reformation. The occasion and aim are stated in the preface-to lead back the misguided to the right faith and to set forth the truth. The polemical purpose is evident in the attempt to speak "from Scripture and the teachers, especially Augustine," and in the selection and arrangement of the material (faith and justification are put first). The dogmas and ethics set forth are really based on Thomas, but in the distorted form usual in the later Middle Ages. Anselm, Bernard, Bonaventura, Duns Scotus especially, all had influence, the prophets of the Onus are sometimes heard, and interesting reminiscences of Nicholas of Cuss, and mysticism (Tauler) come to view. Indulgences are regarded quite as in the Onus and there are other resemblances between the two books. But the tone is different. A polemical antireformation note is struck in the Theologey which places it in the Roman reaction. Luther.'s justification by faith alone is repudiated; the power and privileges of the pope are emphasized. Thus the call to repentance of the earlier book is weakened. Berthold's personality, however, is the same in both works; he is sensible and upright, thorough, inclined to traditionalism and repelled by humanism, defective in academic training. The Theologey had only a limited influence either in the original language or in the Latin translation; it was too minute and pretentious, too clumsy in disputation, and admitted too candidly the faults of the Church.

(JOHANNES FICKER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. W. Vierthaler, Geschichte des Schulwesens and der Kultur in Salzburg, i. 151-162, Salzburg, 1802; W. Hauthaler, Kardinal Matthaus Lang and die religios-soziale Bewepung seiner Zeit, ib. 1896; J. Schmid, Des Kardinals and Erzbischofs . . . Matthaus Lang Verhalten zur Reformation, F�rth, 1901. On the writings consult: J. G. Schelhom, De religionis evangelica in provincia Salisburgensi ortu, progressu et fatis, Germ. transl., pp. 17-54, Leipsic, 1732; H. Lammer, Die vortridentinisch-katholische Theologie des Reformation-Zeitalters, pp. 27-30 et passim, Berlin, 1858; H. C. Lea, Hist. of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church, 3 Vols., Philadelphia, 1896; H. Werner, Die Flugschrift "Onus Ecclesi� "mit einem Anhang �ber sozial- and kirchenpolitische Prophetien, Giessen, 1901; Greinz, Berlhold Purstinger, Salzburg, 1904.

PUFENDORF, SAMUEL, BARON: The first German professor of natural and international law; b. at Dorf-Chemnitz in the margravate of Meissen (either Dorf-Chemnitz bei Zwonitz, 15 m. s.s.w. of Chemnitz, or Dorf-Chemnitz bei Sayda, 30 m. s.w. of Dresden) Jan. 8, 1632; d. in Berlin Oct. 26, 1694. He studied in Leipsic and Jena, was professor in Heidelberg from 1661, in Lund from 1668, historiographer and secretary of state in Stockholm from 1677, and privy councilor to the elector of Brandenburg in Berlin from 1687. In his chief book, the De jure naturce et gentium (Lund, 1672; Frankfort, 1684; and often; Eng. transl., Of the Law of Nature and Nations, Oxford, 1710, 5th ed., London, 1749), he elaborated and systematized the conception of law to which Hugo Grotius (q.v.) had first given expression a half-century earlier, making all knowledge of it flow from three sources -the reason, the civil statutes, and the divine revelation, to which correspond the three disciplines of natural law, civil law, and moral theology. The principle of natural law is the instinct of society, and natural law is a purely rational science, independent of revelation, and taking account of men only as they actually are. This was contrary to the medieval conception, which considered the essential righteousness of God as the archetype, the attributes of God as the norm, and the decalogue as the code of natural law. Religion in Pufendorf's system is a means for the realization of law and God is its originator. He would study theology as a mathematical science and establish its principle by the method of geometrical demonstration. All this was inacceptable to the orthodoxy of the day. Pufendorf was bitterly attacked in Lund, then by theologians of Leipsie and Jena, and a long and unseemly controversy followed. In a work De habitu religionis Christian� vitam civilem (Bremen, 1687; Eng. transl., Of the Nature and Qualification of Religion, London, 1698) he advocated supervision of the Church by the State and guaranty of freedom of conscience, which can be limited only by natural religion inherent in the State; as God does not judge by dogmas, so the State has not the verdict of heresy. Buddeus and Christian Wolff first accorded to Pufendorf proper recognition. Other translations of his works into English were: Introduction to the History of the Principal Kingdoms and States of Europe (London, 1699, new ed., 1764); The History of Popedom (London, 1691); and A View of the Lutheran Churches (London 1714).

(G. FRANKt.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. F. W. Hinrichs, Geschichte des Rechts und Staatsprinzipien seit der Reformation, vol. ii., 3 vols., Leipsic, 1848-52; J. C. Bluntschli and K. Brater, Deutsches Staatsw�rterbuch, viii. 424-439, 11 vols., Leipsic, 1856-70; G. Frank, Geschichte der protestandischen Theologie, ii. 62-67, 3 vols., ib. 1862-75; J. G. Droysen, in Abhandlungen der neuern Geschichte, ib. 1876; H. von Treitschke, Historische and politische Aufs�tze, iv. 202-304, Leipsic, 1897; ADB, xxvi. 701-708. His Briefs to Christian Thomasius are edited by E. Gigas, Munich, 1897.

PUL. See ASSYRIA, VI., 3, 1 9.

 

PULCHERIA: Eastern empress, daughter of Arcadius and elder sister of Theodosius II.; b. 399; d. Sept. 10, 453. Notwithstanding her youth, in 414 the senate made her Augusta and guardian of her weak-minded brother. As empress she lived like a nun and transformed the palace into a convent, but for a decade her rule was absolute. After the marriage of Theodosius with Athenais, daughter of Leontius, a philosopher of Athens (the bride embracing Christianity and receiving with baptism the name of Eudocia), jealous quarrels broke out between the two sisters-in-law, although Pulcheria had herself chosen her brother's wife. In the Nestorian controversy (see NESTORIUS) Eudocia sided with Nestorius, Pulcheria plotted with Cyril and by her influence over the emperor secured the patriarch's downfall; her course was doubtless embittered by a charge which Nestorius had made against her chastity. The schism which had split the Church of Constantinople for thirty years Pulcheria terminated by bringing the bones of Chrysostom to the capital and giving them solemn burial in the Church of the Apostles (Jan. 27, 438). The relics of the forty martyrs of Sebaste, of Zacharias, and of St. Stephen were treated in like manner. In 446 Pulcheria was banished from the court, but four years later she regained her influence, Eudocia having been banished in the mean time and taken up her residence in Jerusalem, where she died in 461. After the death of Theodosius (450), Pulcheria consented to a nominal marriage with the aged senator and general, Marcian, who was elevated to the imperial dignity. She attended the sixth session of the Council of Chalcedon (Oct. 25, 451) and contributed to the condemnation of both Eutychianism and Nestorianism. The Greek Church reverences Pulcheria as one of its greatest saints.

(O. ZOCKLER†.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Gregorovius, Athenais, Geschichte einer byzantinischen Kaiserin, pp. 60 sqq., Leipsic, 1881; A. G�ldenpenning, Geschichte des �str�mischen Reichs unter Arkadius ... , ii. 217 sqq., 243 sqq., 291 sqq., 317 sqq., 373 sqq., Halle, 1885 (the best modern presentation); Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. ii., passim, Eng. transl..vol. iii. passim, Fr. transl., vol. ii. passim; ASB, Sept., iii. 503-540, iv. 778-782; DCB, iv. 520-521.

 

PULLEYN (PULLEIN), ROBERT: A noteworthy representative of the dogmaticians of the twelfth century who sought to collect the opinions of distinguished teachers on various points of doctrine (the so-called "sentence writers"); b. in England of good parentage perhaps c. 1080 or earlier; d. in Rome (?) c. 1150. His name appears as Polenius, Pullan, and Pully, as well as in the two forms given in the title. After studying in England he went to Paris, where William of Champeaux and Abelard were his teachers and where in due time he himself taught. About 1133 he appears in England, lecturing on the Scriptures at Oxford and also as archdeacon of Rochester. King Henry I. showed him favor and offered him a bishopric, which he declined. The disturbances after Henry's death (1135) .drove him again to Paris. A letter from Bernard of Clairvaux (Robert's warm friend) to the bishop of Rochester, written about 1140, shows that the bishop had appealed to Pope Innocent II. in an attempt to induce him to return to his benefice. Innocent, however, probably influenced by Bernard, decided in Robert's favor and called him to the papal court. He became cardinal under Celestine II., chancellor under Lucius II., and probably died during the reign of Eugenius III. (1145-53) as his signature is not found later.

Writings by Robert of varied character (commentaries, treatises, sermons, etc.) are extant in manuscript, but nothing has been published except the Sententiarum librii viii (ed. H. Mathoud, Paris, 1655, reproduced in MPL, clxxxvi.; excerpts are in Ceillier, Auteurs sacr�s, xiv. 392 sqq.), which was strongly influenced by Abelard's Sic et non. Abelard, however, made no attempt to reconcile conflicting opinions. Robert goes farther and tries to unify contradictions by the dialectical method and the Aristotelian philosophy. He begins (book i.) with the doctrine of God and finds his dialectics applicable and sufficient to prove that God exists, that he can have had no beginning, and that there can not be more gods than one. When he comes to the Trinity, however, he quotes I John v. 7, as the ultimate proof; and all his fine-spun reasoning merely confirms the truth of an incidental remark at the beginning-that the dialectician accomplishes nothing, since he explains "the obscure by the obscure and that which is to be believed by the incredible." The omnipresence of God Robert illustrates by the soul in the body. God's relation to evil is not explained as purely permissive, and thus God is not the originator of evil in the world; to be able to do evil is not evil, but actually to do evil. Predestination is expounded in Augustinian fashion. The discussion of limits upon the divine omnipotence is characteristic of Robert's method. Abelard had asserted that God can do no more than he does and wills; others that everything is included in the omnipotence of God. Robert explains that what would be against reason and evil if it were done, God can not do, since if he could it would be impotence, the ability to do evil would eclipse the ability to do good. Nevertheless God could do much which he does not because he does not purpose it, although it could be done without injury to his goodness. Book ii. proceeds to the creation of the world, with many curious speculations. The doctrine of angels is expounded minutely, a subject to which Robert returns in the sixth book. Books iii. and iv. treat in the main of Christology. The succeeding books are much less systematic. Book v. takes up the resurrection, and then the treatment of the sacraments begins and lasts into the eighth book, with much discursive material. Like Alger of Liege Robert knows of five sacraments. The treatment of marriage and divorce (book vii.) is of much importance for the history of the canon law before Gratian. Book viii. opens with the Lord's Supper and closes with the last things. All elect heathen will be converted and all Jews by Enoch and Elias, and then Antichrist will come. For three and a half years he will rule and oppress the elect, will seduce many from the Roman Church, rebuild the temple in Jerusalem, will be worshiped by many as God, but finally will be killed by the archangel Michael on the Mount of Olives. Then the elect who have been misled by Antichrist will be given forty days for repentance. A great fire will break out and consume the world, burning till all believers are purified. The general resurrection will follow, at which all men will receive back all parts of the body, even the most minute. Finally the last trumpet will sound, the living will be caught up in the air, the judge will come, and the souls which still have need of purification will be cleansed by fire. Many fantastic ideas concerning the order in which the good and wicked will rise, the place of judgment, the separation of the pious from the godless, and the like, are interwoven, with curious and naive discussions.

(FERDINAND COHRS.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The earlier reports are collected in MPL, clxxxvi. 633 sqq. Consult further: L. E. Dupin, Nouvelle bibliothdque des auteurs eccl�siastiques, ix. 213 sqq., Paris, 1689-1711, abridged Eng. transl., 3 vols., Dublin, 1723-24; C. Oudin, Cormnentarius de acriptoribus ecclesiasticis, ii. 1118 sqq., Leipsic, 1732; B. Haur�:au, Hist. de la philosophie scolastique, i. 483 sqq., Paris, 1872; J. Bach, Die Dogmengeschichte des Mittelalters, ii. 216 sqq., Vienna, 1875; T. E. Holland, in The Historical Review, vi (1891), 238 sqq.; J. E. Erdmann, Geschichte der Philosophie, i.309 sqq., 4th ed., Berlin, 1896, Eng. transl. of earlier ed., 3 vols., London, 1893; DNB, xlvii. 19-20.

PULLMAN, JAMES MINTON: Universalist; b. at Portland, Chautauqua County, N. Y., Aug. 21,, 1836; d. at Lynn, Mass., Nov. 23, 1903. He graduated at St. Lawrence Divinity School, Canton, N. Y., 1860; was pastor at Troy, N. Y., 1861-68; of Sixth Universalist Church (Our Savior), New York, 1868-85; and at Lynn, Mass., 1885-1903. He was interested in various philanthropic movements, being a member of the Massachusetts State Board of Charities; of the National Civil Service League from its inception; director of the State Prison Association; counselor of the American Institute of Civics; and other bodies with similar aims.

 

PULPIT: The platform in a church from which the speaker addresses the audience. In primitive Christendom the preacher's position was regularly inside the railing (cancelli) which separated choir and nave, an arrangement still further emphasized in the metropolitan cathedral, where the bishop was the preacher. At the same time personal considerations, questions of room, and other influences came to lend their weight in ever greater degree to the reservation of the Ambo (q.v.), which had originally been set apart for the lections, for the homiletic discourse whether inside or outside the railing. A development thus took shape which found its expression in the pulpit, although not until centuries later; the German designation Kanzel still reechoes a more primitive connection with cancelli ("chancel," or crossbars).

Developed from the Ambo.

The growing centralization of the entire worship upon the mass, and the more ceremonial decoration of the choir in consequence, no longer allowed place for the sermon in these hallowed precincts, quite apart from the fact that the decline of preaching in the first half of the medieval era took away all interest in the matter (see PREACHING, HISTORY OF). Not until after the sermon had again attained some significance in public worship, did the practical' question of the preacher's place in the sanctuary once more come urgently to the front. The historical connection of the same with the ambo, whether in the form of an isolated construction, or accessory to the rood-loft, was still an extant fact; and this was the starting point. The ambo, however, came to be more or less projected into the central nave, to face the congregation. None the less during this transition period and even much later, movable "preaching chairs" of wood continued in use in all Western Christendom. This device was promoted especially through the mendicant orders' habit of delivering sermons abroad in the public squares. Indeed, in the early Middle Ages these movable stands hardly went out of fashion. In Germany, as commonly in the North of Europe, the sermon's place adhered longer to the modified rood-loft that was fitted up for this purpose and for the liturgical lections. The fuller and freer development of the pulpit in all countries to which it gained entrance was not eventually assured before the late Gothic period in the fifteenth century; while the Reformation movement brought this development into still wider and swifter activity not only in Protestant but also in Roman Catholic jurisdictions.

Medieval Pulpit Decorations.

The pulpit now becomes a conspicuous, indispensable fixture of the interior equipment of churches; and in keeping with its importance it is appropriated by art as an object highly fruitful for its purposes. Its connection with choir and ambo ceases entirely, and the portable wooden pulpit disappears. From late Gothic times onward, the pulpit is a fixed essential to the central nave, and is almost as indispensable as the baptismal font. Its materials in the Middle Ages were stone and wood; the Renaissance preferred wood. Rarely the pulpit adjoins the wall in a freely suspended manner; but usually it rests on a structural base, on a pillar or column. Again, statues appear as hearers-Moses, kings of Israel, Peter, Paul, angels, even Christ himself. At the bottom lie monsters as images of the demonic powers overcome by the Church and now its servants. Not only here but elsewhere in pulpit art, solemn warnings are occasionally introduced for preachers and hearers alike. And still more richly does art unfold itself in the case of the commonly octagonal, more rarely hexagonal or circular, breastwork surrounding the platform. From single ornament to detail figures and entire scenes, decorative art has here been active. Christ and his apostles, the four Church Fathers (in medieval times the favorite theme), saints, especially the patrons of the founder or of the Church -the symbols of the four Evangelists (frequent in the Reformation era and predominantly so on Protestant soil), personified virtues, the well-known typical figures of medieval imagery, Old- and New-Testament scenes, etc., complete this copious cycle. Equally appropriated to the operations of art is the stairway arrangement; an elegantly perforated balustrade, often with statues, embellishes the way. With conscious design to this end, images of Moses and the prophets were employed. A similar decoration was finally bestowed upon the indispensable and often tremendous sounding-board, which in the Gothic era sometimes rears itself like an open tower or towering cupola.

Later Development.

In the Renaissance age these forms become simplified; indeed, a certain sobriety and monotony come to prevail. Toward the end of the eighteenth century and in the early years of the nineteenth-sporadically still earlier-the pulpit was relegated to the altar's enclosure, and became associated with the altar in such sort that it was either constructed over the altar wall, or else it was erected behind the altar, which in this case was not permitted to have a headpiece. Not only the Evangelical but also the Roman Catholic Church-though the latter in less degree-is implicated in this confusion. The reawakening of a proper understanding for the nature of congregational worship and the right functions of the objects thereto instrumental within the interior of the church, led to spirited opposition against this juxtaposition of altar and pulpit. The custom of covering the front of the ambo with a cloth passed over to the pulpit, and has been maintained to this day. The pulpits or quasi-pulpits which occur as detached externals of churches, served either for the display of relics or for the delivery of addresses on special occasions. Sometimes they stand quite apart from any connection with the church edifice in the square of the church or in the cemetery.

In the Greek Church.

The Greek Church has generally adhered to the simple ambo along the dividing line of the choir. Only in the larger churches, where stress is laid on the sermon, has there been progress in the development of pulpits; though even here their form still variously reflects the general style of the ambo.

VICTOR SCHULTZE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, Ill., v. 4, VIII., v. 4; H. Otte, Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunstarch�olopie, s.v. "Kanzel," 2 vols., Leipsic, 1883-84; J. A. Martigny, Dictionnaire des antiquit�s chr�tiennes, s.v. "Ambo;" Paris, 1865; F. X. Kraus, Real-Encyklop�die der christlichen Alterth�mer, s.v. "Ambon;" 2 vols., Freiburg, 1880-86; W. Durandus, Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments, p. 23, London, 1906; KL, i. 685-887; and the very illuminating article on the Ambo in F. Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'arch�ologie chr�tienne, fasc. v., cols. 1330-47, Paris, 1904 (where a vast reference list is given).

PUNISHMENT, FUTURE. See FUTURE PUNISHMENT.

 

PUNISHMENTS, HEBREW. See LAW, HEBREW, CIVIL AND CRIMINAL.

 

PUNSHON, WILLIAM MORLEY: Wesleyan; b. at Doncaster (30 m. s. of York) May 29, 1824; d. at London Apr. 14, 1881. He entered the Methodist society. in 1838; became a local preacher in 1842; studied at the Wesleyan College at Richmond in 1845; occupied various fields until he was ordained in 1849; served at Newcastle-on Tyne, Sheffield, and Leeds 1849-1858; in London, 1858-64; and Bristol, 1864-67; presided over the annual conferences and had great influence upon Methodism in the Dominion of Canada, 1867-73; and returning to London, he was superintendent of Kensington district, 1873-75, and one of the general secretaries of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 1875-81. He was distinguished for his eloquence, enthusiasm, wisdom, administrative ability, and success in raising money for benevolent purposes. He published Select Lectures and Sermons (London, 1860); Life Thoughts, sermons (1863); Sabbath Chimes, verses (1867); The Prodigal Son (1868); and Sermons, Lectures, and Literary Remains (1881).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. W. Macdonald, The Life of William Morley Punshon, London, 1887; The Rev. W. M. Punahon, a Sketch of his Life, with Sermons, ib. 1871; T. MacCullagh, The Rev. W. M. Punshon, . . a memorial Sermon, ib. 1881; W. M. Punshon, Preacher and Orator, with a Selection of his Lectures and Sermons, ib. 1881; J. Dawson, William Morley Punshon, the Orator of Methodism, ib. 1906; DNB, xlvii. 37-38.

 

PURCELL, HENRY: Composer; b. at Westminster, London, in 1658; d. at the same place Nov. 21, 1695. He was copyist at the Westminster Abbey, 1676-78; and was appointed organist at the same place, 1680, and at the Chapel Royal, 1682. He occupied a place in the first rank of English sacred composers. While his place in this work is due to his compositions for church use, he was a prolific producer of music for the stage, fifty-one dramatic works of his being known. He was a composer also of sonatas, and of pieces for the organ and the harpsichord. His Sacred Music (including fifty anthems), Te Deum, Jubilate, and a number of minor pieces, were collected and edited by Vincent Novello, and prefaced with a notice of his life and works (London, 1826-36).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. H. Cummings, Purcell, in Great Musicians Series, London, 1899; G. Grove, Hist. Of Music, ii. 183, iii. 46-52, 5 vols., ib. 1879-89; J. F. Runciman, Purcell, New York, 1909; DNB, xlvii. 39-44.

PURCELL, JOHN BAPTIST: Roman Catholic archbishop; b. at Mallow (18 m. n.n.w. of Cork), County Cork, Ireland, Feb. 26, 1800; d. at St. Martens, Brown County, Ohio,. July 4, 1883. He emigrated to America in 1818; studied theology in America and France; was ordained priest at Paris in 1826; returned to America, and was made professor in 1827, and president in 1828, of Mount St. Mary's College, Emmittsburg, Md. In 1833 he was consecrated bishop, and in 1850 archbishop, of Cincinnati. When he came to his see, there were only sixteen Roman Catholic churches in all Ohio, and many of these were mere sheds. In 1876 there were 460 churches, 100 chapels, 3 theological seminaries, 3 colleges, 6 hospitals, and 22 orphan asylums. In 1879, he, with his brother, failed for $4,000,000, whereupon he retired permanently to a monastery He held public debates with Alexander Campbell and with Thomas Vickers, published respectively as A Debate on. the Roman. Catholic Religion (1837) and The Vickers and Purcell Controversy (New York, 1868). In the Vatican Council he spoke and voted against the infallibility dogma, though he later accepted it.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: No biography of this prelate exists. Consult R. Gilmour, Funeral Oration on Archbishop J. B. Purcell, New York, 1883.

 

PURCHAS, JOHN: Church of England; b. at Cambridge July 14, 1823; d. at Brighton Oct. 18, 1872. He received his education at Christ. College, Cambridge (B.A., 1844; M.A., 1847); was curate of Elsworth, Cambridgeshire, 1851-53, of Orwell in the same county, 1856-59, and of St. Paul's, Brighton, 1861-66; and perpetual curate of St. James' Chapel, Brighton, after 1866. His curacy in St. James' is significant because of the direct contribution which was made through it to the controversy concerning ritualism (see RITUALISM) in the Anglican church. Purchas introduced the use of vest ments such as the cope, chasuble, alb, biretta, etc., and used lighted candles on the altar, crucifixes, images, and holy water, together with processions, incense, and the like. He was accordingly (Nov. 27, 1869) charged before the court of arches with infringing the law of the established church; he did not appear to answer, giving as reasons his poverty, which prevented him from securing legal assistance, and ill-health. Decision was rendered against him Feb. 3, 1870, but in terms which did not please Col. Charles James Elphinstone, who had brought the suit. The latter appealed for a fuller condemnation, which was eventually obtained May 16, 1871, the decision going against Purchas in all points. Purchas had put his property out of his hands, and so could not be made to pay costs; moreover, he did not discontinue the illegal practises, and was suspended for twelve months; but in spite of this he continued his services until his death. The decision caused a controversy which extended over a considerable period and involved the leaders in the Anglican church.

Purchas' most important literary achievement was the editing of Directorium Anglicanum: being a Manual of Directions for the right Celebration of the Holy Communion, for the Saying of Matins and Evensong, and for the Performance of the other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church (London, 1858; a standard work on Anglican ritualism). He was also the author of a comedy, several poems, including Poems and Ballads (1846); The Book of Feasts; Sermons (1853); The Priest's Dream: an Allegory (1856); and The Death of Ezekiel's Wife: Three Sermons (1866).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: DNB, xlvii. 44-45. The official reports of the trials are in Law Reports, Admiralty and Eccleaiastical Courts, 1872, iii. 66-113, and Law Reports, Privy Council Appeals, iii. 245--257, 605-702. Further comment is to be found in: G. Calthrop, The Judgment in the Purehas Case. London, 1871; R. Gregory, The Purchas Judgment, ib. 1871; H. P. Liddon, The Purchas JudgmentNotes on the Judgment of the . . . Privy Council in the Appeal Hebbert v. Purchas, ib. 1877.

PURGATORY: The doctrine of purgatory is associated with that of the Intermediate State (q.v.). Its reference to fire was derived from the use of fire in the Bible as a symbol of purification (Mar. iii. 2; Matt. iii. 11; I Pet. i. 7) and of punishment (Matt. xxv. 41; Mark ix. 44, 49). The doctrine first began to be broached in the third century. Clement of Alexandria (P�d., iii., Strom., vii.) speaks of a spiritual fire in this world; and Origen held that it continues beyond the grave (Hom. on Num. xxv.), even Paul and Peter must pass through it in order to be purified from all sin (Hom. on Ps. xxxvi.). Augustine, relying on Matt. xii. 32, regarded the doctrine of purgatorial fire for the cleansing away of the remnants of sin as not incredible. Gregory the Great (604) established the doctrine. Thomas Aquinas (qu. lxx. 3), Bonaventura (Compendium theologio, vii. 2), and Gerson (Sermo, ii., De defunotis), and other great men of the Middle Ages held that the fire of purgatory was material. At the Council of Florence (1439) the Greek church laid down the idea as one of the irreconcilable differences between them and the Latin church. The Cathari, the Waldenses, and Wyclif opposed the doctrine.

The teaching of the Greek Catholic Church is thus stated in the "Longer Catechism" (adopted 1839; cf. Schaff, Creeds, ii. 504):

Q. 376. What is to be remarked of such souls as have departed with faith, but without having had time to bring forth fruits worthy of repentance? This, that they may be aided toward the attainment of a blessed resurrection by prayers offered in their behalf, especially such as are offered in union with the oblation of the bloodless sacrifice of the Body and Blood of Christ, and by works of mercy done in faith for their memory. Q. 377. On what is this doctrine grounded? On the constant tradition of the Catholic Church, the sources of which may be seen even in the Church of the Old Testament. Judas Maccab�us offered sacrifices for his men that had fallen (II Macc. xii. 43). Prayer for the departed has ever formed a fixed part of the divine Liturgy, from the first Liturgy of the apostle James. St. Cyril of Jerusalem says, "Very great will be the benefit to those souls for which prayer is offered at the moment when the holy and tremendous sacrifice is lying in view" (" Mystagogical Lectures," v. 9). St. Basil the Great, in his Prayers for Pentecost, says that "the Lord vouchsafes to receive from us propitiatory prayers and sacrifices for those that are kept in Hades, and allows us the hope of obtaining for them peace, relief, and freedom."

The Roman Catholic doctrine is as follows (Schaff, Creeds, ii. 198-199):

Whereas the Catholic Church, instructed by the Holy Ghost, has, from the Sacred Writings and the ancient tradition of the Fathers, taught in sacred councils, and very recently in this ecumenical synod, that there is a purgatory, and that the souls there detained are helped by the suffrages of the faithful, but principally by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar: the holy synod enjoins on bishops that they diligently endeavor that the sound doctrine concerning purgatory . . . be believed, maintained, taught, and everywhere proclaimed by the faithful of Christ.

The doctrine was elaborated by Bellarmine (1621) in De purgatorio, in which proof was adduced from I Kings xxxi. 13; II Kings i., iii.; II Mace. xii. 40 sqq.; Tob. iv. 18; Matt. xii. 32; 1 Cor. iii. 11, and from the Fathers, the councils, and reason, and the conclusion is reached that the fire of purgatory is material (ignem purgatorii esse corporeum).

The doctrine of purgatory as now taught in the Roman Catholic Church is that souls which depart this life in a state of grace but guilty of venial sins or liable to some punishment after the guilt of sins is forgiven, are subject to a process of cleansing before entering heaven. The souls detained there are helped by the prayers of the faithful. These souls probably pray to God in behalf of those who are still known to them on the earth, and they inspire living men to offer prayer in their behalf. But what the location of the place is, what is the nature or quality of the pains, or the duration of the purifying process, or what the methods in which the mediation of the living is applied are questions to which the Church affords no answers. The difficulty that the detention of those who enter purgatory just previous to the final judgment is too short for purification, is met by the suggestion that pure spirits are not under ordinary conditions of time, and that all things are present together in the eternity of God.

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Wright, St. Patrick's Purgatory, London, 1843; J. Berington and J. Kirk, Faith of the Catholics, iii. 140, London, 1846; W. Palmer, Dissertations on Orthodox Catholic Communion, ib. 1853; W. Forbes, Considerationes Modest�, vol. ii., ib. 1856; L. Redner, Das Pegfeuer, Regensburg, 1856; J. H. Oswald, Eschatologie, Paderborn, 1868; G. Williams, Orthodox Church of the East in the 18th Century, London, 1868; Tracts for the Day, ed. O. Shipley, vol. ii., ib. 1868; B. Jungmann, De novissimis, Regensburg. 1871; W. Barrows, Purgatory doctrinally and historically Opened, New York, 1882; J. Bautz, Das Fegfeuer, Mainz, 1883; W. Allen, Souls Departed; a Defence of the Doctrine touching Purgatory, republished, London, 1886; M. Canty, Purgatory, Dublin, 1856; J. Mumford, Two Ancient Treatises on Purgatory, London, 1893; Louvet, Dos Fegfeuer, nach den O$en6arungen der Hefdigen. Paderborn, 1895; S. J. Hunter, Oullines of Dogmatic Theology, �� 551. 607, 711, 822, 829, New York, 1896; F. X. Schouppe, Die Lehre van Fegfeuer, Brixen, 1899; A. J. Mason, Purgatory, London. 1901; F. Schmid, Das Pegfeuer nach katholische Lehre, Brixen, 1904; KL, iv. 1284--96; and literature under ESCHATOLOGY; FUTURE PUNISHMENT; INTERMEDIATE STATE; and PROBATION, FUTURE.

PURIFICATION. See DEFILEMENT AND PURIFICATIONS, CEREMONIAL.

 

PURIFICATION OF THE VIRGIN MARY, FEAST OF THE. See MARY, MOTHER OF JESUS CHRIST, Ill.

 

PURIM. See FEASTS AND FESTIVALS, I., � 5; SYNAGOGUE.

 

 

PURITANS, PURITANISM.

  • Motives of the First Puritans (� 1).
  • Congregation at Frankfort and Geneva (� 2).
  • Relations of Elizabeth and the Puritans (� 3).
  • Repressive Measures (� 4).
  • Growth of Puritanism; Thomas Cartwright (� 5).
  • Attempts at Presbyterianism, 1572 (� 6).
  • The " Prophesyings "; Archbishop Grindal (� 7).
  • Archbishop Whitgift's Articles (� 8).
  • Whitgift'a Severity (� 9)
  • Attitude of Parliament (� 10).
  • The Marprelate Tracts; Browpists (� 11).
  • James L; Hampton Court Conference (� 12).
  • Archbishop Bancroft; Puritan Emigration (� 13).
  • The Puritans Calvinists (� 14).
  • Charles I. Archbishop Laud (� 15).

The Reformation in England was begun in the reign of Henry VIII. and consolidated in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. It was unfortunate for religion and the Church that from the first the movement was subordinated to personal caprice and state policy. Most of the principal agents employed to effect it were zealous Protestants and desired that it should be thorough; and although at first unable to do all which they desired, they rejoiced in what they had been permitted to accomplish, and hoped that the work would continue to advance. But they were doomed to disappointment, and in the end submitted to what appeared to them to be "the inevitable."

1. Motives of the First Puritans.

The first Puritans were men who could not accept the work as complete or rest satisfied with it in its imperfection. They wished to make the Church as perfect an instrument as possible for promoting true religion, and therefore urged the utter rejection of everything that countenanced Roman error and superstition. They had no objection to the connec tion of the Church with the State, or to some control of it by the civil authorities. They submitted to those regulations which they approved, but, whether consistently or inconsistently, they resisted those which appeared to them inexpedient or contrary to the interests of Protestant truth. They were not actuated solely or chiefly, as has often been charged, by hostility to ecclesiastical government by bishops, but by the intense conviction that the hierarchy, as it was and as it seemed certain to remain, was destructive of the purity and truth of religion.

The spirit of Puritanism had appeared in the reign of Edward VI. Bishop Hooper refused to be consecrated in the papal vestments and to take the papal oath. The latter was altered, but the former could not be dispensed with. For his refusal he was imprisoned, but eventually compromised matters by consenting to wear the vestments on high occasions only (see HOOPER, JOHN).

2. Congregation at Frankfort and Geneva.

During the Marian persecution many English divines fled to the continent and several found an asylum in Frankfort, where, having obtained the use of a church on condition that they should subscribe the French confession of faith, they formed a society, chose John Knox and Thomas Leaver as their ministers, drew up a service-book for themselves, and proceeded in the path of reformation farther than it had yet been possible to do in England. Here they met with opposition from other exiles who had been in vited to join them, who insisted on using the English liturgy and on conforming to the rites of the English Church as ordered in the reign of Edward VI. Troubles consequently arose, which disquieted the original company and finally caused it to remove to Geneva. The treatment these brethren met with at Frankfort was only an earnest of what they were to experience in England in the ensuing reign (cf. A Brief Discourse of the Troubles at Frankfort 1554 1558 A.D. Attributed to William Whittingham, Dean of Durham, 1575 A.D., London, 1908).

3. Relations of Elizabeth and the Puritans.

When Elizabeth ascended the throne, the exiles returned home, but, much to their sorrow, found the queen disposed to retrograde rather than to advance. Fond of pomp, she determined on preserving the vestments and some symbols of popery, alleging a desire to retain the Roman Catholics in the church; and, to aid in securing this object, some offensive passages in the service-book were removed and ceremonies which favored their opinions were retained. Elizabeth cordially disliked the Puritans, and there fore such men as Miles Coverdale and John Fox were treated with neglect. In the first year of her reign the Act of Supremacy and the Act of Uniformity were passed (see SUPREMACY, ACT OF; UNIFORMITY, ACTS OF), the latter of which pressed heavily upon the Puritans, who had scruples respecting the conformity required of them in vestments and forms. They held that certain vestments, having been used by the "idolatrous" priests of Rome, defiled and obscured the priesthood of Christ, that they increased hypocrisy and pride, that they were contrary to Scripture, and that the enforcement of them was tyranny. Many of the bishops would have been glad to dispense with them. But the queen insisted upon retaining them, and, as Hallam says, "Had her influence been withdrawn, surplices and square caps would have lost their steadiest friend, and several other little accommodations to the prevalent dispositions of Protestants would have taken place" (Constitutional History, chap. iv.). There is do doubt that Elizabeth, feeling the insecurity of her position and the magnitude of the dangers which encompassed her in the beginning of her reign, acted from policy and endeavored to mark out a via media between Protestantism and popery. This partly accounts for her severities toward the Puritans, who strongly opposed this course, but can not excuse them. The Puritans, on the other hand, were jealous for the honor of Christ, the true Head of the Church, and would conform to nothing which tended to endanger Protestant truth. They acted, moreover, under the advice of the continental Reformers, who urged them "not to hearken to the counsels of those men, who, when they saw that popery could not be honestly defended nor entirely restrained, would use all artifices to have the outward face of religion to remain mixed, uncertain, and doubtful; so that, while an evangelical religion is pretended, those things should be obtruded on the Church which will make the returning back to popery, superstition, and idolatry, easy." Rudolf Gualther, the writer of the advice, says, "We have had experience of this for some years in Germany, and know what influence such persons may have . . . . I apprehend that in the first beginnings, while men may study to avoid the giving of small offense, many things may be suffered under this color for a little while; and yet it will scarce be possible, by all the endeavors that can be used, to get them removed, at least without great struggles.", Later experience has proved the wisdom of this advice. The Puritans did not refuse to use the vestments as vestments merely, but as symbols; and their motto was Obsta principiis.

4. Repressive Measures.

The parochial clergy at the commencement of Elizabeth's reign were almost entirely the Marian mass-priests who had conformed to the new order. Not more than 300 in the 10,000 parishes of England had vacated their livings; the rest had a great influence in the convocation of 1562, which met to review the doctrine and discipline of the Church. Notwithstanding this influence, Bishop Sandys introduced a petition for reformation, which went very far to satisfy the demands of the Puritans, and which was rejected only by the proxies of absentees, and then by a .bare majority of one. This fact will show the strength of the Puritan party at that time. But, although so strong, the queen and her ecclesiastics determined to suppress it. The Court of High Commission, constituted by virtue of the royal supremacy, was empowered "to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offenses, and enormities whatsoever," and, with its oath ex officio (by which a man was compelled to testify against himself and to tell what he knew of others), was the means of inflicting extreme suffering on the Puritans. In order to insure uniformity "advertisements" (see ADVERTISEMENTS OF ELIZABETH) were issued by the bishops in 1566 (probably originally drawn up by Archbishop Parker in 1564), by which it was ordained that "all licenses for preaching, granted out by the archbishops and bishops within the province of Canterbury, bearing date before the first day of Mar., 1564, be void and of none effect." Thus all preachers were silenced. And, to complete the work, it was ordained that only "such as shall be thought meet for the office" should receive fresh licenses. Thus only conformable ministers were restored. Some of the best and most conscientious of the clergy were cast out of office and thousands of parishes were destitute and had no ministers to preach to them. This, however, in the estimation of the queen and her ecclesiastical advisers was a less evil than a ministry without the Roman Catholic vestments.

5. Growth of Puritanism; Thomas Cartwright.

Archbishop Parker seconded the queen in all her severities, the consequence of which was that in 1567 some of the laity resolved to meet privately and to worship God as the Protestants did in Queen Mary's days. About 100 of them met in Plumbers' Hall in London. But they were surprised and some were apprehended and imprisoned for more than a year. These rigorous measures tended rather to the increase of Puritanism than to its destruction. The people continued to meet privately and the clergy began to look beyond the vestments and to question the constitution of the Church itself. Their leader was Thomas Cartwright, who, as Margaret professor of divinity at Cambridge, unfolded his views of ecclesiastical order, which were in harmony with those of the Presbyterian churches on the continent and in Scotland. A severe controversy hereupon arose. Cartwright was deprived of his professorship and fellowship, and was forbidden to teach or to preach. He retired to Geneva, where he was chosen professor of divinity; but he afterward returned to England. In 1571 John Field and Thomas Wilcox (two ministers of the Puritan party) prepared the famous Admonition to Parliament for the Reformation of Church Discipline. They presented it themselves, and for doing so were committed to prison. Whitgift replied to the admonition, and took the Erastian ground, which Hooker afterward maintained, that no form of church order is laid down in the New Testament, and that the government in the apostles' days can not now be exercised. Cartwright, who had published A Second Admonition, was chosen to reply to Whitgift. Both his books gave such offense to the queen and archbishop that it was resolved to try him, but he escaped to Heidelberg. During Cartwright's exile, Whitgift published his Defence of the Answer to the Admonition; and Cartwright then published his Second Reply. This exile continued eleven years, after which Cartwright returned home to experience yet further molestation and suffering (see CARTWRIGHT, THOMAS; WHITGIFT, JOHN).

6. Attempts at Presbyterianism, 1572.

It has been frequently said, that in 1572 a Presbyterian church was formed at Wandsworth; Field, the lecturer of Wandsworth, being the first minister, and Travers and Wilcox among the founders. The facts are, that the first distinct practical movement to secure a Presbyterian organization began with a secret meeting at that place. Wilcox and Field convened a few of their ministerial brethren and others to sketch an outline of the ecclesiastical polity which they wished to see in operation. Some of their papers fell into the hands of Bancroft, from which it appears that the only presbytery erected was on paper and was immediately demolished by Bancroft. Field and Wilcox were thrown into prison. The leaders of the party succumbed and their meetings were discontinued (cf. J. Waddington, Surrey Congregational History, p. 5, London, 1866).

7. The "Prophesyings"; Archbishop Grindal.

In 1575 Archbishop Parker died and was succeeded by Grindal. He found the country morally and religiously in a deplorable condition in consequence of the ignorance and incapacity of so many of its clergy. This state of things did not distress the qeen, for she thought one or two preachers in a diocese enough; but the Puritans thought otherwise. In the year 1571 these clergy, in some districts, with the permission of the bishop, engaged in religious exercises called "prophesyings," which were meetings at which short sermons were preached on subjects previously fixed. These were good exercises for the clergy and cultivated the art of preaching. The laity were admitted and derived instruction and benefit from them. In 1574 Parker told the queen that they were only auxiliaries to Puritanism and Non-conformity, whereupon she gave him private orders to suppress them. When Grindal became archbishop of Canterbury, he inherited not only that office but also the task of suppressing the prophesyings; but, approving of them, he set himself rather to redress irregularities and to guard them against abuse. The queen, on the other hand, disliked them, and determined that they should be suppressed. On Dec. 20, 1576, Grindal wrote a respectful but faithful letter to the queen, in which he said, "I am forced with all humility, and yet plainly, to profess that I can not with safe conscience, and without the offense of the majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing of the said exercises: much less can I send out any injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same." For this boldness, Grindal was suspended, his see was placed under sequestration for six months, and he was confined to his house.

8. Archbishop Whitgift's Articles.

Grindal died in 1583, and was succeeded by Whitgift, who, during the first week of his archepiscopal rule, issued his famous articles:

"(1) That all preaching, catechising, and praying in any private house, where any are present besides the family, be utterly extinguished. (2) That none do preach or catechise, except also he will read the whole service, and administer the sacraments four times a year. (3) That all preachers, and others in ecclesiastical orders, do at all times wear the habits prescribed. (4) That none be admitted to preach, unless he be ordained according to the manner of the Church of England. (5) That none be admitted to preach, or execute any part of the ecclesiastical function, unless he subscribe the following articles: (a) That the queen hath, and ought to have, the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within her dominions, of what condition soever they be; and that none other power or potentate hath or ought to have, any power, ecclesiastical or civil, within her realms or dominions. (b) That the Book of Common Prayer, and of ordering bishops, priests, and deacons, containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God, but may be lawfully used; and that he himself will use the same, and none other, in public prayer, and administration of the sacraments. (c) That he alloweth the Book of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation holden in London in 1562, and set forth by her Majesty's authority; and he believe all the articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word of God."

9. Whitgifts' Severity

It is not surprising to find that, wielding almost absolute power with a despotic severity, Whjtgift suspended many hundred clergy from their ministry. Petitions and remonstrances were in vain. And for twenty years this man guided the affairs of the Established Church. Only the records of the High Commission Court can tell the havoc he made, and the misery he inflicted on some of the holiest of the clergy and the people of their charge. A new commission was issued at his instigation. Its jurisdiction was almost universal, embracing heretical opinions, seditious books, false rumors, slanderous words, abstaining from divine service, etc. A jury might be dispensed with, and the court might convict by witnesses alone; if they were wanting, " by all other means and ways they could devise,"-by the rack and ex-ofcio oath, etc.; and, if the oath were declined, then the court might inflict "fine or imprisonment according to its discretion." Whitgift drew up twenty-four articles to guide the commissioners when examining delinquent clergymen. The privy council remonstrated with him, and Lord Burleigh described the articles thus: "I find them so curiously penned, so full of branches and circumstances, that I think the Inquisition of Spain use not so many questions to comprehend and entrap their preys." Whitgift's reply was that he had undertaken the defense of the rights of the Church of England to appease the sects and schisms therein, and to reduce all the ministers thereof to uniformity and due obedience. "And herein," said he, "I intend to be constant, and not to waver with every wind." And so persistent was he that at one time, toward the close of Elizabeth's reign and of his life, no less than a third of the whole beneficed clergy of England were suspended; and this involved at least destitution and penury. The story of Cartwright's troubles given in more extended histories is a sad illustration of the spirit of Whitgift's rule. Cartwright died Dec. 27, 1603, and Whitgift within three months after.

10. Attitude of Parliament.

Parliament on several occasions manifested a disposition to legislate for the relief of the Puritans. In 1570 they enacted that ministers who had received Presbyterian ordination might qualify for service in the English Church by declaring before the bishop, and subscribing their assent "to all articles of Parliament. religion which only concern the confession of the true Christian faith and the doctrine of the sacraments contained in the Book of Articles, 1562." Many of the Puritans attempted to shelter themselves under this act, but in vain. When, in 1572, Field and Wilcox 'presented their Admonition and Parliament lent an ear, the queen issued a proclamation against it, and forbade Parliament to discuss such questions as were mooted in it. Again, in 1584, 1587, and 1592, the queen interfered, and at length charged the speaker "that henceforth no bills concerning religion should be received into the House of Commons, unless the same should be first considered and approved of by the clergy "; well knowing that the clergy would only act in such a matter under her direction. Peter Wentworth remonstrated in the House against this dictation, but only to be committed to prison. In 1592 an act was passed, entitled "An Act for the Punishment of Persons obstinately Refusing to Come to Church." It was decreed that "all persons above the age of sixteen, refusing to come to church, or persuading others to deny her Majesty's authority in causes ecclesiastical, or dissuading them from coming to church, or being found present at any conventicle or meeting, under pretense of religion, shall, upon conviction, be committed to prison without bail till they shall conform, and come to church "; and that, should they refuse to recant, " within three months, they shall abjure the realm, and go into perpetual banishment; and that if they do not depart within the time appointed, or if they ever return without the queen's license, they shall suffer death without benefit of clergy." Under the provisions of this cruel act, Barrow, Greenwood, Penry (qq.v.), and others suffered death, and many of the Brownists left the kingdom.

11. The Marprelate Tracts; Brownists.

The Puritans themselves were not always wise or moderate in the expression of their sentiments. The oppression to which they were subjected was severe enough to goad them often to the use of strong language. But in 1588 a series of tracts was issued from a secret press, by an unknown writer who called himself Martin Marprelate (see MARPRELATE TRACTS). They were bitter and caustic, excited the wrath of the bishops, and brought down further afflictions upon the heads of the Puritans, although it is probable that the Puritans properly so called had nothing to do with them. Indeed, many Puritans greatly disapproved of them and regretted their publication. They possibly had their origin among the Brownists (see BROWNE, ROBERT), whose opinions and practises were even more obnoxious to the bishops than those of the ordinary Puritans. These Brownists may be classed among the Puritans, and by many persons are confounded with them; but they were a distinct species of the order, and during the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth they suffered the severest afflictions.

12. James I; Hampton Court Conference.

Elizabeth died on the last day of 1602, and James VI. of Scotland succeeded her. The Puritans hoped that from him they would receive milder treatment. He had praised the Scottish Kirk, and disparaged the Church of England, saying that "its service was but an evil- said mass in English, wanting nothing but the liftings." But Whitgift had sent agents to Scotland to assure the king of the devotion of the English ecclesiastics to his interests; and he, in return, gave them his patronage entirely. The Puritans presented a petition to him, when on his way to London, unsigned but expressing the wishes of about a thousand clergymen, and therefore called the " Millenary Petition " (q.v.). In it they set forth in moderate language their desires. And now a fair opportunity presented itself for conciliation. A conference was resolved upon, which assembled at Hampton Court, Jan. 14, 1604, professedly to give due consideration to these matters (see HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE). On the first day the king and the episcopal party alone went over the ground, and settled what was to be done. The next day four Puritan ministers--John Reynolds (q.v.), Dr. Sparks, Mr. Chadderton, and Mr. Knewstube-were called into the privy council chamber, where they expressed their desires, and explained and enforced the Puritan objections. On the third day the king and the bishops at first conferred by themselves, and, after they had settled matters, the four Puritans were again called in and told what had been decided. The king said that he expected of them obedience and humility, and added, "if this be all that they have to say, I shall make them conform themselves, or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse." And so the opportunity for conciliation was lost, and then severities were resumed.

13. Archbishop Bancroft; Puritan Emigration.

In 1604 the constitutions and canons of the church were settled in convocation, and, without receiving the assent of Parliament, were issued on the strength of the royal supremacy alone. They were conceived in a rigorous spirit and dealt freely in excommunication, which at that time was not a mere brutum fulmen. Bancroft, bishop of London, presided at this convocation, as Whitgift was now dead; and he was afterward raised to the archbishopric of Canterbury. In his new office he even surpassed Whitgift in his severities. Three hundred Puritan ministers, who had not separated from the Established Church, were silenced, imprisoned, or exiled in 1604. "But, the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied and grew." And now the persecuted pastors and people began to think of emigrating. The Separatists went to Holland-Smyth to Amsterdam in 1606, and John Robinson with the Scrooby church to Amsterdam and Leyden in 1608- 1609. Some of the Puritans also sailed for Virginia, whereupon the archbishop obtained a proclamation forbidding others to depart without the king's license. And so severe was the persecution which they endured that Parliament in 1610 endeavored to relieve them, but with little success. Bancroft died this year, being succeeded by George Abbot, and still persecution continued. In 1618 the king published his Declaration for Sports on the Lord's Day. The controversy on the observance of the Sabbath began in the latter part of Elizabeth's reign. Dr. Nicholas Bound published his True Doctrine of the Sabbath, contending for a strict observance of the day; and Whitgift opposed it. The Puritans adopted its positions, but the court clergy rejected them, and now the Book of Sports became the shibboleth of the. party. All ministers were enjoined to read it in their congregations, and those who refused were suspended and imprisoned.

14. The Puritans Cavinists.

The doctrines of the Reformers and of their successors, Conformists and Puritans alike, had been hitherto Calvinistic. Whitgift was a High Calvinist; the king, who prided himself on his theology, had maintained Calvinism; and the representatives of England at the Synod of Dort were of the same opinions. But a change came over the Established clergy and many began to set forth Arminianism [or, rather a semi-Pelagianism of the Roman Catholic type]. The Puritans held fast to the old faith and now in 1620 were forbidden to preach it. And from this time and through the primacy of Laud, Puritan doctrine, as well as Puritan practise, was obnoxious to those in power.

15. Charles I.; Archbishop Laud.

James died in 1625, and was succeeded by Charles I. Under this monarch "the unjust and inhuman proceedings of the Council Table, the Star Chamber, and the High Commission, are unparalleled." Non-conformists were exceedingly harassed and persecuted in every corner of the land. These severities were instigated by Laud, soon after made bishop of London, and prime minister to the king. Lecturers were put down, and such as preached against Arminianism and the Popish ceremonies were suspended. The Puritans were driven from one diocese to another, and many were obliged to leave the kingdom. In 1633 Laud succeeded to the archbishopric of Canterbury, on the death of Abbot, when the Puritans felt the whole force of his fiery zeal; and during the next seven years multitudes of them, ministers and laymen, were driven to Holland and America. The Book of Sports was republished, with like consequences as at the first publication. William Prynne (q.v.), Burton, and Bastwick suffered their horrible punishments. Ruinous fines were imposed, superstitious rites and ceremonies were practised and enjoined, and the whole church appeared to be going headlong to Rome. In 1640 the Convocation adopted new constitutions and canons, extremely superstitious and tyrannical, which the Long Parliament condemned as being "contrary to the fundamental laws of the realm and to the liberty and property of the subject, and as containing things tending to sedition and dangerous consequence." The nation could bear the unmitigated political and ecclesiastical tyranny no longer. Those who had suffered from the king's arbitrary rule joined with those who were groaning under the despotism of the bishops, and with one vast effort overthrew absolute monarchy and Anglican popery together. A new era now commenced. Puritanism properly so called had ended; for the Puritans split into two parties, Independents and Presbyterians. For the further history see CONGREGATIONALISTS; PRESBYTERIANS; WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY; see also the biographical notices of men named in this article and others prominent in the Puritan time, as CROMWELL, OLIVER; MILTON, JOHN.

(JOHN BROWNEt.) MORTON DEXTERt.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For sources consult: S. R. Gardiner: Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, London, 1890 (a most useful and fundamental book), cf. P. Bayne, Documents Relating to the Settlement of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformity, ib. 1882; R. G. Usher, Presbyterian Movement in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth as illustrated by the Minute Book of the Dedham Classis, 16881689, ib. 1905 (traces the Puritan attempt to introduce modifications into the Church of England); W. Bradford, Hist. of Plymouth Plantation, 1606-46, ed. W. T. Davis, New York, 1908.
For the history consult: B. Brook, Lives of the Puritans, 3 vols., London, 1813; D. Neal, History of the Puritans, best edition by J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1822, ed. also by J. O. Choules, New York, 1863 (the great classic); E. Hall, The Puritans and their Principles, New York, 1846; W. H. Stowell, Hist. of the Puritans in England, London, 1849, new ed., 1878, New York, 1887; J. B. Marsden, Hist. of the .. . . Puritans . . . to . . 1662, 2 vols., London, 1850-52; J. Tulloch, English Puritanism and its Leaders, Edinburgh, 1861; S. Hopkins, Puritans of the Reigns of Edward Vl. and Elizabeth, 3 vols., ib. 1862; W. C. Martyr, The Great Reformation, vol. iv., History of the English Puritans, New York, 1868; L. Bacon, Genesis of the Near England Churches, ib. 1874; H. O. Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, 1570-1660, London, 1877, new ed., 1887; C. E. Ellis, The Puritan Age and Rule in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1629-85, Boston, 1888; D. Campbell, The Puritan in England, Holland and America, New York, 1892; John Brown, The Pilgrim Fathers of New England, and their Puritan Successors, ib. 1895; J. Gregory, Puritanism in the Old World and the New, ib. 1896; O. P. Temple, The Covenanter, Cavalier and Puritan, ib. 1897; E. H. Byington, The Puritan as a Colonist and Reformer, Boston, 1899; idem, The Puritan in England and New England, ib. 1900; E. Dowden, Puritan and Anglican. Studies in Literature, London, 1900; C. H. Firth, Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the Puritans in England, New York, 1900; H. M. and Morton Dexter, The England and Holland of the Puritans, Boston, 1905 (" contains a mass of trustworthy information "); S. R. Maitland, Reformation in England, ib. 1906 (chaps. i.-ii. deal with Puritanism); S. C. Beach, Daughters of the Puritans, ib. 1907; E. B. Hulbert, The English Reformation and Puritanism, Chicago, 1907; I. W. Riley, American Philosophy; the early Schools, pp. 37 sqq., New York, 1907; J. Heron, A Short Hist. of Puritanism, ib. 1908; J. E. Kirkbye, Puritanism in the South, Boston, 1909; A Sehalck de la Faverie, Les Premiers Interpr�tes de la pens�s americaine. Essai d'hist. et de litterature sur 1'�volution du puritanisme aux �tats-Unis, Paris, 1909; Winnifred Cockshott, The Pilgrim Fathers: their Church and Colony, New York, 1910; B. Blaxford, The Struggle with Puritanism, London, 1910; J. H. Burn, The struggle [of the Church of England] with Puritanism, ib. 1910; J. Brown, The English Puritans, ib. 1910; R. G. Usher, The Reconstruction of the English Church, 2 vols., New York, 1910.

PURVES, GEORGE TYBOUT: Presbyterian; b. in Philadelphia Sept. 27, 1852; d. in New York Sept. 24, 1901. He was a graduate of the University of Pennsylvania (1872) and of Princeton Theological Seminary (1876); was pastor of the Presbyterian church at Wayne, Pa., 1877-80; of the Boundary Avenue Presbyterian Church, Baltimore, 1880-1886; of the first Presbyterian Church, Pittsburg, 1886-92; professor of New-Testament literature and exegesis in Princeton Theological Seminary, 1892-1900; and pastor of the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church, New York City, from 1900 till his death. He was the author of The Testimony of Justin Martyr to Early Christianity (Stone lectures for 1899 at Princeton Theological Seminary; New York, 1899); Christianity in the Apostolic Age (1900); Joy in Service (sermons; 1901); Faith and Life (sermons; 1902); and The Sinless Christ (sermons;1902).

 

PURVES, JAMES: Scotch sectary; b. at Blackadder (10 m. w. of Berwick upon Tweed) Sept. 23, 1734; d. at Edinburgh Feb. 1 (or 15), 1795. His father was a shepherd, and the son in 1755 united with a religious society belonging to certain "fellowship societies" founded in Berwickshire by a lames Fraser, connected with the "Reformed presbytery" from 1743 to 1753. After reading Isaac Watts' Dissertation on the Logos he adopted the doctrine of the preexistence of the human soul of Christ; gaining influence in the societies, he was sent as a commissioner to Ireland to certain societies there of like faith. Meanwhile the societies were without a stated ministry, but in 1769 Purves was selected by lot to prepare for this work. He was sent to Glasgow College in 1769, where he gained some knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. In 1771 a statement of the theology of the societies was drawn up by Purves, involving Arian positions and free examination of the Scriptures untrammelled by creeds. In 1776 one of these societies was founded in Edinburgh, and Purves was called as pastor, and in 1792 the name "Universalist Dissenters" was adopted. The congregations were small, but Purves supplemented his pulpit work by a considerable literary activity, printing himself some of the tracts which embodied his views, even casting the Hebrew type. He issued in all about twenty publications, of which the most important are A Short Abstract of the Principles . . . of the United Societies in Scotland (n.p., 1771); Observations on Prophetic Times and Similitudes (2 parts, Edinburgh, 17771778); A Hebrew Grammar without Points (Edinburgh, 1779; has some very excellent qualities); An Humble Attempt to Investigate . . . the Scripture Doctrine concerning the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (1784); An Humble Enquiry into Faith and Regeneration (1788); Observations on the Visions of the Apostle John (2 vols., 1789-93); and A Declaration of the Religious Opinions of the Universalist Dissenters (1793).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A memoir by T. C. Holland is printed in the Monthly Repository, 1820, pp. 77 sqq.; DNB, xlvii. 50-51.

PURVEY, JOHN: Reviser of the Wyclif translation of the Bible; b. about 1354; d. about 1428. He was from Lathbury (5 m. s. of Olney); was probably educated at Oxford; associated with John Wyclif at Lutterworth for some time before 1384, and after Wyclif's death became a leader of the Lollard party; he preached at Bristol, but was silenced in Aug., 1387, by the Bishop of Worcester. In 1390 he was in prison, and while there compiled from Wyclif's writings a commentary on Revelation. In 1400 he recanted his Lollardy at St. Paul's Cross, London; was by the archdeacon of Canterbury admitted to the vicarage of West Hythe, Kent, but resigned Oct. 8, 1403, and was again in prison in 1421. He is chiefly remembered for his revision of Wyclif's and Nicholas Hereford's translation of the Bible, which he completed in 1388 (see BIBLE VERSIONS, B, IV., � 2). To this revision he wrote a prologue of great length and interest. He was also the author of Remonstrances against Romish Corruptions in the Church, Addressed to the People and Parliament of England in 1396 (ed. J. Forsball, London, 1851).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Netter, Fasciculi zizaniorum, ed. W. H. Shirley, pp. lxviii., 383, 400 107, London, 1858; Wyclif's New Testament in English, ed. J. Forshall and F. Madden, vol. i., Oxford, 1850, new ed., 1879; J. I. Mombert, Hand-Book of the English Versions of the Bible, pp. 45, 55-57, New York, 1883; G. V. Lechler, John Wycliffe and his English Precursors, pp. 220, 407, 452-453, new ed., London, 1884; W. W. Capes, The English Church in the 14th and 18th Centuries, passim, ib. 1900; G. M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wyclife, pp. 224-225, Philadelphia, 1907; J. Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation in England, i. 52, 59, 116, 195, London, 1908; DNB, xlvii. 51-52.

 

PUSEY, EDWARD BOUVERIE: Church of England tractarian; b. at Pusey (12 m. s.w. of Oxford) Aug. 22, 1800; d. at Ascot Priory, Oxford, Sept. 16, 1882. He was the second son of the first Viscount Folkestone, Jacob Bouverie, descending from the old Huguenot family of Bouverie. At the age of eighteen he entered Christ Church College, Oxford, and in 1824 was elected fellow at Oriel College, where he became intimately acquainted with J. H. Newman and John Keble. He studied oriental languages, but after a prolonged stay in Germany (1825-27, in G�ttingen, Berlin, and Bonn) devoted himself to the study of German theology. By his work on this subject, Historical Enquiry into the Probable Causes of the Rationalistic Character . . . Predominant in the Theology of Germany (London, 1828-30) he attracted the attention of academic circles, so that the duke of Wellington in 1829 made him regius professor of Hebrew and canon of Christ Church.

In 1833 the Tracts for the Times (see TRACTARIANISM) had begun to appear and caused a great sensation. Although Pusey was in contact with the circle from which they proceeded, it was only with his treatise on baptism, Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism (nos. 67-69 of Tracts for the Times, 1835) and the publication of the Library of the Fathers (see below) that he, at the end of 1834, joined the forces of High-churchism which after that formed the purpose and task of his life. He exercised a great and decisive influence upon the character and events of the movement, but was not responsible for the foundation of the new party. He threw himself into the study of the Fathers and of those "Anglicans" who in the seventeenth century had not succeeded in realizing their idea that the "old church," i.e., the medieval Church, in spite of Roman deformations, had been the only true expression of the Church of Christ, and from these studies Pusey's ideas of the Church received a decisive influence. In this spirit he, together with Keble and Newman, edited, after 1836, the Oxford Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, Anterior to the Division of the East and West (50 vols., Oxford, 1838-85). In a lecture on the Book of Common Prayer he asserted, long before Newman, that many "genuinely Catholic" doctrines might be upheld even with the acknowledgment of the Thirty-nine Articles. In 1843 Pusey, in a sermon, stated views which, deviating from the conception of the sacrament current since the Reformation, closely approached the medieval sacrificial idea of the real presence. In consequence he was deposed from his office as preacher. The news of his deposition created such a sensation that Pusey advanced to a leading position in the struggle of the church, and the movement was characterized by the name of Puseyism.

As in his sermons, so in his theological investigations Pusey was held in check by a forced conservatism that strove to awaken forgotten ideals. Although he possessed great gifts as a polemical writer, he was not a profound theologian. His thought. lacked consistence and keenness, but in the knowledge of ecclesiastical antiquities he excelled most of his contemporaries. In directing his eye to the past, he could not comprehend the modern spirit. His theology found adherents only until the sixties. Some of his disciples turned away from him, others went beyond him. His efforts at harmony with Rome and the renewal of the medieval conception of the sacrament, coinciding with the awakening of the medieval ideal of art upon English soil (Preraffaelites), led in natural consequence to a renewal of medieval ceremonies in worship. Although Pusey himself, ignoring the import of his own thoughts, vigorously protested against such a renewal, he could not hinder the renewal of ceremonies from becoming the shibboleth of his party, or Puseyism from being lost in ritualism.

The fundamental traits of his theology Pusey laid down in a number of works which in almost every instance were destined to serve the ecclesiastical questions of the day. The most important are: The Doctrine of the Real Presence, as contained in the Fathers (Oxford, 1855); The Real Presence . . . the Doctrine of the English Church (1857); The Minor Prophets, with Commentary (5 parts, 1860; reissue, London, 1906 sqq.). In the work called Eirenicon (vol. i., 1865) The Church of England a Portion of Christ's One Holy Catholic Church, and a Means of Restoring Visible Unity, he tried to show the ecclesiastical theological foundations of a union with Rome on the basis of the Council of Trent. In the second volume of the same work, The Reverential Love Due to the Ever-blessed Theotokos and the Doctrine of her Immaculate Conception (1869), and in the third volume, Is Healthful Reunion Possible? (1870), both addressed to J. H. Newman in the form of letters, he pursued the idea of union still further and tried to remove the difficulties between England and Rome as being of little account by the assumption of the Gallican principles of Bossuet. The third Eirenicon Pusey sent to the majority of bishops assembled at the Vatican, but it was rejected, and the subsequent triumph of Ultramontanism (1870) completely destroyed his hopes of reconciliation. Besides several collections of sermons, Parochial Sermons (4 vols., 1832-50); University Sermons (3 vols., 1864-79); and Lenten Sermons (1858, 1874), and other works, Pusey published: Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister and God's Prohibition of the Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister (1849, 1860); The Royal Supremacy not an Arbitrary Authority (1850); The Councils of the Church (1857); Daniel the Prophet (1864); On the Clause: " And the Son " (1876); Habitual Confession not Discouraged (1878); What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment (1880).

(RUDOLF BUDDENSIEGt.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The principal biography is by H. P. Liddon, 4 vols., London, 1893-97. Consult further: A. B. Donaldson, Five Great Oxford Leaders, ib. 1902; C. C. Grafton, Pusey and the Church Revival, Milwaukee, 1902; G. W. E. Russell, Dr. Pusey, London, 1907; DNB, xlvii. 53-61. Much of the literature under the articles on Cardinals Manning and Newman and on Tmctarianism will be found pertinent. The bibliography of Pusey's works and those evoked by his activities covers seven pages in the British Museum Catalogue.

PYNCHON, WILLIAM: English colonist in America and religious author; b. at Springfield (28 m. n.e. of London), Essex, in 1590; d. at Wraysbury (3 m. s.e. of Windsor), Buckingshamshire, Oct. 29, 1662. He was probably educated at Cambridge; was one of the original patentees of the Massachusetts Bay Company, 1629; came to America, 1630; settled at Roxbury, Mass.; founded Springfield on the Connecticut River, 1636, naming it for his English home. Visiting England he published The Meritorious Price of our Redemption (London, 1650) controverting the Calvinistic view of the atonement. The heresies it contained (that Christ did not suffer for man the torments of hell, nor bear man's sins, nor the curse of the law for them, and therefore did not redeem mankind by suffering that curse) aroused great consternation in Massachusetts Bay Colony and upon his return the general court condemned the book to be burned by the executioner and cited Pynchon to appear before it in May, 1651. He acknowledged the order by answering in a letter that he had been entirely misunderstood; but he was summoned again in Oct., 1651, and again in May, 1652. He ignored both orders, and, leaving his children, he returned to England, Sept., 1652. He further published Meritorious Price of our Redemption (1655), revised with a rejoinder to the answer of John Morton, A Further Discussion of . . . the Sufferings of Christ (1653); The Jewes Synagogue (1652); How the First Sabbath was Ordained (1664); and The Covenant of Nature Made with Adam (1662).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Massachusetts Historical Collections, 2 ser., vol. viii., 10 vols., Boston, 1814-23; J. G. Palfrey, History of New England, ii. 395-396, 4 vols., New York, 1858-75; H. M. Dexter, The Congregationalism of the Last 300 Years as seen in its Literature, Appendix, nos. 1552, 1838, 1642, 1705, ib. 1880; F. H. Foster, Genetic Hist. of New England Theology, pp. 16-20, 114, Chicago, 1907; DNB, xlvii. 85.

 

PYX. See VESSELS, SACRED, � 3.

QUADRAGESIMA. See LENT; SUNDAY.

 

QUADRATUS, cwod-ra'tus: The earliest Christian apologist. The only source is Eusebius, in his Chronicon, and in Hist. eccl., IV., iii., I., ii. According to this authority Quadratus clalmed to be a disciple of the apostles, and that, to furnish to his brethren in the faith a defense against the false charges brought by the heathen, he wrote a learned defense of Christianity which he forwarded to the Emperor Hadrian (q.v.; 117-138). The passage in the Chronicon  runs as follows: "Quadratus, a disciple of the apostles and Aristides, a presbyter of Athens, composed and sent to Hadrian books in favor of the Christian religion." The same fact is stated in the "History" in practically the same words. Though Eusebius declares "the apology is still current among very many of the brethren," only one meager fragment has survived (cited in his Hist. eccl., IV., iii.; Eng. transl. in NPNF,2 ser. i. 175).

The question has been raised whether Quadratus the apologist is the same person as Quadratus the prophet mentioned by Eusebius in Hist. eccl., III., xxxvii., as Otto, Zahn, and Hilgenfeld have contended. The chronology favors the identification. The mention of the prophet by Eusebius follows immediately after his report of the speech of Ignatius of Antioch, whose martyrdom took place under Trajan, or perhaps under Hadrian. And Harnack, who was formerly against the identification, in his Litteratur (i. 96) grants the probability. Eusebius also mentions (Hist. eccl., IV., xxiii.) a Quadratus who was elected bishop of Athens as successor to the martyr Publius. In two passages of his works (De vir. ill., xix., Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 367-368; and Epist., lxx., Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., vi. 150) Jerome speaks of the bishop of Athens as identical with the apologist. But chronology is against this identification. The apologist, according to the passage from Eusebius cited above, flourished in the time of Hadrian, and the Athenian bishop appears, according to the same author, to have been a contemporary of Bishop Dionysius of Corinth and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. A. Harnack (Litteratur, i. 95-96) declares "The statement of Jerome on this point is unworthy of credit," and Bardenhewer and others agree with him.

(FRANZ GORRES.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Harnack, in TU, i. 1-2 (1882), 100-114; idem, Litteratur, i. 95-96, ii. 1, pp. 269-271; T. Zahn, in NRZ, ii (1891), 281-287; idem, Forschunyen, vi (1900), 41-53; Bardenhewer, Geschchte, i. 168-171; DCB, iv. 523.

QUADRILATERAL: A name given to four articles, adopted as a basis of Christian union by the General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church at Chicago in 1886 and by the Lambeth Conference in 1888. See FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINES OF CHRISTIANITY, II., � 11; LAMBETH CONFERENCE.

 

QUAKERS. See FRIENDS.

 

QUARLES, cworlz: Name of writers of sacred poetry.

1. Francis Quarles was born at the manor-house of Stewards at Romford (12 m. n.e. of London) May 8, 1592; d. at London Sept. 8, 1644. He was educated at Christ Church, Cambridge (B.A., 1608), studied law at Lincoln's Inn; was cup-bearer to Princess Elizabeth on her marriage to the elector palatine in 1613; became secretary to James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh, Ireland, in 1629; lived in retirement at Roxwell, Essex, 1633-39 and was chronologer to the city of London, 1639-1644, with residence in that city. He was a stanch royalist and in the revolution his manuscripts were destroyed. His first attempts at verse were Biblical paraphrases such as A Feast of Wormes set forth in a Poeme of the History of Jonah, published with Hymne to God  and Pentelogia  (London, 1620), Hadassa: History of Queen Esther (1621), Job Militant (1624), Sion's Elegies wept by Jeremie the Prophet (1624), Sion's Sonnets sung by Solomon the King (1625), and Historie of Samson (1631); all of which were bound together with an Alphabet of Elegies (1625) in one volume entitled Divine Poems (London, 1633 and often). The work which won him immediate and phenomenal popularity was Emblemes (1635, 1634); it was issued in five books, the forty-five prints in the last three of which, as well as the verses either translated or closely paraphrased, were from Hermann Hugo's Pia Desideria Emblematis (Antwerp, 1624). This was followed by Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man (1638). The last two were published together (1736, and often). His Divine Fancies, Digested into Epigrams, Meditations and Observations in four books (1632), and his metrical version of six Psalms (xvi., xxv., li., lxxxviii., cxiii., and cxxxvii.) to be taken out to John Winthrop and John Cotton in America were published in the Bay Psalm Book (q.v.). The fruit of his retirement in London (1639-44) consisted of prose manuals of piety, the first of which, Enchiridion, Containing Institutions Divine and Moral (300 essays, 1640; 400 essays, 1641; and numerous other editions) was almost as popular as the Emblems. It was followed by Barnabas and Boanerges; or Wine and Oyle for afflicted Soules (1644), and Barnabas and Boanerges; or Judgment and Mercy for Afflicted Soules (1646); the two consisting of meditations, soliloquies, and prayers were published together (1667). He wrote also a number of royalist pamphlets, such as The Loyall Convert (1644), published with two others as The Profest Royalist (1645). The Complete Works, including his poetic romance, Argulus and Parthenia, and many posthumous publications was issued by A. B. Grosart (3 vols., 1880-81). The ruling theme of Quarles was the wretchedness of man's earthly existence. Though his leading works were immensely popular in their time, yet they obtained but few admirers among persons of literary distinction. James Montgomery (1827) and later writers have done him partial justice and he is now more favorably known; but even they charge him with "base phraseology, labored faults, and deforming conceits." His quips and quaintnesses belong to his age and there is no volume of his verse that is not illumined by occasional flashes of poetic fire. H. D. Thoreau writes of him: "He uses language sometimes as greatly as Shakespeare."

2. John Quarles, son of the above, was born in Essex in 1624; d. of the plague in London in 1665. He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, 1643; bore arms for the king at Oxford and was banished. Taking refuge in Flanders he wrote Pons Lachrymarum (London, 1648). Subsequently in London he published many poems, to one of which, Divine Meditations (1655), was appended Several Divine Ejaculations from which Thomas Darling adapted two hymns for his Hymns for the Church of England (1857), namely, "0 King of kings, before whose throne," and "0 thou who sitt'st in heaven and seest."

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The original source is the Short Relation of his Life and Death, in the ed. of Solomon's Recantation, by Ursula, widow of Francis, London, 1645. The introduction to Grosart's ed. of the Works (ut sup.) is to be consulted, also DNB, xlvii. 92-97, the latter reference covering both Francis and John.

QUARTODECIMANS. See EASTER, I., 3, II., 1 1.

 

QUASIMODO GENITI See SUNDAY

 

QUEEN ANNE'S BOUNTY: A corporation for the purpose of improving small livings in the Church of England, initiated by Queen Anne in 1704. The original source of revenue so applied was the firstfruits and tithes of all benefices usurped by King John, made the property of the crown under Henry VIII., and yielded up for this purpose by Anne. She was enabled by acts of parliament to found the corporation and to make rules for its guidance by royal charter or letters patent. It also receives benefactions and administers them, and its activities have been enlarged so as to include repairs and the insuring of parsonages, as well as provision for erectting new buildings by long-term loans. Its capital is now nearly $25,000,000, with a yearly income of over $800,000, while its total benefactions exceed $30,000,000.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The one good account is by C. Hodgson, An Account of the Augmentation of Small Livings by ' The Governors of the Bounty of Queen Anne," with two supplements, London, 1828-85. A short summary is in W. F. Hook, Church Dictionary, pp. 634-835, London, 1887; cf. W. F. Hutton, The English Church (1686-1714), pp. 256-257, London, 1903.

 

QUENSTEDT, cven'stet, JOHANNES ANDREAS: Lutheran dogmatician; b. at Quedlinburg (31 m. s.w. of Magdeburg) Aug. 13, 1617; d. at Wittenberg May 22, 1688. He was educated at the University of Helmstildt, 1637-43; and of Wittenberg, 1644, where he also lectured on geography; was adjunct professor in the philosophical faculty, 1646-49; ordinary professor of logic and metaphysics and associate professor of theology, 1649-60; and ordinary professor of theology, 1660-88. Quenstedt represents the old orthodox reaction after the period of reconstruction had set in; the fruit of his thirty years of work in the university lectureship was published in the Theologia didactico-polemica sive systema theologicum (Wittenberg, 1685; Leipsic, 1715), a work according to the strictest standard of Lutheran orthodoxy based upon the Theologia, positiva acroamatica of J. F. K�nig, and characterized by external dogmatization instead of a development of the subject from within, and abounding in artful scholastic refinements. He was noted among his contemporaries for his mild, irenic spirit and retiring, pious disposition, which is also shown by his Ethica pastorum et inatructio cathedralis (1678), in which he advises to temper severity with gentleness in resisting heretics, and to distinguish between the tempters and the tempted; warns against pedantry in the pulpit; and recommends the reading of Johann Arndt's Vom vahren Christenthum. Other works are the Dialogus de patriis illustrium doctrina et scriptis virorum (Wittenberg, 1654), and a collection of dissertations, Exercitationes de theologia in genere ejusque principio sancta scriptura (1677).

(JOHANNES KUNZE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Sennert, in H. Pipping, Memoria theologorum, pp. 229 sqq., Leipsic, 1705; J. F. Niceron, Nachrichten von ber�hmten Gelehrten, xx. 130 sqq., Halle, 1760; J. C. Erdmann, Biographie s�mtlicher Propste zu Wittenberg, pp. 25-26, Wittenberg, 1802; idem, Lebenebeschreibungen von den wittenbergischen Theologen, pp. 87-88, ib. 1804; A. Tholuck, Der Geist der lutherischen Theologen Wittenbergs, pp. 214 sqq., Gotha, 1852; W. Gass, Geschichte der protestantischen Dogmatik, i. 357 sqq., Berlin, 1854: G. Frank, Gesdhichte der protestantischen Theologie, ii. 30, 4 vols., Leipsic, 1862-1905.

QUERCUM SYNODUS AD. See CHRYSOSTUM, 4.

QUESNEL, k�"nel', PASQUIER: Jansenistic author; b. at Paris July 14, 1634; d. at Amsterdam Dec. 2, 1719. He was educated at the Sorbonne, where he completed his theological studies (M.A., 1653). In 1657 he entered the Congregation of the Fathers of the Oratorium, then involved in the Jansenistic controversies; and in 1659 became priest. Before the age of twenty-eight he became director of the Paris Institute, the seminary of his order, where he was distinguished as a brilliant instructor, of keen understanding and immovable stability, as well as an amiable and modest character. He devoted himself early to the study of the Scriptures, and from this originated his main work, which drew upon him the enmity of the Jesuits, R�flexions morales sur le Nouveau Testament (Le Nouveau Testament en Fran�ois avec des r�jlezions morales sur chaque verset, 4 vols., Paris, 1692; Eng. transl., The New Testament, with Moral Reflections upon Every Verse, by R. Russel, 4 vols., London, 1719-25). Originally only a brief treatment of a few passages of the Gospels, entitled Abr�g� de la morale de l'�vangile, intended for practical use among his order, it gained such acceptance that Quesnel enlarged it to cover the four Gospels. Each new and enlarged edition met with an increased favor and the bishop of Ch�lons-sur-Marne, Felix Vialard, in a pastoral letter in 1671, commended it to his spiritual charge. When he published Sancti Leonis pap� opera (1675; folio, 1700), in which he defended the liberties of the Gallican Church (see GALLICANISM) and failed to dedicate the same to the archbishop of Paris, he gained the latter's ill-will, and was by him forced to leave Paris, whereupon he took up his residence at Orl�ans. Soon he felt constrained to retire from the Oratorium; and, unable to subscribe the Anti-Jansenistic formulas, he fled to Brussels in 1685, where Anton Arnauld (q.v.) was living, with whom he remained till the latter's death. Here he further extended the Reflexions to cover the entire New Testament, the work appearing complete for the first time in 1687, a new edition (of 1693) being endorsed by the bishop of Ch�lons, afterward archbishop of Paris and later Cardinal Louis Antoine de Noailles (q.v.). The work represented the Jansenistic doctrine, both dogmatic and practical; and when Quesnel had succeeded Arnauld at his death (1694) as head of the party and the strife was renewed in 1703, an order of arrest was secured from Philip V. of Spain, and Quesnel was imprisoned in the ward of the archbishop's palace. With the aid of friends he made his escape and lived in Holland the rest of his life. The seizure of all his papers and correspondence proved a disastrous weapon in the hands of the Jesuits against the Jansenists. The former secured a decree in 1708 from Pope Clement XI., condemning the R�flexions, but this was inhibited in France by reason of objections of a formal nature, and Quesnel's work obtained only the greater circulation. In the formally correct bull, Unigenitus, of 1713, 101 theses were condemned in the most violent pronouncements. The Cardinal de Noailles and seven other prelates rejected the bull, supported by most of the clericals of the orders and by the people, ever ready to take sides against the Jesuits. The main point at issue was the freedom of the Gallican Church. Quesnel meantime vindicated himself by various writings; and quiet and resigned, meek and pious, continued his authorship in exile, in a clear, forceful, elegant, and precise style. Other principal works were, Tradition de l'�glise romaine sur la pr�destination et la gr�ce (4 vols., 1687); La Discipline de l'�glise, tir�e du Nouveau Testament et de quelques anciens conciles (2 vols., Lyons, 1689); Histoire abr�g�e de la vie et des ouvrages de M. Arnauld, appearing originally in 1695 as Question curieuse (Li�ge, 1699); La Foi et l'innocence du elerg� de Hollande d�fendues (1700); and L'Id�e du sacerdoce et du sacrifice de J�sus Christ (very many reprints). Some of his works of edification were, Instructions chr�tiennes et �l�vations � Dieu sur la passion (Paris, 1702); J�ssus Christ p�nitent, ou exercise de pi�t� pour le temps du car�me (1728); El�vation � J�ssus Christ Notre Seigneur sur sa passion et sa mort (reprinted many times); Le Jour �vangt�lique ou trois cent soixante v�rit�s tir�es du Nouveau Testament (1700); Le Bonheur de la mort chr�tienne (new ed., 1738), and L'Office de J�sus, avec des r�flexions. P. F. Le Courayer has published a collection of correspondence, Recueil de lettres spirituelles sur divers sujets de morale et de pi�t� (3 vols., Paris, 1721-23). His letters were edited by Madame Le Roy (2 vols., Paris, 1900).

(C. PFENDER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Schell, Die Constitution Unigenitus, pp. 27 eqq., Freiburg, 1878; G. H. Putnam, The Censorship of the Church of Rome, i. 357-381, ii. 410, New York, 1906-1907; Reusch, Index, ii. 881 sqq.; Princeton Review, 1856, pp. 132 sqq.; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 82-65; KL, x. 678-679.

QUIETISM. See MOLINOS, MIGUEL DE; GUYON, JEANNE MARIE BOUVIER DE LA MOTTE.

 

QUIGLEY, cwig'li, JAMES EDWARD: Roman Catholic; b. at Oshawa, Ontario, Oct. 15, 1854. He received his education at St. Joseph's College, Buffalo, N. Y., the Seminary of our Lady of Angels (now Niagara University), the University of Innsbruck, and the College of the Propaganda, Rome; was ordained priest, 1879; was pastor of St. Vincent's, Attica, N. Y., 1879-84; of St. Joseph's Cathedral, Buffalo, 1884-96; and of St. Bridget's Church, same city, 1896-97; became bishop of Buffalo, 1897-1903; and in 1903 was installed archbishop of Chicago.

 

QUINISEXT COUNCIL. See TRULLAN SYNOD.

 

QUINQUAGESIMA. See LENT; SUNDAY.

 

QUIRINIUS (QUIRINUS), cwui-rin'i-us, PUBLIUS SULPICIUS:

His Life.

A Roman general and administrator; b. at Lanuvium (c. 20 m. s. of Rome); d. in Rome 21 A.D. As a reward for military and administrative services he was raised by Augustus to the office of consul in the year 12 B.C. Later he waged successful war against the Homonadenses in Cilicia, and was granted the honor of a triumph. He was assigned as adviser to Caius Caesar when this youth, a nephew and adopted son of the emperor, was engaged in the reduction of Armenia to order. He secretly paid court to Tiberius, who at the time was but a prince living in retirement on the island of Rhodes. From 6-9 A.D. he was legatus Augusti, i.e., governor, in Syria. At his death the Emperor Tiberius wrote to the senate asking that a public funeral be decreed. In this letter the emperor recalled the attentions paid to him by Quirinius at Rhodes and praised him for his good offices, apparently in preventing at that time misunderstandings between Tiberius and Caius Caesar. But to the people generally the memory of Quirinius was by no means dear, because of his persistence in the trial of his wife Lepida, whose conviction he secured on the charges of adultery, attempted poisoning, and treasonable dealing, but who had the sympathy of the people; and also because of his sordid avarice even in his old age (Tacitus, Annales, iii. 48; Strabo, xii. 6, 3, and 5; Josephus, Ant., XVII, xiii. 5, XVIII., i. 1, ii. 1). As a necessary conclusion from the facts recited by Tacitus, and in view of Roman governmental principles, it is inferred that Quirinius was governor of Syria, not only 6-9 A.D., but also at the time of the war in Cilicia, probably during 3-2 B.C., in succession to Varus (Zumpt, Mommsen, Sch�rer). Ramsay dates this earlier Syrian administration-not a governership, however-and the conquest of the Homonadenses in 4-3 B.C. at the latest, but perhaps earlier; and Quirinius' proconsulship of the province Asia (attested, he believes, by the Tivoli inscription) at latest 3-2 B.C.

Luke's References.

In the book of the Acts Luke mentions an enrolment of the people which was made in Judea and provoked bitter opposition (Acts v. 37). This was the census which, according to Josephus, was taken when Quirinius was governor of Syria and Coponius was procurator, i.e., between 6-9 A.D. (Ant., XVIII., i. 1, ii. 1; War., II., viii. 1). In the Gospel also Luke mentions an enrolment in Palestine (see CENSUS). It was part of a general enumerartion decreed by Augustus for the entire Roman empire. It led to the visit of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem, and was thus in a way the occasion of the birth of Christ in that town. Luke calls this "the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria" (Luke ii. 2). Now the birth of Christ took place before the death of Herod the Great (Matt. ii. 1; Luke iii. 1, 2, 23). Herod died in the year 4 B.C. How then can Luke say that Quirinius was governor of Syria? C. Sentius Saturninus held that office from 9 or 8 to the first half of the year 6 B.C.; and was succeeded by P. Quinctilius Varus, who continued until 4 B.C.

The "First Enrolment."

Here, then, is a matter for investigation, and, if possible, elucidation. No evidence has been adduced against the genuineness of the verse in Luke, or of the reading "Quirinius" in that passage. Nor does any suspicion of error attach to the statements of Josephus which fix the date of the administrations of Saturninus and Varus and of Quirinius, a decade later, when Judas of Galilee revolted. As to Luke's statement that the enrolment, which was being conducted at the time of Christ's birth, took place "when Quirinius was governor of Syria," Mommsen and Sch�rer, for example, have expressed the opinion that the evangelist erred. But this summary dismissal of Luke's testimony as erroneous has not been deemed wholly satisfactory by scholars, for Luke shows himself well informed on historical matters and his accuracy has been vindicated in many other instances. Moved by considerations of this kind Zumpt, in the "middle of the last century, having found reason to believe that Quirinius held the office of legate of Syria in 3-2 B.C. in succession to Varus, gave Was his opinion that the first enrolment began indeed during the administration of Saturninus, but was completed during the first governorship of Quirinius, 3-2 B.C. In principle this is the theory of Ramsay also. His modification consists in that he does not regard Quirinius as sole legate for Syria and successor to Varus (as do Zumpt, Mommsen, and Sch�rer); but as a legate for a special purpose, who was associated with the legate appointed for the general administration. And Ramsay elaborates the theory of Zumpt in that he offers an explanation for the delay in completing the census, his explanation being the same as that given long ago by Hales. It is known that under the Roman government a periodic enumeration of households was conducted in Egypt every fourteen years, reckoned from 23 B.C., the imperial year of Augustus. Professor Ramsay finds evidence of an enrolment in Syria, too, according to the fourteen-year cycle; Tertullian referring to one during the governorship of Saturninus, Josephus to one in 6 A.D., and Tacitus to one in 34 A.D. Thus an enrolment was due in Syria in the year 8 B.C. and made; but in Herod's kingdom it was probably delayed for some time, for Herod had gotten himself into trouble with Augustus. With. the consent of Saturninus, governor of Syria, Herod had marched an army into Arabia to redress certain wrongs which he had received (Ant., XVI., ix. 2). This proceeding was misrepresented to the emperor, who notified Herod, probably in the year 8 B.C., that henceforth he would treat him as a subject. Some time afterward the whole nation of the Jews, except 6,000 Pharisees, took an oath of fidelity to Caesar and the king jointly (Ant., XVII, ii. 4). Obviously the two acts, the oath and the enrolment, form part of the new policy of Augustus toward Herod. The date of the enrolment and the oath may be the year 6 B.C.; for Herod would have had little difficulty in obtaining leave from Saturninus to postpone the numbering until the embassy, which, after Augustus announced the change of policy toward him, he was sending to Rome to seek a reconciliation with the emperor and a restoration of the old order, should return and report the result of its efforts. Herod was finally obliged to order the census, and it was probably taken in the summer of the year 6 B.C., when Quirinius was a special legatos Aogusti to Syria, invested with the command of the army and entrusted with its foreign affairs, such as the relations between its several states and Rome, particularly where tension existed and military intervention might be necessary. Quirinius stood in exactly the same relation to Varus, the governor of Syria, as at a later time Vespasian did to Mucianus. Vespasian conducted the war in Palestine while Mucianus was governor of Syria; and Vespasian was Legatus Augusti, holding precisely the same title and technical rank as Mucianus. See CENSUS, II., �� 4-5.

JOHN D. DAVIS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. W. Zumpt, Commentatianum epigraphicarum ad antaquitales Romanas pertinentium, vol. ii., Berlin, 1854; idem, Das Geburlsjahr Christi, Leipsic, 1869; T. Mommsen, Resa gest� divi Augusti, Berlin, 1865; Bour, L'Inscription de Quirinius d le recenaement de St. Luc, Rome, 1897; W. M. Ramsay, Was Christ Born at Bethlehem? London and New York, 1898; Sch�rer, Geschichte, i. 322-324, 510-543, Eng. transl., I., i. 351-354, et passim (consult Index); Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, vol. ii., col 1186; DB, iv. 183; EB, iv. 3994-96; DCG, ii. 463-464. An extensive bibliography of the subject is in Sch�rer, Germ. ed., i. 508-509; good references are also given in Thayer's Greek-English Lexicon, p. 365, New York, 1889. For the Tivoli and Venice inscriptions, consult T. Mommsen in Ephemeris Epigraphica, iv. 538; Ramsay, ut sup., pp 273-274; Sch�rer, Geschichte, i. 324-325, Eng. transl., I., i. 355.

QUIRK, cwurk, JOHN NATHANIEL: Church of England bishop; b. at Ashton-under-Lyne (6 m. e. of Manchester) Dec. 14, 1849. He received his education at St. John's College, Cambridge (B.A., 1873; M.A., 1876; D.D., 1902); was made deacon in 1874, and priest, 1875; was curate of St. Leonard, Bridgnorth, 1874-78, and of Doncaster, 1878-1881; vicar of St. Thomas, Douglas, Isle of Man, 1881-82; and of Rotherham, 1882-89, being also chaplain of Rotherham Union, 1883-89, and lecturer of Rotherham, 1884-89; vicar of Beverley, 1889-94; and of St. Paul, Newington, 1894-95; rector of Bath, 1895-1901, serving also as rural dean of Bath, 1895-1901, chaplain of Bath United Hospitals, 1898-1901 and proctor of the diocese of Bath and Wells, 1900-01; was consecrated bishop suffragan of Sheffield, 1901; vicar of Doncaster, 1901-05; chaplain to the corporation of Doncaster, 1901-05; and vicar of St. Mark, Broomhall, Sheffield, 1905. He was also canon and prebendary of Apesthorpe in York cathedral, 1888, and proctor in convocation, 1898-1901.

RAAMAH. See TABLE OF THE NATIONS, � 6.

 

RAAMSES. See MOSES, � 4.

 

RABANUS, ra-ba'nus (HRABANUS, RHABANUS), MAURUS:

Life.

One of the most important churchmen of the Carolingian period; b. at Mainz between 776 and 784; d. at Winkel (on the Rhine, 10 m. w. of Mainz) Feb. 4, 856. He writes his name Magnentius Hrabanus Maurus, Magnentius probably referring to his Mainz origin; Hrabanus is connected with Old High German hraban, "raven," and the surname Maurus was given him by Alcuin. He was educated in the abbey of Fulda, where he entered the Benedictine order, and was ordained deacon in 801. Then he was sent to Tours to study not only theology, but the liberal arts with Alcuin, and, returning to Fulda, taught in the school, which flourished under his care. He was ordained priest in 814, and became abbot of Fulda in 822, showing marked capacity for the manifold duties imposed upon him as the head of a great monastery. He completed the rebuilding of the abbey, begun under his predecessor, and erected a number of churches and oratories in the surrounding country, besides caring for the development of various artistic talents among the monks, and turning them to good account in the decoration of his churches. He increased the property and the immunities of the abbey, and defended them from attacks; but his principal attention was given to his spiritual duties. As abbot he found time to give instruction in the Scriptures, and preached zealously to the people round about, stirring up the neighboring clergy to a like zeal. After twenty years of rule, he resigned the abbacy in the spring of 842, and retired to a church which he had built on the Petersberg, not far away, where he divided his time between devotional exercises and literary activity. He was drawn from his retirement in 847 by the call to succeed Otgar as archbishop of Mainz, and held his first provincial synod in October. Others followed in 848 and 852. Besides showing the same zeal for the welfare of souls that he had exhibited at Fulda, he impressed his contemporaries by his acts of charity, feeding more than 300 people daily in the famine of 850. He still managed to continue writing, and took part in the controversy aroused by the eucharistic teaching of Paschasius Radbertus (q.v.). He was acknowledged as the leading authority on Holy Scripture, later ecclesiastical literature, and canon law in the whole Frankish empire. His greatest services were to the cause of education; it was he who first made literary and theological culture at home east of the Rhine. His life was blameless, and eminent in the purity of his ideals.

His Commentaries.

His writings fall into various classes. Among those of an exegetical nature, the earliest is his commentary on Matthew, composed between 814 and 822. It is less an original work than a compilation, especially from Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory the Great. During the period of his abbacy, at the request of Freculf, bishop of Lisieux, he dealt with the Pentateuch in a similar manner, though here the allegorical method of interpretation came into greater prominence. Commentaries followed on the other historical books of the Old Testament, with the exception of Ezra and Nehemiah, and including Maccabees. Then he explained Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. To a later period probably belong the commentaries on Proverbs, the Pauline epistles, and the Gospel of John. Of these there are yet unpublished Isaiah (a twelfth-century manuscript in the possession of Erlangen University), Daniel and John (Munich Library).

Ecclesiastical Works.

For the two collections of his homilies, one dedicated to Haistulf (before 826) and one to the Emperor Lothair, see HOMILARIUM. In the same connection should be mentioned the treatise De videndo Deo (after 842). The De modo p�nitenti� sometimes included with this as a third book is an independent work, warmly exhorting the reader to true repentance. While still only a monk, he composed his De clericorum institutione dedicated to Archbishop Haistulf, written to instruct the clergy on the significance tical of their office and things connected with it. The first book treats of the Church, holy orders, clerical vestments, the mass, and the sacraments; the second of liturgies; and the third of the theological and general education of the clergy. Though an original work in substance, it yet owes a good deal (as Rabanus himself says) to older treatises, especially the Institutiones of Cassiodorus and the De doctrines Christians of Augustine. To the same period belong a grammatical work after Priscian and a chronological Liber de computo (820). While abbot of Fulda, he seems to have put together his Martyrology, and after he had retired to the Petersberg to have employed his leisure in writing the twenty-two books De universo, a sort of encyclopedic compendium of knowledge. To the same interval of quiet belongs the De ecclesiastica disciplina, partly based on Augustine and partly a recasting of the De clericorum institutione; only the last book, entitled De agone Christiano, a compendium of ethical teaching, is independent. During his episcopate he expanded the first book of the De elericorum institutione into a more extended treatise De sacris ordinibus, sacramentis divinis et vestmentis sacerdotalibus, and wrote a treatise De anima, dedicated to the Emperor Lothair. Of uncertain date is the Allegori�, a collection of terms used allegorically in Scripture, with explanations and examples. A few writings on ecclesiastical discipline remain to be mentioned � the P�nitentium liber, dedicated to Otgar of Mainz; a P�nitentiale composed during his episcopate at the request of Heribald of Auxerre; a letter, and a treatise addressed to Hatto of Fulda, on degrees of consanguinity; another De magicis artibus; and a letter to the chorepiscopus Reginbald on various disciplinary questions.

Controversies of the time gave rise to the De oblatione puerorum, an affirmation of the perpetuity of monastic principles under all conditions occasioned by the decision of the Council of Mainz to release Gottschalk (q.v.) from his vows, and a number of letters dealing with the whole controversy associated with his name; a memorial to Drogo of Metz on the position of Chorepiscopi (q.v.); a defense of Louis the Pious against his sons and the bishops after the events of 833, and the somewhat later De vitiis et virtutibus. In verse he showed himself, though not a great poet, a competent artist; to this division belong his earliest work, In laudem sanctce crucis, and a number of epitaphs and other inscriptions.

(A. HAUCK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Opera, ed. J. Pamelius, A, de Henin, and G. Colvenerius, were issued in 6 vols., Cologne, 1626-1627, reprinted, with prolegomena and a collection of lives, in MPL, cvii.-cxii. The poems, with prolegomena, are in MGH, Poet. Lat. avi Carol., ii (1884), 154-244; and the Epistolo; are in MGH, Epist., v (1898). 379 sqq., 517 sqq. Sources for a life are the Miracula sanctorum of Rudolphus, ed. G. Waitz in MGH, Script., xv (1887), 328 sqq., and with commentary in ASB, Feb., i. 500-522; J. F. B�hmer, Regesta archiepiseoporum Maguntinensium, ed. C. Will, pp. xiv,-xxiv., 64 sqq., Innsbruck, 1877; and the material gathered in MPL, cvii. Consult further: J. K. Dahl, Leben and Schriften des Erzbischofs Rabanus Maurus, Fulda, 1828; N. Bach, Hrabanus Maurus, der Sch�fper des deutschen Schulwesens, Fulda, 1835; F. Kunstmann, Hrabanus Magnerttius Maurus, Mainz, 1841; H. Colombel, Vita Hrabani Mauri, Weilburg, 1856; T. Spengler, Leben des heiligen Rhabanus Maurus, Regensburg, 1858; C. Schwartz, Zur Feier der 1000-j�hrigen Erinnerung an Rabanus Maurus, Fulda, 1858; E. Dammler, in NA, iv. 286-294; idem, Geschichte des ostfr�nkischen Reichs, i. 299-303, 383-390, Berlin, 1862; idem, in ADB, xxvii. 66-74; E. K�hler, Hrabanus Maurus and die Schule zu Fulda, Leipsic, 1869; J. C. F. B�hr, Geschichte der r�mischen Literatur im karolingischen Zeitalter, pp. 415-447, Carlsruhe, 1870; J. B. Mullinger, The Schools of Charles the Great, pp. 138-157, London, 1877; A. Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters, ii. 120-145, Leipsic, 1880; A. West, Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools, New York, 1893; H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, New York, 1895; Hauck, KD, ii. 620 sqq.; Mann, Popes, pp. 146-147, 256, 316; Schaff, Christian Church, iv. 424 sqq., 522, 525 sqq., 614-615, 713-728; Neander, Christian Church, iii. 457 sqq.; KL, x. 697 sqq.

RABAUT (ST. �TIENNE), r�'bo, JEAN PAUL: French Protestant, oldest son of Paul Rabaut; b. at Nimes Nov. 14, 1743; d. at Paris Dec. 5, 1794. As a student he gave evidence of great oratorical ability. He was ordained to the ministry in 1764; the next year he became his father's colleague, and a "preacher in the Desert." In 1768 he married, and was subsequently diverted from his career as a preacher into the current of political affairs. He went to Paris in 1785 to labor for the liberation from prison of his coreligionists, where he gained the ear of such influential men as Rulhi�res, Malesherbes, and Lafayette. He was appointed deputy from his native town to the National Assembly, and in the memorable session of 1789 his arguments produced such profound impression that the motion of Count Castellane was carried: "No man should be disturbed because of his opinions or harassed in the exercise of his religion." On Mar. 14, 1790, he was, in spite of the decided opposition of the Roman Catholic party, elected president of the National Assembly. During his sojourn in Paris he devoted himself to literary pursuits, and on Sept. 2, 1792, he was again elected to the National Convention. In the trial by that assembly of Louis XVI. he cast his vote against the latter, urging clemency, while throughout the proceedings he strongly contended against the jurisdiction of the convention in its case against the king. He was promptly proscribed by the authorities, but managed to keep in hiding until Dec. 4 of that year, when, owing to an indiscretion, he was arrested, and on the following day beheaded under Robespierre's r�gime. His collected works appeared in six volumes, edited by his friend, Boissy d'Anglas (Paris, 1820-26); the most noteworthy being: Le Vieux C�venol, ou anecdotes de la vie d'Ambroise Borelly (1779), appearing under different titles 1788, 1820, 1826, etc., where, interwoven with a family biography, may be found a thrilling account of the persecutions and hardships to which the followers of Protestantism were subjected by the Roman Catholic party and the French government; Lettre our la vie de Court de G�belin (1784); Lettres d M. Bailly sur l'histoire primitive de la Gr�ce (1787); while the best account, from a historical standpoint, of the French Revolution may be found in Almanach historique de la r�volution fran�aise, 1791, transl., with additions, into Eng., German, and Dutch, together with Pr�cis historique de la r�volution fran�oise, containing a clear and concise treatment of all important events to 1792.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A sketch of the life prefaces the collected works, >ut sup. Consult further: Collin de Prancy, �uvres de Rabaul St. Etienne, 2 vols., Paris, 1826; L. Bresson, Rabaul St. Etienne, sa vie et ses �uvres, Strasburg, 1865; C. Dardier, in Revue chr�tienne, Feb., 1886; A. Lods, Esaai our la vie de Rabaul St. Etienne, Paris, 1893; Tercentenary Celebration of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, pp. 169, 338, New York, 1900; and the literature under RABAUT, PAUL, especially the work of A. Borrel.

RABAUT, PAUL: French Protestant reformer; b. at B�darieux (20 m. n. of B�ziers) Jan. 29, 1718; d. at Nimes Sept. 25, 1794. He was the leader, associated with Antoine Court (q.v.), in the restoration of the Reformed Protestant Church of France. Coming of a pronounced Protestant family, he joined himself at the age of sixteen to the itinerant preacher Jean B�trine, sharing with him all the dangers and vicissitudes to which the followers of his faith were subjected by the French government in the eighteenth century (1734-38). During this period he received thorough training not only in the fundamental principles of theology and pastoral activity, but also as a fearless witness of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and was, on Apr. 30, 1738, proclaimed preacher by the Synod of Lower Languedoc, Nimes and its vicinity becoming his field of labor. In 1739 he married Madeleine Gaidan of that city, who for forty-eight years shared with him the trials and tribulations of his career as " preacher of the Desert," bearing him eight children, of whom, however, only three sons survived. In 1740 he entered the theological seminary at Lausanne, founded by Court, to finish his studies in theology, his wife remaining at Nimes. After a stay of but six months he returned and began his career which he zealously pursued in the face of the most cruel persecution, illustrated by the case of Jean Calas. This man was a respectable Protestant merchant of Toulouse, whose son, Marc-Antoine, in a fit of melancholy, hanged himself in his father's house. The Catholics spread the rumor that the son was about to embrace Roman Catholicism when the father slew him. The latter was seized, tried, and condemned to death on the wheel, and his body was burned, Mar. 9, 1672. The family property was confiscated, and the family in part fled to Geneva. The case was taken up by Voltaire and others, a reversal was secured, the family property was restored, and a pension granted the widow. This case is exceptional only in the fact that finally justice was done. Rabaut was small of stature, his personal appearance being in no way equal to the nobility and steadfastness of his soul and mind; but what he lacked in personality was compensated for by fidelity to his cause, bravery in the face of danger, and long-suffering in deprivation and affliction. The powerful influence which he exerted for well-nigh half a century on the history of the Reformed Protestant Church of France is largely accounted for by his undying devotion to his church and its followers, his unselfishness in the cause of others, his soundness of mind and doctrine, his coolness in danger, and his love for all humanity. For, though never officially appointed as the head of the Reformed Protestant Church of France, he earned the distinction of being the recognized leader in all matters of importance. He was vice-president of the General Synod of Aug. 18-21, 1744, and president of the National Synod of 1756. He seems to have led a charmed life, for, though hunted like a beast of prey and cornered again and again, he always managed to elude his would-be captors. While both he and his family suffered great hardships, he had the good fortune to see the triumph of the cause for which he had suffered so much and had given his all. On June 10, 1763, he led as moderator the disputations of the national synod. From that time until Oct. 6, 1785, he set himself the arduous task of reconstruction and rehabilitation of his beloved church, in which task he was ably assisted by his oldest son. On the above date the consistory of Nimes fully reinstated him, restoring to him his title, together with full freedom of worship and the privileges and salary of a clergyman. Even his last years, however, were not untroubled, for, in 1794, about six months prior to his death, he was arrested and confined for several months in the citadel at Nimes, obtaining his liberty after the overthrow of Robespierre, July 27. However, the recent loss of his wife and his oldest son, together with his bodily feebleness, hastened his end. He died in the house in which for a considerable time prior to his end he had lived, and was buried, as was customary (there being as yet no cemeteries for Protestants), in the cellar thereof. It is said that the house still stands and is used as an orphanage. In the field of literature he did not leave a great deal, nor could more have been expected of him under such adverse circumstances. Besides a number of pamphlets, he wrote: Pr�cis du cat�chisme d'Ostervald, often reprinted; also two sermons: La Livr�e de l'�glise Chr�tienne, on Cant. iv. 4, and La Soif sparituelle, on John vii. 37.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The correspondence of Paul Rabaut, ed. A. Picheral-Dardier and C. Dardier, appeared in 4 vols., Paris, 1885-91. A brief life is prefixed to vol. i., 1885. Consult: J. P. de N., Notice biographique sur Paul Rabaut, Paris, 1808; M. Juillerat, Notice biographique sur Paul Rabaut, Paris, 1826; A. Coquerel, Hist. des églises du d�sert, 2 vols., Paris, 1841; L. G. Michaud, Biographic univeraelle, sub voce, 45 vols., Paris, 1843-65; A. Borrel, Biographic de Paul Rabaul . . . et ses trois fils, N�mes, 1854; L. Bridel, Trois séances sur Paul Rabaul, Lausanne, 1859; A . and E. Haag, La France protestante, sub voce, 2d ed., Paris, 1877 sqq.; E. Hugues, Les Synodes du d�sert, 3 vols., Paris, 1885-.86; idem, A. Court, Hist. de la restauration du protestantisme, 2 vols., Paris, 1872; T. Schott, in Deutsch-evangelische Bl�tter, Dec., 1893; idem, Die Kirche der W�ste, 1716-87, Halle, 1893; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 73-84 (covers the family).

RABAUT, PIERRE: French Protestant, youngest son of Paul Rabaut, known also as Dupuis and Rabaut le jeune; b. at N�mes in Apr., 1746; d. there 1808. He chose a commercial career, but, like his two brothers, took an active part in politics, being elected to parliament and later to the bench in his native city. Of his works the following deserve mention for their value to French Protestantism of the eighteenth century: Details historiques et recueil de pieces sur les divers projets qui ont �t� concus, depuis la R�formation jusqu'� ce jour, pour la reunion de toutes les communions chr�tiennes, (Paris, 1806); Notice historique sur la situation des �glises chr�tiennes reformees en France depuis leur r�tablissement jusqu'd ce jour (1806); and Annuaire ou r�pertoire eccl�siastique � l'usage des �glises r�form�es et protestdntes (1807).

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The works by Haag and Borrel given under RABAUT, PAUL.

 

RABAUT-POMMIER, JACQUES-ANTOINE: French Protestant, second son of Paul Rabaut (q.v.); b. at N�mes Oct 24, 1744; d. at Paris Mar. 16, 1820. He was, together with his elder brother, educated at Geneva and Lausanne. In 1770 he was called to Marseilles as preacher, being the first of his faith to occupy a pulpit since the abrogation of the Edict of Nantes. In 1782 he went to Montpellier, where, with the assistance of some friends he was enabled to found a large hospital. During his stay in the southern part of France he was busy with scientific and medical studies, becoming the first advocate of vaccination as a preventive of smallpox. In 1790 he was elected to the magistracy of Montpellier, and in 1792 representative to the national convention. He was under Robespierre's rule arrested, but by some error overlooked, and after Robespierre's death was liberated. Napoleon created him vice-prefect of Vigan. On Dec. 3, 1802, the consistory of Paris called him (together with Marron and Jean Monod) to fill a pulpit in the latter city, where he labored with splendid results until Mar. 17, 1816, when he was exiled for the part played by him in the proceedings against Louis XVI. Two years later Count Boissy d'Anglas brought about his reinstatement, but, owing to infirmities due to the many vicissitudes of his active career, he died two years later. His only publications are Napol�on liberateur, discours religieux (Paris, 1810); and Sermon d'actione de gr�ces sur le retour de Louis XVllI, (1814).

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult the Notice biographique by Coquerel in Nouvel annuaire protestant, pp. 299-325, Paris, 1821; A. Lods, Le Pasteur Rabaut Pommier, membre de la. Convention Nationale, 1744,-1820, Paris, 1893; and the literature under RABAUT, PAUL, especially the work of A. Borrel.

RABBINIC BIBLES. See BIBLES, RABBINIC.

 

RABBINISM: A term applied to the scholastic Judaism which developed from the fourth preChristian century till the completion of the Talmud. See ISRAEL, HISTORY OF, II. 1, 2, �� 3-4; MIDRASH; TALMUD.

 

RABBULA, ra'bu-la (RABULAS): Bishop of Edessa 411-435. He was born at Ginnesrin (Chalcis) in Syria of a heathen father and Christian mother, and was baptized in the Jordan. His name signifies "chief shepherd." He was the predecessor and opponent of Ibas, and a decided supporter of the Synod of Ephesus, 432. He was described as a bishop whom his flock both feared and loved, a second Josiah in his zeal for the Church, destroying the synagogue of the Bardesanites and the chapel of the Arians, conquering the Marcionites by patience and the Manicheans by wisdom, and procuring peace by removing Borborians, Audians, Sadducees, and Messalians, until the heresy of Nestorius again caused dissension. On the question whether the building which he changed into a chapel of St. Stephen was a synagogue of the Jews or place of worship of the Audians cf. Hillier in T U, ix. 1 (1892), 106. His writings refer chiefly to matters of church discipline and rules for monks and clerics. Fragments of his correspondence with Andrew of Samosata, Gemellinus of Perrhi, and Cyril of Alexandria (q.v.) are extant. He translated the treatise of the last-named on the Incarnation (cf.Bedjan, Acta martyrum, v. 628-696, Paris, 1895; MPG, lxxvi. 1144, and Guidi, in Rendiconti dei Lincei. May-June, 886, pp. 416, 546). There are known also some church hymns, which seem to be translated from the Greek, and a sermon preached at Constantinople on the question whether the Virgin may be called theotokos. It seems certain that the revision of the New Testament which is ascribed to him by his biographer, is the Peshito (cf. Journal of Theological Studies, vii. 2; Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, v. 231, 1903; and see BIBLE VERSIONS, A.,III. Cf. also F. C. Burkitt, Early Eastern Christianity, London, 1904). Whether he is the person mentioned in the Syriac inscription "Rabbula made the throne; his memory be blessed" (Littmann, Semitic Inscriptions, 1905) is not easily decided.

E. NESTLE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The prose writings are in Germ. transl. by Biekell in Thalhofers Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, x. 153-271, Kempten, 1875. Consult: J. S. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis i. 198, Rome, 1719; Bar Hebraeus, Nomocanon, in A. Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, vol. x., Rome, 1838 (contains numerous quotations); Tillemont, M�moires, xiv. 504-506, 563-565; Ephraemi Syri, Rabul� episcopi Edesseni, Baleei, aliorumque opera selecta, ed. J. J. Overbeck, pp. 152-248, 362-378, Oxford, 1865; G. Hoffmann, Verhandlungen der Kirchenversammlung zu Ephesus, 449, Kiel, 1873; F. Lagrange, in Science catholique, Sept., 1888; R. Duval, La Litt�rature Syriaque, pp. 341-343, Paris, 1900. The "life" is in P. Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, iv. 398 160, Paris, 1894; cf. L. K�hler, in Schweizerische theologische Zeitschrift, xxv (1908), 210-224 (begins a series of studies in Syriac literature with a sketch of Rabbula); and especially the work of Burkitt named in the text; also O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, pp. 323-324, 347-348, Freiburg, 1901. The sketch in DCB, iv. 532-534 is very full.

RABERGH, ra'barH, HERMAN: Finnish bishop; b. in Abo (150 m. n.e. of Stockholm), Finland, Sept. 4, 1838. He received his education at Helsingfors (B.A., 1858; Candidate in Theology, 1867; Lic. and Th.D., 1872); in 1872 he was appointed privat-docent, and in 1873 professor, of church history there. Because of prolonged vacancies in the faculty of theology he was obliged to act as professor of practical theology (1876-82) and of dogmatics (1885-92), besides discharging the duties connected with his own chair. His earlier researches were in general ecclesiastical history, his later historical contributions were to Finnish church history. His personal influence with the students was very marked, while his activities were extensive as preacher and as member of various church societies; he was pastor (1870-75) and rector (1875-84) of the Deaconess' Home in Helsingfors; president of the Finnish Missionary Society (1886-90), and director of the Helsingfors City Mission (1883-93). In 1892 he was made bishop of Borga. As bishop he has been the leader of that faction of the Finnish clergy which defended confessional-conservative views in matters concerning the polity and government of the Finnish national church. He was a member of the general church assembly of 1886, which adopted a new hymnal in Swedish and Finnish, three new series of pericopes, and recommended the preparation of a new ritual and of a new manual for Christian instruction. He was a delegate also to the assemblies of 1893, 1898, 1903, as well as member of several commissions on ecclesiastical legislation, and president of the commission which prepared the new ritual (1903).

Among his writings are: Nikolaus of Basel i f�rhallande till kyrkan og mystikerna i det 14,. Aarh. (1870); De reformator. ideernes utveckling intill 1548 (1880); Den evang. predikoverksamhetens grundl�ggning och utveckling intill 1640 (1883); Theologiens studium vid �bo universitet I.-II. (Helsingfors, 1893-1902). His ecclesiastical program was set forth in Folkekyrkan och den separatistiska r�relsen (1892); while his Minnen och erfarenheter (1907) is autobiographic.

JOHN O. EVJEN.

 

RACOVIAN CATECHISM. See SOCINUS, FAUSTUS, SOCINIANISM.

 

RADBERTUS, rad-bar'tus, PASCHASIUS:

Life and Works.

Medieval abbot; b. at or near Soissons (56 m. n.e. of Paris) about 786; d. at Corbie (9 m. e. of Amiens) Apr. 26, about 865. He wad one of the most distinguished writers of the Carolingian period. The little that is known of his life is derived from scattered notices in his own writings and from a panegyric on him by Bishop Engelmodus of Soissons (MPL, cxx. 25 sqq.; MGH, Poet. Lat.�vi Car., iii. 1886, pp. 62 sqq.). Brought up by the Benedictine nuns of Soissons, he entered the monastery of Corbie in Picardy under the Abbot Adalhard (see ADALHARD AND WALA), and gained early distinction for his theological learning, piety, and moral enthusiasm; his range of familiarity with classical authors was remarkable for that period, also with the Fathers, and the leading authorities of the Eastern and Western churches; but he probably knew neither Greek nor Hebrew. Because of his wealth. of learning he became the instructor of the young monks at Corbie and had a large number of distinguished pupils; but notwithstanding his eminence he never became a priest. He was abbot in 844-851, but retired on account of difficulties arising from efforts to reform the lax discipline. Of his writings are extant his expositions (1) of Matthew, in twelve books, the first four written before his retirement; (2) of Ps. xliv.; (3) of Lamentations, written in 845-857; (4) De corpore et sanguine Domini, 831 833; (5) Epistola ad Frudegardu; (6) De partu virginis, dedicated to the nuns of Soissons, by whom he was brought up; (7) De fine, spe, et caritate libri tres; (8) De passione Sandi Rufini et Valerii; (9) De vita Sancti Adalhardi; and (10) Epitaphium Arsenii libri duo, a biography of Abbot Wala. The first of the above biographies is a panegyric and the other an apology. In exegesis Radbertus was not original even in aim. His work on faith, hope, and love shows him to be a follower of St. Augustine, and it consists mostly of repetitions of the latter's sentences. His character as traditionalist appears still more pronounced in De corpore, the first comprehensive treatise on the Lord's Supper written in the Christian Church, and the cause of the first controversy over the Eucharist, establishing his reputation for orthodoxy securely in the eyes of the future.

Views on the Eucarist.

Radbertus combined the symbolic idea of Augustine with the transformation doctrine of others; but he was thoroughly convinced himself that Augustine believed that the true historic body of Christ was present in the Eucharistic elements. Such thoughts of Radbert as these exhibit Augustine's standpoint: Christ and his flesh constitute not a material but a spiritual and divine sustenance and serve only as objects of a purely spiritual partaking (v. 1-2). To eat the flesh of the Lord and drink his blood means nothing else than that the believer abides in Christ and Christ in him (vi.-vii.). Only faith enables to transcend the visible and to apprehend from within what the fleshly mouth does not touch or the fleshly eye does not see (viii. 2). Christ is food only for the elect, and only they are worthy to partake of him who are of his body (xxi. 5, vii. 1). The partaking of the flesh of Christ by the unworthy seemed to him impossible, hence he accepted Augustine's distinction between the sacrament or mystery and the virtue of the same. Under the term virtue he included not, as in his later works, only the vitalizing power of the flesh of Christ, but, in Augustinian mode of speech, what was offered in the symbols to faith, or the content of the sacrament, that is, the flesh of Christ itself with the fulness-of his saving virtues. Accordingly, the unworthy receive not anything but bread and wine. The priest indeed distributes to all alike; the high priest, however, distinguishes between the worthy and unworthy; and the latter receive the sacrament or mystery only to judgment, the former receive the virtue. Spiritual sustenance in Christ effects the forgiveness of sins (iv. 3, xi. 1, xv. 3), union with Christ (iii. 4), and spiritual sustenance of the whole man to eternal life (xi. 2-3, xix. 1-2, xx. 2). So far the points are Augustinian; parallel with these he places a thought-series teaching a transubstantiation represented in the pseudo-Ambrosian writings. This teaching is carried by him to its full conclusion. What by faith is received in the sacrament is the body born of Mary that suffered on the cross and rose from the grave (i. 2). It is the body and blood, not the virtue of the body and blood (Epist. ad Prudegardum, p. 1357); the sacramental body must be regarded as the natural body of Christ (cf. De corpore, xiv. 4), which does not exclude it from being considered as in the state of glorification (vii. 2). In the consecration the sensible properties remain unchanged, but the substance of the bread and wine within are efficaciously changed into the real body and blood of Christ (viii. 2). This is done by miracle (i. 2), a creative act performed by the word of the Creator; more particularly, through the medium of Christ's words of institution since he is himself the substantial and eternal Word. The body of Christ is not perceptible by the senses, because that would be superfluous (visibility of the presence of the body) and would not increase the reality, and to eat the flesh in its sensible appearance would clash with human custom (xi. 1); because such reception would seem repulsive and ridiculous to heathen and unbelievers (xiii. 1 sqq.); but mostly because the operation would no longer be a mystery but a pure miracle, whereas the former by concealing the content does not originate but excites faith so that this is Preserved and its meritorious service is enhanced (xiii. 1 sqq., i. 5). Though upon consecration the bread and wine are only such in appearance, yet not all symbols are merely appearances, and these as symbols cover the real presence as content.

Influence.

The explanation of Radbert's position in holding at once such opposite views is found in his attachment to the literal authority of the Scriptures. Christ's words, "This is my body," are to be taken in the crassest literalness. Christ has only one body and if another body be offered in the sacrament than the crucified one, another blood than what was shed, then its partaking could not effect the forgiveness of sins. The historical body is the indispensable basis of the sacramental body, howsoever spiritual the sacramental mystery. Moreover, Christ abides in the believer by the unity of his flesh and blood which must be sustained by the real presence in the sacrament. These two disparate views of the patristic tradition Radbertus approximated but never successfully fused. This remained for the strenuous efforts of the later centuries, as evidenced in the following elements of the resulting dogma: (1) The body of Christ is not created but becomes present in the consecration though without extension in space; (2) the relation of the presence to the sensible properties is posited under the categories of substance and accidents; and (3) the elements are symbols of the presence and the sacramental body is symbol of the mystical body, the sustenance of both in one constituting the blessing. Two of his contemporaries opposed the view of Radbert, namely, Rabanus Maurus and Ratramnus (qq.v.), both of whom were Augustinian. The former took offense at the transformation of the elements into the historical body of Christ, denying that the mystery identified the sacramental with the historical body. A great many followed along the lines marked out by Radbert, among whom, of the ninth century, were Florus Magister, subdeacon of Reims, Hincmar of Reims, Remigius (qq.v.), and Pseudo-AIcuin.

(A. HAUCK.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sirmondi's ed. of the Opera, Paris, 1618, reproduced in MPL, cxx., is incomplete. The Epistolae are in MGR, Epist., vi. 132 sqq.; and the poems in MGR; Pod. Lat. anri Car., iii (1886), 38-53. The Vita by Engelmodus, with other material, is in ASS, Apr., iii. 463-464, cf. Holder-Egger in MGR, Script., xv. 1 (1887), 452 154. For other lives cf. ASM, iv. 2, pp. 122-136, 567-569. The Carmen by Engelmodus is in MGR, Poet. Lat. �vi Car., iii. (1886), 62-66. Consult further: J. C. F. B�hr, Geschichte der romisehen Literotur im karolingischen Zeitalter, pp. 233, 462-471, Carlsruhe, 1840; M. Hausherr, Der heilige Paschasius Radbertus, Mainz, 1862; Bardemann, Der theologische Lehrgehalt der Schriften des Paschasius Radbertus, Marburg, 1877; E. Dümmler, in NA, iv (1879), 301-305; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Literotur des Mittelalters, ii. 230, Leipsic, 1880; E. Choisy, Paschase Radbert, Geneva, 1889; J. Ernst, Die Lehre des . . .Paschaziua Radbertus von der Eucharistic, Freiburg, 1896; Histoire littkrairs de la France, v. 287 sqq.; Harnack, Dogma, v. 276, 310, 312 eqq., vi. 47, 51, 312; Neander, Christian Church, vol. iii. passim: Schaff, Christian Church, iv. 741-745 et passim; Ceillier, Auteurs sacris, xii. 528-555.

RADE, ra'de, PAUL MARTIN: German Lutheran; b. at Rennersdorf (a village near Herrnhut, 9 m. n.w. of Zittau), Silesia, Apr. 4, 1857. He was educated at the University of Leipsic (1875-1879), was private tutor (1879-81), and pastor at Schönbach-bei-Löbau (1882-92), and at St. Paul's, Frankfort (1892-99). In 1899 he removed to Marburg, where he became privat-docent in 1900, and associate professor of systematic theology in 1904. Besides editing the Christliche Welt, which he founded in 1886, and being assistant editor of Zeitachraft fur Theologie and Kirche, he has written Damasus, Bischof von Rom (Freiburg, 1882); Bedarf Luther wider Janssen der Verteidigung? (Leipsie, 1883); Reden fiber Trunksucht (Dresden, 1884); Dr. Martin Luthers Leben, Taten, and Meinungen (3 vols., Neustadt, 1834-87); Hutten and Sickingen (Barmen, 1887); Die Konfessionen und die soziale Frage (Leipsic, 1891); Unsere Landegemeinden and das Gemeindeideal (1891); Der rechte evangelische Glaube (1892); Spener in Frankfurt (Frankfort, 1893); Zu Christus hin (Freiburg, 1897); Die Religion im modernen Geistesleben (1898); Religion and Moral (Giessen, 1898); Die religios-sittliche Gedankenwelt unserer Industriearbeiter (G�ttingen, 1898); Die Wahrheit der christlichen Religion (T�bingen, 1899); Reine Lehre, eine Forderung des Glaubens and nicht des Rechtes (1900); Die Leits�tze der eraten and zweiten Auflagen von Schleiernuachers Glaubenslehre (1904); Unbewusates Christentum (1905); Das religiose Wunder and anderes (1909); and Die Stellung des Christentums zum Geschlechtsleben (1910).

 

RADEWYNS, FLORENTIUS. See FLORRNTIUS RADEWYNS.

 

RAEBIGER, r�'big-er, JULIUS FERDINAND: German theologian; b. at Lohsa (42 m. n.e. of Dresden) Apr. 20, 1811; d. at Breslau Nov. 18, 1891. He studied at Breslau and Leipsic; entered the faculty at Breslau in 1838; was associate professor, 1847-59; and professor after 1859. He lectured on Old- and New-Testament theology and on theological encyclopedia. Opposed to extremes in theological position, he represented a middle ground of independence and reality in theology as well as church affairs. He published the Kritische Untersuchungen �ber den Inhalt der beiden Briefs tan die Korinther Gemeinde (Breslau, 1847; 2d ed., 1886); De Christologia Paulina contra Bauraum (1852); and De librt Jobi sententia primaria (1860). His main work was Theologik oder Encyklop�ie der Theologie (Leipsic, 1880; Eng. transl., Encyclopedia of Theology, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1884-85), in which he held forth that, viewing theology as an independent science, encyclopedia is neither a mechanical grouping of the departments of theology nor a mere methodology, but an independent organic unity, touching in its circumference the whole sphere of knowledge.

(JULIUS DECKE.)

RAFFLES, raf'elz, THOMAS: English Independent; b. at London May 17, 1788; d. at Liverpool Aug. 18, 1863. He studied at Homerton College, 1805-09; was pastor at Hammersmith, London, 1809-11; and at Liverpool, 1811-62. His ministry here was one of great usefulness and his position for a half a century a commanding one. He was one of the founders of Blackburn Academy for the education of Independent ministers, removed afterward to Manchester as the Lancashire Independent College. He published Memoirs of the Life and Ministry of Thomas Spencer (Liverpool, 1813; 7th ed., 1836); and Lectures on Practical Religion (1820). He contributed eight selections of his own to Hymns by W. B. Collyer (London, 1812), and arranged a Supplement to Dr. Watts's Psalms and Hymns (1853), including those and thirty-eight others, one of which was " High in yonder realms of light."

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. S. Raffles, Memoirs of the Life and Ministry of . . . T. Raffles, London, 1864 (by his son); J. B.Brown, T. Raffles.... a Sketch, ib. 1863; S. W. Duffield , English Hymns, pp. 561-562, New York, 1886; Julian, Hymnology, pp. 948-949.

 

RAGG, LONSDALE: Church of England; b. at Wellington (10 m. e. of Shrewsbury), Shropshire, Oct. 23, 1866. He received his education at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A., 1889; M.A., 1892; B.D., 1905), and at Cuddesdon Theological College; was made deacon in 1890 and priest in 1891; curate of All Saints', Oxford, 1890; tutor and lecturer at Christ Church, 1891-95; vice-principal of Cuddesdon Theological College, 1895-98; warden of the Bishop's Hostel, Lincoln, and vice-chancellor of Lincoln Cathedral, 1899-1903; winter chaplain at Bologna, 1904-05; British chaplain at Venice, 1905 sqq.; prebendary of Buckden in Lincoln Cathedral. He has edited II Samuel for Books of the Bible (London, 1898); and has written: Aspects of the Atonement. Atoning Sacrifice illustrated from various sacrificial Types of Old Testament, and from successive Stages of Christian Thought (1904); Christ and our Ideals; Message of the Fourth Gospel to our Day (1906); Dante and his Italy (1907); The Mohammedan Gospel of Barnabas (1907; jointly with Laura M. Ragg); The Church of the Apostles. Being an Outline of the History of the Church of the Apostolic Age (1909); and The Book of Books; a Study of the Bible (1910).

 

RAHAB, r�'hab: A Canaanitic woman of Jericho, who received the spies sent by Joshua. It is stated in Josh. ii. 1-21 that Rahab, a prostitute, received into her house in Jericho the two spies sent by Joshua to reconnoiter the enemy's country. When the messengers of the king of Jericho arrived at Rahab's house to arrest these spies, she first concealed them and then aided them to escape, asking as a reward that she and her family should be spared if Jericho fell into the hands of the Israelites: as a token of recognition she received a red thread to hang from her window. This promise was kept when Jericho was taken, and Rahab and her family were received into the community of Israel.

Not only did the Jews dislike to bring their ancestors into contact with a prostitute, but some Christian expositors have also taken pains to give the word zonah or its Greek equivalent porne, another explanation, although these words always signify prostitute. Josephus (Ant., V., i. 2, 7) describes Rahab as the hostess of an inn. Jewish tradition asserted that eight prophets were descended from her (J. Lightfoot, Hor� Hebraic�, on Matt. i. 5). She was said to have married either Joshua himself or else Salma, thus becoming the mother of Boaz and therefore an ancestor of David. The latter supposition seems to be accepted by the genealogy of Jesus in Matt. i. 2-19 (cf. I Chron. ii. 4 sqq.; Jerome, on Matt. i. 5). The author of the epistle to the Hebrews offers Rahab as an example of faith, and in James ii. 25 she illustrates the value of good works. Finally, Clement of Rome (1 Epist., i. 12) sees in the red cord a symbol of salvation by the blood of Christ.

(R. KITTEL.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the commentaries on the passages cited in the text from the Old and New Testaments, and the works on Hebrew history cited under ARAB, and ISRAEL, HISTORY OF, consult: A. Wanache, Neue Beitr�ge zur Erl�uterung der Evangelium aus Talmud and Midrasch, pp. 3-4, G�ttingen, 1878; F. Weber, System der altsynagogalen pal�stinischen Theologie, p. 318, Leipsic, 1880; < id="iv.vii.xviii.p5.6">DB, iv. f93-194; EB, iv. 4007; JE, x. 309; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, xxxiii. 934-936.

RAHLFS, rdlfs, OTTO GUSTAV ALFRED: German Protestant; b. at Linden (now a part of Hanover) May 29, 1865. He was educated at the universities of Halle and Gdttingen (Ph.D., 1887), was inspector of the theological seminary at G�ttingen (1888-90), became privat-docent at the university of the same city in 1891, titular professor in 1896, and associate professor of Old-Testament exegesis and Hebrew in 1901. He has written Des Gregorius Abulfarag Anmerkungen zu den salomonischen Schriften (Leipsic, 1887); Ani and Anaw in den Psalmen (G�ttingen, 1891); Die Berliner-Handschrift des sahidischen Psalters (Berlin, 1901); and Septuaginta-Studien, vols. i.-ii. (G�ttingen, 1904-07). He is also an editor of the Zeitschrift fur alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, and of the Theologische Litteratarwitung.

 

RAHTMANN, rat'man, HERMANN: German theologian; b. at Liibeck in 1585; d. at Danzig June 30, 1628. After a course in theology at Rostock, he went to Cologne to study the learning and dialectics of the Jesuits, then to Frankfort and Leipsic to continue his studies in philosophy and theology and to give instruction. In 1612 he received a call as deacon to St. John's Church in Danzig; in 1617 he became deacon at St. Mary's Church, and in 1626 pastor of St. Catherine's Church.

His idealism, in Scriptural dogmatic form, is comprised in Jesu Christi: dess K�nigs aller K�nige and Herrn aller Herren Gnadenreich (Danzig, 1621), composed of collocated Bible sentences, with headings of the various chapters and a very few marginal notes. Rahtmann's theological and historical position finds its peculiar significance in answering the questions, "What Holy Scripture is; whence comes it; and what is its effect?" He derives the Scriptures from divine revelation, not from the inner light of reason. The direct recipients of Scripture were the apostles and prophets, among whom the Spirit also inwardly remained. Scripture, then, "is a divine outward word or witness of God's holy will and acts, as revealed by the Holy Ghost through a supernal illumination within the hearts of the holy Prophets and Apostles" (Gnadeareich, a, iii. 2r). According to Rahtmann, whose affiliations in thought are with Schwenckfeld, a sharp distinction is to be drawn between the inward and the outward word in the way of "cause and effect," or " sign and thing signified." Moreover, the Scriptures can not yield more than essentially and potentially belongs to tbem; they are a beckoning or guiding "hand by the way, whose operation is just this, and no more, that one knows whither he is to go" (Gnadenreich, 6r). So Scripture is only an index and a witness of grace. It addresses itself .exclusively to the understanding, and creates in the same the conception of religious objects. If Scripture is to become the actual means of grace, another power, the Holy Ghost, must supervene; in fact, both Scripture and man are alike objects of the illumining operation of the Spirit. In Rahtmann's theology the testimony of the Holy Spirit becomes an independent, immediate act of the Spirit. This "preventive," or antecedent grace is "a voluntary gift which God accords to those whom he, like a loving father, has destined from eternity to dispose for conversion" (Gnadenreich, a, iii., v.). This is a contingent approach to the doctrine of predestination. In Rahtmann's later apologetic writings there are no advancements, but only attenuations and veilings of his fundamental thoughts. Among these, his valuation of Scripture as fountain of knowledge is orthodox, while his doctrine of inspiration reflects influences from Schwenckfeld and Arndt. His thought as to antecedent grace appears rooted in Augustine. In so far as he assigns the operation of grace to the Spirit, Rahtmann coincides with Schwenckfeld. By disavowing the permanent immanence of the Spirit in the word, Rahtmann was in accord with Luther and nearly all the Lutheran theology down to that time; but in that he could not apprehend Scripture to be an effectual vehicle of the divine grace, he fell away from the religious type of Lutheranism.

Because of the views above set forth, Rahtmann became the object of vehement attacks. His significance in the history of theology inheres in the fact that he, for the first time, made the divine Word, in its aspect of a means of grace, the main theme of theological discussion, and thus led the way toward creating a specific and formally elaborated doctrine of this matter within the pale of Lutheran orthodoxy.

R. H. GR�TZMACHER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. H. Gr�tzmacher, Wore and Geist, pp. 220-261, Leipsic, 1902; G. Arnold, Fortsetzung . . . der Kirchen und Ketzer-Historie, Frankfort, 1729; J. G. Watch, Einleitung in die Religiansstreitigkeiten der evangelisch-lutheriachen Kirchen, parts i. and iv., Leipsic, 1733-1739; Engelhardt, in ZHT, 1854; E. Bch., Geschichte der evangelischen kirche Danzigs, Danzig, 1863. For an outline of Rahtmann's works and of those which were in criticism of them cf. J. Moller, Cimbria literata, vol. iii., Copenhagen, 1744; J. G. Watch, Bibliotheca theologia selecta, vol. ii., Jena, 1758.

 

RAIKES, r�ks, ROBERT: Founder of Sundayschools; b. at Gloucester Sept. 14, 1735; d. there Apr- 5, 1811. His father was a printer and the publisher of the Gloucester Journal; at his death in 1757 the son Robert succeeded to the business. The latter manifested an interest in philanthropic movements, and in 1768 inserted in his paper an appeal in behalf of the prisoners at Gloucester. John Howard (q.v.) visited Gloucester in 1773 and spoke favorably of him. His attention was early drawn to neglect in the training of children. The suggestion upon which he started his movement is variously described. He himself mentions an interview with a woman who pointed out a crowd of idle ragamuffins, and he is said to have taken a hint from a dissenter, William King, who had set up a Sundayschool at Dursley. With Thomas Stock, a curate of a neighboring parish, who had started a Sundayschool at Ashbury, Berkshire, he engaged a woman as teacher of a school at a shilling and sixpence weekly. Raikes afterward established a school in his own parish, St. Mary le Crypt, July, 1780, a notice of the success of which he published in his paper, Nov., 1783, arousing many inquiries. This became the starting-point for a far-reaching movement. By 1786 it was said that 200,000 children were being taught in English Sunday-schools, and in Apr., 1785, a London society was organized for the establishment of these institutions, which ten years later had 65,000 scholars. The movement spread rapidly, gaining favor within and without the churches. At Christmas, 1787, Raikes was admitted to an interview with the queen, which resulted in the opening of schools which were graciously visited by George III., and copied by Hannah More (q.v.) in Somerset. Raikes owes his fame as the founder of Sunday-schools to the development of a sense of the need for instruction for children and to his use of his position as publicist in spreading a knowledge of his cheap and successful expedient.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Gregory, Robert Raikes, Journadist and Philanthropist. Hist. of the Origin of Sunday Schools, London, 1877; J. Ivmey, Memoir of William Foxs, London, 1831; G. Webster, Memoir of R. Raikes, Nottingham, 1873; P. M. Eastman, Robert Raikes and Northamptonshire Sunday Schools, London, 1880; Robert Raikes: the Man and his work. Biographical Notices collected by Josiah Harris, ed. J. H. Harris, London, 1899; J. H. Harris, Robert Raikes, London, 1900; DNB, xlvii. 168-170; and the literature under SUNDAY-SCHOOLS.

RAIMUNDUS, rai'mun'dus, DE SABUNDE (RAYMUND SABIEUDE): Spanish physician and educator; b. at Barcelona toward the close of the fourteenth century; d. at Toulouse in 1437. He was a teacher of medicine and philosophy and later of theology at Toulouse 1430-32, and rector of the high school at that place 'until 1437. Trithemius places the time of his literary activity a. 1430. His fame rests upon a remarkable religious philosophical work, the earliest Parisian manuscript (in translation) of which places the date of the original at 1434-36. Originally in Spanish, it appeared in a Latin translation, Theologia naturalis seu liber creaturarum (first, as Liber natur� sive creaturarum, about 1484; Deventer, before 1488; Strasburg, 1496; French transl., by M. de Montaigne, La Th�ologie naturelle, Paris, 1569). The theology of the Middle Ages had been dominated by the distinction made by Augustine between "light of nature" and "light of grace." The latter, more or less in the aseendency, supported itself by a Platonic, realistic formulation, giving to reason a place for logical guidance, metaphysical cognition (even of the idea of God), and ethical instinct (Anselm, Aquinas). Formal dogmatism came to deny to speculation the liberty to investigate on its own account; but emboldened by the Arabian Aristotelian philosophy, speculation arrayed itself against dogmatism, with the result that reason and faith were ranged as irreconcilable opposites (William of Occam, q.v.). Reason was reduced to the office of mere formal dialectic, while theology was represented as having nothing to do with reason and no claim to classification, but at most to an insight into incomprehensible articles of belief. At this point arose natural theology to effect a union in the divided field of human thought, by providing a rational substructure to the doctrines of revelation.

While orthodoxy represented faith and knowledge, grace and reason, doctrine and self-knowledge, as antitheses only for imperfect human thinking, yet by its deficient methods it never consummated their harmony. Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully (see LULLY, RAYMUND). Not employing the term "natural theology" himself, his work must not be confused with modern representations of the same title. Far from implying a separation of the rational and the illumination of faith, and not disavowing the necessity of the latter, he takes over the main body of traditional theology. After the medieval method, separating neither the dogmatic from the ethical nor the natural from the supernatural, he, nevertheless, exceeded all previous similar efforts in clearness and unity of presentation. What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. As to subject matter the two cover the same ground. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man, the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfilment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self-consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practises of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund's analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises. This accounts for his forced defense of a long array of Catholic institutions, along side of his rational justification of the doctrines of redemption and ethics, such as indeed can be founded neither on the book of nature nor the Bible. In his zeal to unify reason and faith, their deeper antitheses remained for him undiscovered. Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason. [Michael Servetus (q.v.) was deeply indebted to Raimundus. Cf. R. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, pp. 12 sqq. (London, 1877). A. H. N.]

(K. SCHAARRSCHMIDT.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Holberg, De theologia naturali Raymundi de Sabunde, Halle, 1843; D. Matzke, Die nat�rliche Theologie des Raymundus von Sabunde, Breslau, 1840; Rothe, Dissertatio de Raymundo de Sabunde, Zurich, 1848; M. Huttler, Die Religionsphilosophie des Raimund von Sabunde, Augsburg, 1851; C. C. L. Kleiber, , Berlin, 1858; F. Nitzsch, in ZHT, 1859, pp. 393-135; O. Z�ckler, Theologies naturalis, i. 40-48, Frankfort, 1880; A. Stackl, Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, ii. 1055-78, Mainz, 1885; D. Beulet, Un inconner cel�bre; recherches historiques et critiques, Sur Raymond de Sabunde, Paris, 1875; F. Cicchetti-Sunani, Sopra Raim. S., teologo, filosofo a medico del secolo xv., Aquila, 1889; J. E. Erdmann, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, i. 444-459, Berlin, 1878, Eng. transl.. London, 1893; KL, x. 757-758.

 

RAINBOW BIBLE. See BIBLE TEXT, L, 3, 4.

RAINOLDS, JOHN. See REYNOLDS (RAINOLDS), JOHN.

 

RAINSSFORD, r�nz'ford, WILLIAM STEPHEN: Protestant Episcopalian; b. in Dublin, Ireland, Oct 30, 1850. He received his education at St. John's College, Cambridge (B.A., 1872); was curate of St. Giles, Norwich, England, 1873-76; traveled in the United States and Canada as missionary; was assistant rector of St. James Cathedral, 1876-83; and rector of St. George's Church, New York, 1883-1905. He is the author of Sermons Preached in St. George's Church (New York, 1887); The Church's Opportunity in the City Today (1895); Good Friday Meditation (1901); Reasonableness of Faith and Other Addresses (1902) ; A Preacher's Story of his Work (1904); and The Land of the Lion (1909).

 

RAINY, ROBERT: United Free Church of Scotland; b. at Glasgow Jan. 1, 1826; d. at Melbourne, Australia, Dec. 21, 1906. He was educated at the university of his native city (M.A., 1843) and New College, Edinburgh (graduated 1848). He was minister of the Free Church at Huntly, Aberdeenshire (1851-54), and of the Free High Church, Edinburgh (1854-62); professor of church history in New College (1862-1900), and principal after 1874. In theology he was an Evangelical Protestant, and was the leader in the union of the Free and the United Presbyterian churches of Scotland. He wrote Life of William Cunningham (in collaboration with J. Mackenzie; London, 1871) ; Three Lectures on the Church of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1872); The Delivery and Development of Christian Doctrine (Cunningham lectures; 1874); The Bible and Criticism (London, 1878); The Epistle to the Philippians (1893); and The Ancient Catholic Church (Edinburgh, 1902).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. C. Simpson, The Life of Principal Rainy, 2 vols., London, 1909; R. Mackintosh, Principal Rainy, a Biographical Study, ib. 1907.

 

RALEIGH, re'le, ALEXANDER: Congregationalist; b. at The Flock (a farmhouse near Castle Douglas, 65 m. s. of Glasgow), Scotland, Jan. 3, 1817; d. in London Apr. 19, 1880. He came of Covenanting stock; when fifteen years of age was apprenticed to a draper; in 1835 removed to Liverpool, where he began to study for the ministry, entering Blackburn College in 1840; he became pastor of the church at Greenock 1845, but ill-health compelled his resignation in 1847, and for two years he traveled in search of health; in 1850 he accepted a call to Rotherham; then removed to the charge, of the West George Street Independent Chapel, Glasgow, 1855; and in 1858 became pastor of Hare Court Chapel, Canonbury, London, and soon rose to eminence and great usefulness; in 1865 be was one of the English delegates to the National Council of Congregational Churches held at Boston, where his tact was displayed and his fine sense received recognition. He was twice president of the Congregational Union, in 1868 and in 1879; in 1876 he became pastor of the Kensington Congregational Church. He was the author of: Quiet Resting Places and Other Sermons (Edinburgh, 1863); The Story of Jonah the Prophet (1866); Christianity and Modern Progress (London, 1868); The Little Sanctuary, and Other Meditations (1872); The Book of Esther (Edinburgh, 1880); Thoughts for the Weary and the Sorrowful (ed. his wife, Mary Raleigh; 2 series, 1882-1894); From Dawn to the Perfect Day. Sermons (1883). Some of these passed through many editions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Mary Raleigh, Alexander Raleigh, Records of his Life, Edinburgh, 1881; DNB, xlvii. 207-208.

RAMABAI, ram'a-bai, SARASVATI: Hindu educator; b. in 1858 in the forests of Southern India, the daughter of a learned Brahmin, Ananta Shastri. Her father had educated her mother and then his two daughters and his son in Indian lore, and Ramabai, being remarkably gifted, so drank in this knowledge that, while still young, she became a pundit. Her father was once comparatively rich, but lost his property and also became blind. In poverty, oftentimes in dire need, the family led a wandering life and Ramabai saw her parents and her sister, who was older than she, die of starvation. She and her brother became lecturers upon the importance of female education, and their fortunes improved. But then he died and Ramabai was left alone. However, she had by that time acquired quite a reputation, and was received with honor in the highest circles. In 1880 she married in Calcutta Bipin Bihari Medhavi, a fellow of Calcutta University and a practising lawyer. In nineteen months she was a widow, with an infant daughter. She then resumed her lecturing on behalf of the education of Indian women and in Poona established the Areja Mahita Somaj, a society of ladies with this object and that of discouraging child-marriage. In 1883 she went to England. There she was converted and for three years taught Sanscrit in the Ladies' College at Cheltenham. In 1886 she visited America and raised much money by lecturing and through the associations which her friends formed, so that on her return to India in 1889 she was able to realize her ambition and to open in Bombay an unsectarian school for high-caste Hindu girls, especially child-widows. This school she removed to Poona in 1891. She carries it on without any religious tests, but, as was to be expected, many of her pupils have become Christians. Its influence has been most beneficent.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Pundita Ramabai Sarasvati, The HighCaste Hindu Woman, new ed., London, 1890; Helen S. Dyer, Pandita Ramabai: The Story of her Life, New York, 1900, 2d ed., 1910.

 

RAMADAN: The ninth month of the Mohammedan year, observed as a fast. According to Surah ii. of the Koran the method of observance is total abstinence from food during the day, but eating may be indulged during the night and until it is possible to distinguish a white thread from a black one by natural fight. It is customary for the leisure classes to make the daytime a period for sleep, the nights being seasons of feasting and revelry. The three days following the fast are days of feasting, and are called the Little Beiram. See MOHAMMED, MOHAMMEDANISM, IV., � 3.

RAMANUJA. Hindu philosopher. See INDIA, I, 2, � 2.

 

RAMBACH, ram'bak: A Thuringian family of theologians.

1. Johann Jacob: B. at Halle Feb. 24, 1693; d. at Giessen Apr. 19, 1735. After a period of study at the University of Halle, in the summer of 1715, he assisted Johann Heinrich Michaelis in the prepara tion of his Hebrew Bible. As a result of these labors commentaries by Rambach on Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Nehemiah, and II Chronicles were published in the Uberiores annotationes in hagiographos V. T. libros. In 1719 Rambach went to Jena and continued his studies under Franz Buddeus. He at the same time qualified as an instructor and gave exegetical lectures that were received with great enthusiasm. He also included dogmatic theology in his instruction, and began his extensive literary activities. In 1723 he was called as a member of the theological faculty at Halle and was made full professor in 1727, where he lectured to large classes and preached on alternate Sundays. He accepted, in 1731, the position of first professor of theology and first superintendent at Giessen, and in 1732 was made director of the Padagogium at Giessen.

Rambach was an exceptionally learned and in dustrious theologian, whose numerous productions went through many editions. This popularity may be explained by the position that he took between Pietism and the Wolfian philosophy. His religious and theological thinking took its start from Pietism, but he had in addition a love of science and system and a spiritual independence and moderation that were foreign to Pietistic circles, and these qualities he owed to Wolf's influence. His sermons have been regarded as models.

Rambach has also significance as a hymnologist. He not only made collections but wrote many hymns. His poetic talent was not slight. The best of his productions are marked by depth of thought and of feeling, and no small number may be counted as the best of the time.

The works for which he is most celebrated are Introductio historico-theologica in epistolam Pauli ad Romanos (Halle, 1727); Commentatio hermeneutica de sensus mystici criteriis (Jena, 1728); Exercitationes herrneneutic� (1728); Commentatio theologica (2d ed., Halle, 1732); Collegium histories ecclesiastic� Veteris Testamenti (2 vols., Frankfort, 1737); Collegium introductorium historico-theologicum (2 vols., Halle, 1738). But the most celebrated are his Betrachtngen which cover several phases of the life and death of Christ, collected in various editions, one of the latest being Betrachtungen �ber das ganze Leiden Christi and die sieben letzten Worte des gekreuzigten Jesu (Basel, 1865; partial Eng. transl. of earlier issue, Meditations and Contemplations on the Sufferings of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 2 vols., London, 1763; abridgments or excerpts, London, 1760, York, 1819, and London, 1827).

2. Friedrich Eberhard: B. at Pfullendorf .near Gotha 1708; d. at Breslau Aug. 16, 1775. He and Johann Jacob (above) had the same, great grand father, and his father was Georg Heinrich Rambach, pastor at Pfullendorf. After studying theology at Halle, he taught in the Franeke P�dagogium (1730). In 1734 he went to C�nnern as associate pastor, and in 1736 was appointed pastor at Teupitz. His fame as a preacher steadily rose. In 1740 he was diakonus at the Marktkirche, Halle; in 1745 he preached at the Heiligengeiatkirche in Magdeburg; in 1751, was chief preacher at the cathedral; in 1756, first pastor of the Marktkirche, Halle, and inspector of the district of the Saal; and in 1766 he went to Breslau as chief counselor of the consistory and inspector of the principality of Breslau. He was an able philologist, well versed in theological science and a faithful servant of the church. He translated works on church history and theology into German from the English and French, prefixing exhaustive prefaces. His work in this field was of undeniable service to German theologians.

3. Johann Jacob II.: Son of the preceding; b. at Teupitz (25 m. a. of Berlin) Mar. 27, 1737; d. at Ottensen (a suburb of Hamburg) Aug. 6, 1818. He studied theology at Halle; taught in gymnasiums, 1759-1774, and was rector at Quedlinburg and chief preacher. In 1780 he became head pastor of St. Michaelis at Hamburg and in 1801 senior of the ministerium. As a theologian he stood in opposition to most of his contemporaries, holding fast to the Lutheran confession. Of his writings, mainly sermons, his Versuch einer pragmatischen Litterarhistorie (Halle, 1770) deserves special mention.

4. August Jacob: Son of the preceding; b. at Quedlinburg (40 m. a.e. of Brunswick) May 28, 1777; d. at Ottensen Sept. 7, 1851. He studied theology at Halle; on his return to Hamburg became, in 1802, diakonus at the church of St. Jacobi; in 1818, he succeeded his father as chief pastor at St. Michaelis; and in 1834 became senior of the ministerium. He became interested in hymnology at an early date, the first important result of his studies being Ueber Br. Martin Luthers Verdienst um den Kirehengesang (Hamburg, 1813). His Anthologie christlicher Gesange aus allen Jahrhunderten (6 vols., Altona and Leipaie, 1817-33) is a reliable work and is still indispensable in hymnological investigations. During the years 1833-42,, Rambach, with five colleagues, produced a hymnbook which is still used in Hamburg. His hymnological collections were given by his widow to the Hamburg city library.

(CARL BIRTHEAU.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: In general consult:. T. Hansen, Die Familie Rambach, Gotha, 1875; Julian, Hymnology, pp. 949-951.
On 1 consult: the autobiography in Hessisches Hebopfer, part vi., pp. 617 sqq., Giessen, 1735; J. P. Fresenius, Die wohlbelohnte Treue . . . als . . . J. J. Rambach gesehieden, Giessen, 1736 (funeral sermon, with sketch of the life by E. F. Neubauer); D. Biittner, Lebenslauf des J. J. Rambach, Frankfort, 1735; E. E. Koch, Geachichte des Kirehenliedes, iv. 521 eqq., 3d ed., Stuttgart, 1869; R. Rothe, Geschichte der Predigt, ed. Trampelmann, pp. 408 sqq., Bremen, 1881; ADB, xxvii. 196 sqq.
On 2 consult: J. J. Rambach (II.), Leben and Charakter F. E. Rambache, Halle, 1775; J. M. H. Daring, Die gelehrten Theolopen Deutschlands , iii: 427 aqq., Neustadt. 1833; ADB, xxviii. 763-764.
On 3 consult: A. J. Rambach, J. J. Rambach, nach seinem Leben and Verdienet geschildert, Hamburg, 1818; J. Geffeken, Die prosse St. Michaeliskirche in Hamburg, pp. 92 eqq., ib. 1862; J. H. Hock, Bilder aus der Geschichte der hamburgischen Kirche seit der Reformation, pp. 258 sqq., ib. 1900; ADB, xxvii. 201 sqq.
On 4 consult: C. Petersen, Memoria Augusti Jacobi Rambach, Hamburg, 1856; E. E. Koch, Geschichte des Kirchenliedes, vii. 70, 3d ed., Stuttgart, 1872; J. Geffeken, Die hamburgischen Niedersachaischen Gesangb�cher, pp. xxvii. sqq., Hamburg, 1857; ADB, xxvii. 193 sqq.

RAMMAN. See ASSYRIA, VII, � 4.

 

RAMMOHAN ROY, ram-mo-han': Hindu theist; b. at Radhanagar in Bengal, May 22, 1772 or 1774; d. in Bristol, England, Sept. 27, 1833. His father Ramkhant Roy, a man respected for his wealth and charazter, was a Vishnuite; his mother, Tarini, was the daughter of a priest of the Shakta sect. After finishing his elementary studies in Bengali, he was taught Persian, then the court language; at the age of ten he was sent to Patna to learn Arabic, and later to Benares to learn Sanskrit, returning to his father's home at about the age of fifteen. During these five years of absence he had changed his religious beliefs, accepted monotheism, and become opposed to idolatry. His father was entirely out of sympathy with these monotheistic ideas, and this opposition led Rammohan to leave his home the next year and to travel through different parts of India and even into Tibet. After about five years of wandering he was recalled by his father, but again left his home to reside in Benares, where he gained an extensive knowledge of Sanskrit, and still later learned to use English with accuracy and fluency. His first literary effort was in Persian, with the Arabic title Tahjat-ad-Muwahhiddin, "A Gift to Deists," teaching that all religions have in reality a common foundation, the oneness of God, but that they differ in their interpretation of him.

In 1814 the family took up its residence in Calcutta, and in 1815 Rammohan started the Atmiya Sabha (see INDIA, III., 1), a small association of kindred spirits, who, with him, engaged in the recitation of Vedic texts and theistic hymns. This association developed later into the Brahma Samaj (see INDIA, III., 1). His activity in favor of monotheism and against idolatry 'was intensified by opposition. Through publications and discussions he sought to prove that polytheism and idolatry were degraded forms of Hinduism and opposed to the higher teachings of the Vedas and Upanishads. He translated many Upanishads into Bengali, Hindi, and English in order to prove Hinduism to be essentially monotheistic. In 1811 he had witnessed the immolation of his brother's wife. At first he tried to persuade her from her terrible intention, but in vain. When, however, she felt the flames, her courage failed, and she attempted to escape, but her relations and the priests forced her to remain in the flames, her shrieks being drowned in the loud beating of drums. This horrible cruelty so impressed Rammohan Roy, that he resolved never to rest until the custom of Suttee should be no more. He saw his efforts, with those of Christian missionaries and others, succeed with the passing of the Government of India Act against Suttee, Dec. 4, 1829.

In Dec., 1821, he started the Sambad Kaumudi, a weekly paper, intended to advance the intellectual and moral welfare of the people, and later, in Per-Ian, the Mirat-al-Akhbar. These early efforts have given him the title of founder of native journalism in India. He has also been called the father of Bengali prose, as up to that time few Bengali prose works had appeared, and they of little merit. His prose works are mostly controversial, showing that the Shastras in their higher teachings are on the side of monotheism and against idolatry. He also composed religious songs that hold even to-day a high place in Bengali hearts.

During this period of residence in Calcutta he came much in contact with Europeans, including missionaries, and became familiar with the Bible, studying both the Hebrew and Greek. The ethics of the teachings of Christ deeply influenced him, resulting in his publishing the Precepts of Jesus, the Guide to Peace and Happiness. This. publication was followed by an unfortunate discussion on the doctrinal side of Christianity with the Baptist missionaries of Serampore. In 1828 the Atmiya Sabha, which he had founded, became the Brahma Sabha, later known as the Brahma Samaj, and under its enthusiastic leader many were drawn to a theistic belief. On Jan. 23, 1830, a building was consecrated for its use. In Nov., 1830, Rammohan Roy, now Raja Rammohan Roy, a title given him in 1829 by the Emperor of Delhi, set sail for England, where he died. He is entitled to the honor of being the first modern Brahman to cross the ocean.

JUSTIN E. ABBOTT.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best-known of his writings is Tahfatat-Muwahhiddin, or, a Gift to Deists, Eng. transl. Calcutta, 1884; his Eng. works were edited by Jogendra Chunder Ghose, 2 vols., ib. 1885-87, and appeared also with a transl. of the Tahfat-al-Muwahhiddin, Auahabad, 1908. For his life consult: Sophia D. Collett, The Life and Letters of Raja Rammohan Roy, London, 1900; the Memoir prefixed by T. Rees to the edition of the Precepts of Jesus, 1824; L. Carpenter, Review of the Labours, Opinions and Character of Rajah Rammohan Roy, London, 1833; W. J. Fox, A Discourse on the Occasion of the Death of Rajah Rammohan Roy, ib. 1833; Mary Carpenter, The Last Days . . . of Rajah Rammohan Roy, ib. 1888; K. S. Macdonald, Rajah Ram Mohun Roy, Calcutta, 1879; Nagendra Nath Chatterii, Life of Raja Rammohan Roy, Calcutta, 1880; Nanda Mohan Chatterii, Some Anecdotes from the Life of Raja Rammohan Roy, ib. 1881; Monthly Repository of Theology and General Literature, vols. xiii., xx.; and the literature under INDIA.

RAMPOLLA, ram-pel'la, DEL TINDARO, MARIANOO: Cardinal; b., of noble family, at Polizzi (40 m. s.e. of Palermo), Sicily, Aug. 17, 1843. He was educated at the Pontificia Accademia dei Nobili Ecclesiastici, Rome; was attached in 1889 to the Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, and shortly afterward was appointed domestic prelate to the pope. Six years later he was sent to Madrid, where he was acting papal nuncio, and in 1877 he was recalled to Rome as secretary of the Propaganda for the Oriental Rite, becoming secretary of the Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs in 1880. In 1882 he was consecrated titular archbishop of Heraclea and returned to Madrid as nuncio, where he was able to render important services to both the papal and the Spanish governments. He was created cardinal-priest of Santa Cecilia in 1887, and is also archpriest of the Basilica and prefect of the Congregation of the Fabric, and a member of the Congregations of the Inquisition, Consistory, Propaganda, Propaganda for the Oriental Rite, Rites, Studies, and Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. From 1887 to 1903 he was papal secretary of state, and in this office sought to further the restoration of the temporal power of the pope. He has written De cathedra Romana Beati Petri, Apostolorum principis (Rome, 1888); De authentico Romani Pontificis magisterio (1870); and Del Luogo dei martirio e del sepolcro dei Maccabei (1897).

 

RAMSAY, ram'z�, SIR WILLIAM MITCHELL: Church of Scotland layman; b. at Glasgow Mar. 15, 1851. He was educated at the universities of Aberdeen (M.A., 1871), Oxford (B.A., 1876), and G�ttingen. He was Oxford University traveling scholar (1880-82), research fellow of Exeter College, Oxford (1882-$7), and fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and professor of classical art and archeology in the University of Oxford (1885-86). Since 1886 he has been professor of humanity in the University of Aberdeen, where he was also Wilson fellow in 1901-05. He was elected honorary fellow of Exeter College in 1896 and of Lincoln College in the following year, and was lecturer in Mansfield College, Oxford, in 1891 and 1895, Levering lecturer at Johns Hopkins in 1894, Morgan lecturer at Auburn Theological Seminary in 1894, Rede lecturer in the University of Cambridge in 1906, and Gay lecturer at the Southwestern Theological Seminary in 1910.. In 1880-91, 1898, and 1901-05 he traveled extensively in Asiatic Turkey, and received the gold medal of Pope Leo XIII. in 1893, the Victoria gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society, and the L. W. Drexel gold medal for archeological exploration, University of Pennsylvania. He has written Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890); The Church in the Roman Empire before 180 A.D. (1893); The Cities and Bishops of Phrygia (2 vols., 1895-97); St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (1895); Impression's of Turkey (1897); Was Christ born at Bethlehem: (1898); Historical Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (1899); The Education of Christ (1902); The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia (1904); Pauline and Other Studies in Early Christian History (1906); The Cities of St. Paul, their Influence on his Life and Thought. The Cities of Eastern Asia Minor (1907); Luke the Physician, and Other Studies in the Hist. of Religion (1908); The Revolution in Constantinople and Turkey; a Diary (1909); The Thousand and One Churches (1909; in collaboration with Gertrude L. Bell); and Pictures of the Apostolic Church, its Life and Preaching (1910); and has edited Studies in the Hist. and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire (1906).

RAMUS, rd-m us', PETRUS (PIERRE DE LA RAMAE): French humanist; b. at Cuth, near Soissons (56 m. n.e. of Paris), 1515; d. at Paris Aug. 24, 1572. He studied at Paris under Johann Sturm, who lectured from 1529 to 1536 on the principles of Agricola. In the thesis for his ma&ter's degree, written at the age of twenty-one, Qu�cunque ab Aristotele dicta essent, commentitia esse, Ramus asserted the fallibility of the philosopher and aroused great excitement which was increased by the publication in 1543 of the Aristotelic� animadversiones and the Dialectic� institutiones, in which Ramus tried to show the inadequacy of the Aristotelian logic. Ramus' works were a protest against views like those of Peter Galland, according to which Aristotle's philosophy was in perfect accord with the Christian religion. An edict issued by Francis I. forbade Ramus to teach philosophy and consigned his books to the flames. Ramus taught rhetoric and mathematics at the college of Ave Maria until, after the death of Francis in 1545, the restraint was removed through the efforts of Charles of Lorraine, the friend and protector of Ramus. He was allowed to teach philosophy at the Collbge de Presles and in 1551 was made professor at the royal college.

Ramus was converted to Protestantism in 1561 after hearing Charles attempt to answer Beza. In the summer of 1562, when the Calvinists were banished from the city, Ramus found refuge with the dowager queen at Fontainebleau until the peace of Amboise, Mar. 10, 1563, permitted him to return. He resumed his work at the college. The persecution of the Reformed on the outbreak of the second civil war compelled Ramus to flee to the Huguenot camp at St. Denis, where he joined Cond� and Coligny in the war. He returned to Paris in 1568, after the peace, but the uncertainty of the situation induced him to ask leave of absence in order to visit foreign universities. He set out on his travels shortly before the outbreak of the third civil war. At Heidelberg, he occupied for a time the position of professor of ethics, but his Aristotelian opponents made his continuance in the place impossible, and in July, 1570, he returned to Paris. His former positions were occupied; he received, however, a pension from Charles IX. and Catherine de Medici, only to perish on St. Bartholomew's night.

Ramus was more humanist than philosopher. He reformed the traditional method of studying the classics, and infused life into what had been a tedious exercise, and his pedagogical method was adopted in the next century. Ramus wished also to free theology from the subtleties of scholasticism and to establish the Bible as the only standard in matters of faith. His theological views are given in his Commentariorum de religione Christiana libri quatuor, nunquam antea editi (with a biography by T. Banos, Frankfort, 1576). His influence was wide-spread until the latter half of the seventeenth century, when it was displaced by Cartesianism. Among his disciples were Caspar Olevianus and Johannes Piscator (qq.v.), the jurists Hieronymus Treutler and Johannes Althusius, the statesman Emdens, and John Milton.

(F. W. CUNO�.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: As sources, besides the life by Banos in Commentariorum, ut sup, consult: N. de Nascel, Vie de Ramus, Paris, 1599 (best); and J. T. Freigius, Vita P. Rami, in Ramus' Pr�lectiones in Ciceronis Orationes, Basil, 1574. Consult further: T. Spencer, The Art of Logick Delivered in the Precepts of Aristotle and Ramus ,London, 1656; A. Richardson, The Logicians Schoolmaster; or, a Comment upon Ramus' Logick, London, 1657; C. F. Lens, Lebensbeschreibung des Ramus, Wittenberg, 1713; P. Bayle, Dictionary Historical and Critical, pp. 834-842, London, 1737; C. Schmidt, La Vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm, Strasburg, 1855; C. Waddington, Ramus, sa vie, ses �crits et ses opinions, Paris, 1855; A. Saisset, Les Pr�curseurs de Descartes, Paris, 1862; C. Desmase, P. Ramus, . . . sa vie, ses �crits. sa mort, Paris, 1864; A. St�ckl, Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters, iii. 296 sqq., Mains, 1867; B. Chagnard, Ramus et ses opinions religieuses, Strasburg, 1869; P. Lobstein, Petrus Ramus als Theolog, Strasburg, 1878; J. Barni, Les Martyres de la libre pens�e, pp. 107-135, Paris, 1880; KL, x. 766-767; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 100-105 (worth consulting for the very full list of the writings of Ramus); American Journal of Education, xxiv. 131-134, xxx. 450-464; and the works on the history of philosophy.

RANC�, ARMAND LOUIS LE BOUTHILLIER DE. See TRAPPISTS.

 

RAND, WILLIAM WILBERFORCE: Reformed (Dutch); b. at Gorham, Me., Dec. 8, 1816; d. at Yonkers Mar. 3, 1909. He was graduated from Bowdoin College, 1837, and from Bangor Theological Seminary, 1840; licensed to preach as a Congregational minister, 1840; pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church of Canastota, N. Y., 1841-14; editor for the American Tract Society, New York, 1848-72; and publishing secretary of the same, 1872-1902. He was the author of Songs of Zion (New York, 1851; revised and enlarged, 1865); and Dictionary of the Bible for General Use (1860; enlarged and largely rewritten, 1886), which was prepared on the basis of Edward Robinson's Dictionary of the Holy Bible New York, 1845).

 

RANDALL, RICHARD WILLIAM: Church of England; b. in London Apr. 13, 1824; d. at Bournemouth (24 m. s.w. of Southampton) Dec. 23, 1906. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A., 1846), and was ordered deacon in 1847 and ordained priest in the following year. He was curate of Binfield (1847-51), rector of Woollavington with Graffham, Sussex (1851-68), and vicar of All Saints', Clifton (1868-92); and was dean of Chichester from 1892 till his retirement from active life in 1902. He was honorary canon of Bristol after 1891 and rural dean of Chichester after 1899, and was select preacher at Oxford in 1893-94. He was author of Life in the Catholic Church (London, 1889); Addresses and Meditations for a Retreat (1890); and Some Aspects of the Holy Eucharist, Communion, Sacrifice, Worship (1897).

 

RANDOLPH, ALFRED MAGILL: Protestant Episcopal bishop of southern Virginia; b. at Winchester, Va., Aug. 31, 1836. IIe was educated at William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Va. (B.A., 1855), and at the Theological Seminary of Virginia (graduated 1858). He was ordered deacon in 1858 and ordained priest in 1860; was rector of St. George's, Fredericksburg, Va. (1860-62), chaplain in the Confederate Army until the close of the Civil War; rector of Christ Church, Alexandria, Va. (1865-67), and of Emmanuel Church, Baltimore, Md. (1867-83). He was consecrated bishop-coadjutor of Virginia (1883), and when this diocese was divided in 1892 into the two dioceses of Virginia and Southern Virginia, he became bishop of the newly erected see. He has written Reason, Faith, and Authority in. Christianity (New York, 1902).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. S. Perry, The Episcopate in America, p. 279, New York, 1895.

RANDOLPH, ran'delf, BERKELEY WILLIAM: Church of England; b. at Riverhead (20 m. s.e. of London), Kent, Mar. 10, 1858. He was educated at Haileybury and Balliol College, Oxford (B.A., 1879), and was ordered deacon in 1881 and priested in the following year. He was fellow of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury (1880-83), and principal of St. Stephen's House, Oxford (1884-85); and domestic chaplain to the bishop of Lincoln until 1890. He was then vice-principal of Ely Theological College for a year, and since 1891 has been principal of the same institution, as well as canon of Ely and examining chaplain to the bishop of Lincoln. Theologically he describes himself as a "Prayer Book Churchman," and has written The Law of Sinai, being devotional Addresses on the Ten Commandments (London, 1896); The Threshold of the Sanctuary, being short Chapters on Preparation for Holy Orders (1897); Meditations on the Old Testament for every Day of the Year (1899); The Psalms of David, with brief Notes for Use in Church or at Home (1900); The Example of the Passion (1901); Meditations on the New Testament for every Day of the Year (1902); The Virgin Birth of Our Lord (1903); Ember Thoughts (1903); The Empty Tomb (1906); Christ in the 'Old Testament (1907); Holy Eucharist-Sacrifice and Feast (1908); and Precious Blood of Christ (1909); and editions of J. Keble's Letters of Spiritual Counsel and Guidance (London, 1904), W. Laud's Private Devotions (1905), and Fenelon's Letters and Counsels (1906).

 

RANKE, ran'ke, ERNST KONSTANTIN: German Lutheran; b. at Wiehe (27 m. w.s.w. of Merseburg), Saxony, Sept. 10, 1814; d. at Marburg July 30, 1888. He was educated at the universities of Leipsic (1834-35), Berlin (1835-36), and Bonn (1836-37), and after being a private tutor for three years was called to the pastorate of Buchan in Upper Franconia, where he began to collect materials for his studies on the ancient pericopes of the Roman Catholic Church and the Latin translations of the Bible prior to Jerome. In 1850 he was called to Marburg as professor of church history and NewTestament exegesis, holding this position until his death. Ranke was an exceptionally gifted paleographist, his most important contribution here being his Codex Fuldensis Novi Testamenti Latine (Marburg, 1868), in which he showed that this manuscript, next to the Codex Amiatinus, was the chief witness for the New Testament of Jerome. He likewise rendered valuable service by his two editions of the oldest Marburg hymnal-Marburger Gesangbuch von 1549 mit verwandten Liederdrucken (Marburg, 1866, 1878). He was, at the same time, an admirable Latin poet, his models being the humanists, especially Konrad Celtes and Hugo Grotius, and his best work being shown in his Hor� lyric� (Vienna, 1873) and Rhythmica (1881). He also made a metrical translation of Tobit (Baireuth, 1847) and of selected poems of Paulus Melissus (Zurich, 1875), while his independent poems included his Lieder aus grosser Zeit (Marburg, 1872) and Die Schlacht am Teutoburger Walde (1876). Besides the works of Ranks already noted, mention may be made of the following: Das kirchliche Perikopensystem aus den �ltesten Urkunden der r�misehen Liturgie dargelegt and erl�utert (Berlin, 1847); Fragmenta versionis Latin� Antehieronymian� prophetarum, etc., a codice Fuldensi (4 parts, Marburg, 1856-68); Par palimpsestorum Wirceburgensium, antiquissim� Veteris Testamenti versionis Latin� fragmenta (Vienna, 1871); Cuecensia evangelii Lucani fragmenta Latina (Marburg, 1872); Chorgesdnge zum Preis der heiligen Elisabeth aus mittelalterlichen Antiphonarjen (Leipsic, 1883); and Antiquiseim� Veteria Testamenti versionis Latin� fragmenta Stutgardiana (Marburg, 1888).

(G. HEINRICI.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Hitzig, Ernst Constantin Ranks . . .Lebensbild, Leipsic, 1906; Chronik der Universitat Marburg, 1888-89, pp. 8-14; F. H. Ranks, Jugenderinnerungen, Stuttgart, 1886; G. Heinrici, Worte der Erinnerung . . . von E. K. Ranke, Marburg, 1888.

RANKIN, THOMAS: Methodist, friend of John Wesley; b. at Dunbar (27 m. e.n.e. of Edinburgh), Scotland, in 1738; d. in London May 17, 1810. He came of pious parentage, and was early inclined to enter the ministry; but when seventeen and after the death of his father, he was led into evil courses, from which he was startled by the devotions of some pious soldiers; later he came under the influence of Whitefield, and again thought of entering the ministry, but instead circumstances compelled, him to sail for America to engage in commercial pursuits; in 1759 he was again in his own country, accompanied a Methodist itinerant minister while visiting societies in the north of England, and then preached his first sermons. In 1761 he had interviews with John Wesley, and became officially connected with the Wesleyan ovement, often accompanying the leader on his journeys; in 1773 he was sent by Wesley to America, where he called the first Methodist conference held in America, and there, in the settlement of problems, Rankin took precedence of Francis Asbury (q.v.), holding the position of " general assistant." In 1778 he was again in England and remained at work till 1783, when at his request he was made a supernumerary. His mark on Methodism is less pronounced than that of others of his time, not because he was less pious or able, but rather because of inflexibility of temperament and deficiencies of education.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Autobiography was published in the Arminian Magazine, 1779. Consult further: W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, vii. 28-34, New York, 1861; and, in general, the works dealing with the early development of Methodism in England and America, mentioned under METHODISTS.

 

RANTERS: The name given by way of reproach to an antinomian sect of the Commonwealth period in England. See ANTINOMIANISM AND ANTINOMIAN CONTROVERSIES, I., � 6. The name was also at one time opprobriously applied to the Primitive Methodists, mainly because of the emphasis and loud tones employed in their preaching and responses. See METHODISTS, I., 4, IV., 9.

 

RAPHAEL, r�'fa-el: One of the seven (four) archangels of post-exilic Hebrew angelology (Tobit iii. 17, xii. 15; Enoch ix., xxi., xl. 2; Luke i. 19). See ANGEL, II., 1 1.

 

RAPHAEL BIBLE. See BIBLES, ILLUSTRATED.

RAPP, rap, JOHANN GEORG: Founder of the Harmony Society; b. at Iptingen, near Vaihingen (15 m. n.w. of Stuttgart), Nov. 1, 1757; d. at Economy, Pa., Aug. 7, 1847. He was a linen-weaver by trade and early came under influences of mysticism. By 1785 he had become a separatist and held aloof from the public worship and communion of the Church. By his declaration of his views and by his eloquence he attracted thousands who flocked to Iptingen. Their open opposition to the rites of the Church, refusal to send their children to the parochial schools, and independent worship called upon himself and his adherents restrictive measures from the government, incited by the ecclesiastics; but, meanwhile (1803), Rapp had gone to America to select a site for a settlement, whither he was followed the next year by 700 of his adherents. In Butler County, Pa., he established a colony called Harmony, presumably on a primitive apostolic model, organized on the basis of a community of industry and goods, celibacy, and chiliasm. Rapp was a man of superior ability, tireless industry, sincere piety, commanding eloquence, and practical skill, which is illustrated by the phenomenal success of the enterprise for a season. For the history of the enterprise see COMMUNISM, II., 6.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: See, in addition to the literature under COMMUNISM, 11., 6, C. Palmer, Die Gemeinschaften and Sekten W�tembergs, T�bingen, 1877; K. Knortz, Die christlich-kommunistische Kolonie der Rappisten, Leipsic, 1892.

 

RASHDALL, HASTINGS: Church of England; b. in London June 24, 1858. He was educated at New College, Oxford (B. A.,1881; M. A.,1884), and was ordered deacon in 1884 and ordained priest two years later. He was lecturer in St. David's College, Lampeter (1883-84), tutor in the University of Durham (1884,88), and fellow and lecturer of Hertford College, Oxford (1888-95). Since 1895 he has been fellow and tutor of New College, Oxford, and dean of divinity since 1903. He was chaplain and theological tutor at Balliol College, Oxford (1894-95), select preacher at Cambridge (1880-1901), and Oxford (1895-97), and preacher at Lincoln's Inn (1898-1903). In addition to contributing to Contentio Veritatis (London, 1902), he has written The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (2 vols., London, 1895); Doctrine and Development (university sermons; 1898); New College (in collaboration with R. S. Rait; 1901); Christus in Ecclesia (Edinburgh, 1904); The Theory of Good and Evil (1907); and Philosophy and Religion (Oxford, 1909).

RASHI, ra-sh�': French rabbi, commentator on Bible and Talmud; b. at Troyes (90 m. e.s.e. of Paris) in 1040; d. there July 13, 1105. The name Rashi is made up of the vocalized initials of his title and name, Rabbi Solomon (bar) Isaac. Because of his great natural endowments, he was sent at a very early age to a talmudic school in Mainz, over which Gershom had presided, where Jacob ben Yakar became his teacher; later, in the high school at Worms, he was a pupil of Isaac ben Eleazar Ha-Levi and Isaac ben Judah. After his return to his native city he was appointed rabbi, filling this position without remuneration until his death, and becoming celebrated far and wide as an authority on the Talmud.

In Rashi's time the sources for a commentary on the books of the Old Testament were very meager; he was therefore compelled to utilize very imperfect studies of Menahem ben Saru$ and Dunash ben Labral. At that period the French language was still in its very beginnings, so that it was impossible for Rashi to translate the finished Hebrew into that idiom; he was therefore forced to choose Hebrew for the expression of his ideas and theories. He wrote commentaries on all the books of the Old Testament except I and II Chronicles, Nehemiah, and the second part of Job; these were annotated by the adherents of his school. Starting with the Massoretic text, which he scrupulously followed, Rashi treats the exegetical difficulties in a clear, literal, and simple manner. He solves lexicographical problems by analogous cases and grammatical difficulties by the citation of a similar or allied form. Repeatedly he emphazises his view that the simple natural sense of the Biblical passages should be accepted, and (on Gen. iii. 8) declares as his sole purpose to explain Scripture in its literal sense; even the Song of Solomon was so treated. His desire to give the natural Sense explains his frequent reference to the targum of Onkelos; wherever "according to its targum" occurs, the targum of Onkelos is meant. The tasgum to the prophets is also used, and Rashi finds it far superior to Onkelos. Nevertheless, the influence of the traditional Midrash exegesis with its spiritualized and mystic interpretation was too powerful in France in the eleventh century for Rashi to escape its influence altogether; but his sound judgment and fine tact usually led him to choose the one among the many explanations which came nearest to the literal sense. In many cases, indeed, Rashi expressly reqtiires the haggadic interpretation (e.g., in Gen. i. 1), but sometimes the simple exposition is followed by the most contradictory comments, so that Rashi seems only partly to have attained the high aim he proposed to himself. This is partly due to the minuteness of his exegesis. Moreover, since he clings closely to the literal sense of the words, he is not successful in interpreting continuous passages, neither does he attempt to explain any miracle. Karl Siegfried (in Archiv f�r wissenschaftliche Erforschung des A. T.'s, I., 428 sqq., II., 39 sqq.) has shown Rashi's influence over Nicolaus of Lyra and Luther, especially in the exposition of Genesis.

Rashi surpasses all his predecessors as an expositor of the Talmud. With a few well-chosen words he illuminates the obscurity of the often in comprehensible text. The readings he proposed are still authoritative and he is an indispensable aid to those who study the Talmud. Menahem ben Zerah justly remarks in his work Zedah la-Derek ("Viaticum"; Ferrara, 1554) that without Rashi the Babylonian Talmud would be as much neglected as is the Jerusalem Talmud. The commentary to Bereshith rabba ascribed to Rashi is not his work but that of an Italian contemporary. On his death in 1105, he left a flourishing school of disciples who continued his work and brought it to a close, always in his spirit.

(A. W�NSCHE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The commentary on the Pentateuch was fist printed at Reggio, 1475, then at Soncino, 1487, new critical ed., by A. Berliner, Berlin, 1866; the first ed. of the commentary on the 0. T. was Venice, 1525, under the title Mikraolh Gedholoth. For full information of editions of the commentary or parts cf. J. F�rst, Bibliotheca Judaaca, ii. 78 sqq., Leipsic, 1863; cf. JE, x. 325-326. The first ed. of the commentary on the Talmud was Venice, 1520-22. On Rashi consult: M. Liber. Rashi, Philadeiphia, 1906; JR. x. 324-328; L. Zuns, in Zeitschrift f�r die Wiseenschaft des Judenthums, 1823, pp. 277-384; J. M. Jost, Gesehichte der lsraeliten, v. 243-248, 375-376, Berlin, 1822; H. Gr�tz, Geschichte der Juden, vi. 64 sqq., Leipsic, 1894; A. Berliner. Beitrage sur Geschichte der Raschi-Kommentare, Berlin, 1903.

RASKOLNIKS. See RUSSIA, II.

 

RASLE, rel (RASLES, RAZE, RALLE), SEBASTIEN: French Jesuit missionary to the North American Indians; b. at D81e (180 m. s.e. of Paris) in 1658; d. at Norridgewock, Me., Aug. 12 (23, new style), 1724. He arrived in Quebec Oct 13, 1689, and after laboring in the Abenaki mission of St. Francis, near the Falls of the Chaudi�re, seven miles above Quebec, and in the Illinois country, among the Algonquins (1691 or 1692), he returned to the Abenakis (1693 or, 1694), and finally settled at Norridgewock on the Kennebec. There he built a chapel (1698), and acquired so much influence among the Abenakis, that he was popularly believed to have incited them to attack the Protestant settlers on the coast. A price was set upon his head. In 1705, 1722, and 1724 Norridgewock was attacked by the settlers, with the result that the first time the chapel was burnt; the second time the rebuilt chapel and Rasle's house were pillaged, and his papers carried off, among them a manuscript dictionary of Abenaki, now in Harvard College library, printed in the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, ed. with introduction and notes, John Pickering (Cambridge, 1833); and, the third time, he and seven Indians who had undertaken to defend him were killed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult the Memoir by C. Francis in J. Sparks, Library of American Biography, 25 vols., Boston, 1834-47; the massive Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, ed. R. G. Thwaites, 73 vols., Cleveland, O., 1896-1902; and literature under JESUITS; and INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, MISSIONS TO.

 

RASMUSSEN, ras-mu'sen, CHRISTIAN VILHELM: Danish missionary to Greenland; b. in Skrodsbj�irg near Kj�ge (28 m. s.w. of Copenhagen), Denmark, Nov. 25, 1846. He was educated at Herlufsholm (B.A., 1865) and Copenhagen (Candidate in Theology, 1872) ; was missionary in Jakobs havn in the northern part of Greenland (1873 1895), having charge for about fifteen years of the missionary work in the colony of Umanak and oversight of the work in Egedesminde. On his return to Denmark, he was appointed provost of Lynge and Uggelöse (1896); since 1904 he has been lector, giving instruction to the Greenlandic catechists; he also assists the bishops and the minister of state in matters pertaining to church and eduction in Greenland. Besides translating Balslev's Bible History (first Danish ed., 1844) into Greenlandic, he has written a valuable Greenlandic grammar, Gronlandsk Sprogl�re (Copenhagen, 1888), and, with J. Kjer, has given philology its first Danish Greenlandic dictionary, Dansk-Gr�nlandsk Ordbog (1893). In the new Greenlandic Bible, the translation of the books from Joshua to Esther is his work.

JOHN 0. EVJEN.

RATHERIUS, ra''-ther' �-us: Bishop of Verona; b. near Lifge shortly after 887; d. at Namur (36 m. s.e. of Brussels) 974. As a child of five he entered the monastery of Laubach in Hennegau, but showed the genius of neither a scholar nor a monk. In 926 he accompanied his abbot, Hilduin, to Italy, where the latter's cousin, King Hugo, attracted by the young monk's learning and moral character, promised him the diocese of Verona. His lack of subservience, however, evidently delayed fulfilment of the promise, for it was not until 931, while Ratherius was apparently fatally ill, that Hugo made the formal appointment. Ratherius recovered only to be in strained relations both with the king and with his see; and when, in 935, Arnulf of Bavaria had attacked Verona with the traitorous connivance of Ratherius, and had been repulsed, the bishop was imprisoned at Pavia. Here he com posed his Pr�loquia, moralizing sermons and admonitions to conversion and repentance. In 936 Ratherius was released, but return to Verona was impracticable, and after some three years in the custody of Azo, bishop of Como, he fled to Provence. Sympathy he found in abundance, but no assistance in regaining his diocese; and he was obliged to act as private tutor to a young Provencal, in this capacity writing a grammar (now lost) entitled Sparadorsum ("Spare-Back "). This, together with a biography of Ursmar, sometime abbot of Laubach, opened to Ratherius the doors of his old monastery; but it soon became clear that he could no longer be a monk, and, with the encouragement of Hugo, he started to return to Verona. Before he could reach his see city, he was captured by Hugo's enemy, Berengar, but a few weeks later was reinstated in his diocese (946). He was unable, however, to control the see, and two years later was expelled by the king. He now wandered from place to place, vainly seeking assistance and recognition, until he bitterly returned to Laubach, where he addressed three fruitless letters of appeal to Pope Agapetus II., the bishops of Italy, France, and Germany, and all the faithful. In 952 he gladly left Laubach for the royal court of Otto I., where his talents were recognized and his faults obscured by his surroundings. He was soon appointed bishop of Li�ge, but again he proved his complete unfitness for the episcopate, and, before two years had passed, he was removed from his see. In protest he now composed his Conclusio deliberativa, and at Mainz he collected twenty of his letters and other earlier writings in the Phrenesis, a protest against his loss of both Verona and Li�ge. In 955 he became abbot of the little monastery of Alna, a daughter house of Laubach. Here he wrote his Excerptum ex dialogo confessionali, in which he advocated the eucharistic teachings of Paschasius Radbertus (see RADBERTUS, PASCHASIUS). This attitude, however, provoked opposition, and he accordingly defended himself in his Epistola ad Patricum, in which he upheld the doctrine of transubstantiation, though without materially advancing the development of the dogma.

At Alna Ratherius still longed for a wider sphere of activity. Li�ge and Laubach remained closed to him, but in 961 Otto restored him to his see of Verona, where he was soon charged by his clergy with having connived at the robbery of the relics of St. Bruno, his reply, the Invectiva, being but a lame defense. The opposition continued, though in his De contemptu canonum he endeavored to strengthen his episcopal position. But his courage failed at last, and spiritual distress found expression in his De proprio lapsu and De otioso sermone. His mistrust and his opponents' hatred alike in creased; Ratherius declared the ordinations of his rival, Milo, invalid, and was forced to retract; his cordial reception at the court of the two Ottos at Verona in 967 failed to restore his prestige; and in 968 an imperial tribunal decided against his administration, wh